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BACCHYLIDES 


THE POEMS AND FRAGMENTS 


CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 
C. F. CLAY, MANAGER. 
London: FETTER LANE, E.C. 
_ Glasgow: so, WELLINGTON STREET. 


Leipsig: F. AJ. BROCKHAUS. 
Rew Bork: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 
Bombay and Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltn. 


[AZ Rights reserved] 


BACCHY LIDES 


THE POEMS AND FRAGMENTS 


EDITED 


WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND PROSE TRANSLATION 


BY 


Sir RICHARD (Ὁ. JEBB 


REGIUS PROFESSOR OF GREEK AND FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE 
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE 


CAMBRIDGE : 
at the University Press 


£995 


NOTE. 


The Syracusan coin known as the Damareteion, struck in 479 B.C., is reproduced 
on the cover from the example in the British Museum. Damareta, wife of Gelon, 
caused this commemorative medal to be issued in silver, defraying the cost from a 
large gift of gold made to her by the Carthaginians, whom she had helped to obtain 
favourable terms of peace after their defeat at Himera in 480. The Damareteion 
weighed ten Attic drachms, or fifty Sicilian litrae (Diod. ΧΙ. 26); which is precisely 
the weight,—found in no other early Sicilian coin,—of the piece in our Museum. 

Obverse. A \aurel-wreathed head, probably that of Nike. The dolphins, emblems 
of the sea (cp. Bacchylides xvi. 97f.), perhaps suggest the maritime city. Reverse. 
A quadriga, crowned by a winged Nike, with allusion to Gelon’s victory at Olympia 
in 488 B.c. It recalls the phrase in which Bacchylides addresses Hieron as Συρακοσίων 
ἱπποδινάτων στραταγέ (Vv. 1f., 4768B.C.). Below, a lion, the symbol of Africa, z.e. of 
vanquished Carthage. 


PREFACE. 


HE Bacchylides papyrus was brought from Egypt to the 

British Museum in the autumn of 1896; and the editio 
princeps, by Dr F. G. Kenyon, appeared in 1897. We have 
thus acquired a large body of work by an author previously 
known only through scanty fragments; and the value of that 
acquisition is enhanced by the class to which it belongs. Of all 
the poets who gave lyric expression to Greek feeling and fancy 
in the interval between the age of Epos and the age of Drama, 
Pindar alone, before this discovery, could be estimated in the 
light of considerable remains. The fragments of the rest, 
exquisitely beautiful as they sometimes are, afford little more 
than glimpses of the genius and the art which produced them. 
Now there is a second representative of Greek song who can be 
judged by a series of complete compositions. Bacchylides has, 
of course, no pretension to be a poet of the same order as 
Pindar ; it might rather be said that part of the interest which 
he possesses for us arises from the marked difference of poetical 
rank. In reading his odes, so elegant, so transparently clear, so 
pleasing in their graceful flow of narrative, often. so bright in 
their descriptive touches, and at moments so pathetic, we feel 
that this is a singer who, moving in a lower sphere than Pindar, 
must also have been more immediately intelligible to the 
common Hellenic sense. The great Theban master makes no 
concealment of a haughty consciousness that his inmost appeal 
is to the few. This Ionian, if once he likens himself to an eagle 
—using a conventional simile germane to the style of an 
epinikion,—is truer to his own spirit when he describes himself 
as ‘the nightingale of Ceos.’ He brings home to us the existence 
and acceptance in Pindar’s time of a lyric poetry which, without 


vi PREFACE. 


attaining or attempting the loftier heights, could give a quiet 
pleasure to the average Greek hearer or reader. There is reason 
to suppose that, if the fame of Bacchylides in his own day was 
not conspicuous, at least his popularity was extensive ; and it is 
known that he continued to be widely read down to the sixth 
century of our era. 

‘He certainly deserves to find readers in the modern world 
also. Not only is his work attractive in itself; it is a good 
introduction to the study of Greek lyric poetry: in particular, I 
believe that students would find it helpful in facilitating the 
approach to Pindar. The text of Bacchylides is uniformly easy, 
except in those places where the manuscript is defective or 
corrupt. The contents abound in matter of poetical and 
mythological interest ;—Croesus, saved from the pyre to which 
he had doomed himself, and carried by Apollo to the Hyper- 
boreans ; Heracles meeting the shade of Meleager in the nether 
world, listening to the story of that hero’s fate, and forming the 
resolve which is to seal his own ; the daughters of Proetus driven 
by the Argive Hera from Tiryns, and healed by Artemis at 
Lusi; Theseus, diving after the ring of Minos, and welcomed by 
Amphitrite in the halls of Poseidon. 

It is by considerations such as these that the scope of the 
present edition has been determined. I have endeavoured to 
combine criticism and interpretation with a treatment of the poems 
as literature ; and thus to contribute, though it be only a little, 
towards obtaining for them that place in our Greek studies 
which they appear well fitted to hold. For such a purpose it 
was not enough to explain and illustrate the odes themselves ; 
it was necessary also to aim at conveying some idea of the 
surroundings amidst which the poet worked, of his relation to 
contemporaries, and of his place in the historical development of 
the Greek lyric. 

Owing to mutilations of the papyrus, gaps of various sizes 
are frequent in the text. Sometimes there is no clue to the 
sense of the lost words or verses, and conjecture would be vain ; 
as in Ode VIII. 56-61, XIV. 7-14, 32-36, and elsewhere. Again, 
there are numerous instances in which a small defect can 
be supplied with certainty, as in I. 31 ἔπλετο καρτε]ρόχειρ, 


PREFACE. vii 


or XIX. 5 θρασυκάρίδιος Ἴδας. But there are also two other 
classes of lacuna, intermediate between these. (1) In some 
passages, where a few verses have been lost or greatly mutilated, 
traces remain, which, with the context, sufficed to indicate the 
general sense of the lost portions. See, eg., Ode XII, note on 
168-174. There are several cases of this class in which the 
evidence is sufficiently clear and precise to justify an attempt at 
showing how the defective text could be completed. But it 
should be clearly understood that wherever, in this edition, 
a supplement is suggested under such conditions, it is offered 
only as an z//ustration of the sense to which the evidence points, 
and not as a restoration of the text. Such a supplement is 
merely an adjunct of interpretation, giving a definite and 
coherent form to the presumable meaning of the passage as a 
whole. The following are examples :—III. 41-43, 72-74; IV. 7- 
12; VIII. 89-96; ΙΧ. I-8, 20-26, 54-56. (2) Another class of 
lacuna is that in which only a few syllables are wanting, while 
the limits within which a supplement can be sought appear to 
be narrowly defined alike by the sense and by the metre. A 
typical example will be found in Ode Xv. I, and another in 
Vill. 20. See also I. 32, 34; VI. 3;\XII. 226f.; XVIII. 33, 35, 36, 
38, 50. Small problems of this nature may be said to form a 
characteristic feature of the Bacchylidean text as it now exists. 
Among those to whom my acknowledgments are due, the 
first is Dr F. G. Kenyon, to whose editio princeps of Bacchylides Ὁ 
I had the privilege of contributing some suggestions. It would 
be difficult for me adequately to express how much I have been 
indebted to him for help during the progress of this book. 
In places where the papyrus is defective, the lines on which 
any tentative restoration can proceed must often depend on 
exceedingly minute indications, perhaps on the ambiguous traces 
of a single letter. It has frequently happened that, when 
working with the autotype facsimile published in 1897, I have 
had to consult Dr Kenyon with regard to the possible interpre- 
tations of some faint vestige as it appears in the original papyrus, 
or to re-examine it in his company at the British Museum. 


1 To make this clear, in the few instances where such supplements are suggested 
they are printed in a Greek type smaller than that of the text. 


Vili PREFACE. 


For the invariable kindness with which he has given me the 
benefit of his acute and skilled judgment, I cannot too cordially 
thank him. He has further done me the signal favour of reading 
large portions of the proofs; and, more especially in the critical 
notes on the text, several corrections or modifications of detail 
have been due to him. To Professor Butcher also my warm 
thanks are due for his great kindness in reading the proofs of 
text, translation, and commentary. 

I desire gratefully to acknowledge here the courtesy of 
several distinguished scholars, who, at various times from 1897 
onwards, have sent me copies of their writings on Bacchylides ; 
among whom are Professors U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, 
Otto Crusius, L. A. Michelangeli, E. Piccolomini, and Paul Maas. 
References will be found in several places to notes which from 
time to time have been communicated to me by Dr Walter 
Headlam. To Mr R. C. Bosanquet, Director of the British 
School at Athens, I have been indebted for information respect- 
ing the agonistic inscription from Iulis in Ceos, now in the 
Athenian Museum (p. 182); and to Mr G. F. Hill, of the 
British Museum, for advice as to the reproduction of the Sicilian 
coin which appears on the cover of the book. 

The literature which has grown around the study of Bacchy- 
lides since 1896 is of no inconsiderable volume, a good deal of it 
being contained in the philological journals of various countries, 
or in the transactions of learned societies. A contribution to 
the bibliography is subjoined. 

The Bacchylides of Professor Blass, a third edition of which 
was issued by Teubner in 1904, demands a special notice. It is 
a work to which every student of this poet must be a debtor ; 
and my own debt is not diminished by the fact that, on many 
particular points of criticism or interpretation,—as will appear 
from the following pages,—I have been unable to accept the 
views of the eminent critic. After the first editor, no one has 
done so much as Dr Blass towards completing the text by 
assigning places to small detached fragments of the papyrus. 

There is another tribute which I would render before closing 
this preface; it is to the memory of my friend Alexander Stuart 
Murray, sometime Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities in 


PREFACE. ix 


the British Museum. He was interested in that passage of 
Bacchylides (III. 17-21) which alludes to the offerings of the 
Deinomenidae at Delphi (p. 452). In December, 1903, a few 
months before his lamented death, he sent me a drawing, in 
which, using ancient data, he showed how a high tripod, such as 
the poet indicates, might have served as pedestal for a winged 
Victory ; the total height of the monument, as he conceived it, 
being about 18 feet 3 inches. A paragraph on page 456, relating 
to the probable significance of Hieron’s tripod at Delphi, 
embodies the view of that question which was held by 
Dr Murray. 

My best thanks are due to the staff of the Cambridge 
University Press. 


R. C. JEBB. 


CAMBRIDGE, May, 1905. 


ἢ ἢ q i τὰ 
ΤΩΝ 


που 


hott 


CONTENTS. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY : Ἶ ἣ . ‘ : 3 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 
I, THE LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES 


II, THE PLACE OF BACCHYLIDES IN THE HISTORY OF GREEK 
Lyric POETRY. 


III. CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES AS A POET 
IV. DIALECT AND GRAMMAR 
V. METRES. 


VI. THE PAPYRUS. 


AUTOTYPE PLATES . : 3 5 - : Ξ 


VII. Tue TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS 
INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES 
Text, NoTEs, AND TRANSLATION . ; 
FRAGMENTS 
APPENDIX . Ξ : : 


VOCABULARY . : Ὁ 


INDEX 


121 


143 


241 
408 
435 
497 


519 


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ἀξ 


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BIBLIOGRAPHY *. 


I. EDITIONS. 


Frederic G. Kenyon. Zhe Poems of Bacchylides, from a Papyrus in the 
British Museum. Printed by Order of the Trustees of the British Museum. 
1897. (Editio princeps.) 

The Poems of Bacchylides. Facsimile of Papyrus DCCXXXIII in the 
British Museum. Printed by Order of the Trustees. 1897. 


Friederich Blass. Bacchylidis Carmina cum Fragmentis. Leipzig, 
Teubner. 1898. (Second edition, 1899: third, 1904.) 


Niccola Festa. Le odi ei frammenti di Bacchilide, testo greco, traduzione 
e note, Firenze, Barbéra, 1898. 


Hugo Jurenka. Die neugefundenen Lieder des Bakchylides. Text, 
Ubersetzung und Commentar. [The translation is in verse.] Wien, Holder, 
1898. 


Editions of Selections. 


E. Buchholz. <Anthologie aus den Lyrikern der Griechen. Vol. ΤΙ, 
4th ed., revised by J. Sitzler. Leipzig, Teubner, 1898. The following 
portions of Bacchylides are included (text and commentary, pp. 139—172) : 
Odes 2, 5, 17 (18 Ken.), 16 (17): frag. 13 (Bergk,=3 in my ed.), 19 (7), 
27 (16). 

D. Nessi. Bacchilide: odi scelti [1, vv. 13—46; 2; 3, νν. 23—62; 5; 8 
(9),. Vv. I—52; 10 (11); 14 (15), vv. 37—63; 16 (17); 17 (18); 18 (19), 
vv. I—25; with commentary]. Milan, Allrighi, 1900. 


1 This list does not claim to be complete; and I should be obliged to any reader 
who would aid me in supplying omissions. The object is to furnish students with a 
clue to the literature of Bacchylides since the discovery of the papyrus in 1896. A 
few books of earlier date are also mentioned. In the course of my work, I have read 
or consulted many of the writings enumerated here, including (I think) most of the 
More important; but there are many others which have not been accessible to me. 


I—2 


ΧΙΝ BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


’ Herbert Weir Smyth. Greek Melic Poets. London, Macmillan, 1900. 
The following portions of Bacchylides are included (text, pp. 90—131; 
commentary, 381—453) :—Odes 3; 5; 6; 8 (=9 Ken.), vv. I—52; 10 (11); 
12 (13), vv. 104—207 ; 13 (14); 14 (15), vv. 36—end; 16 (17); 17 (18): also 
frag. 7 (Bergk,=Ode 1. 13f. Blass, see below, p. 437); 11 (=2 in my ed.); 
13 (3); 14 (4); 19 (7); 22 (10); 27 (16); 28 (17); 36 (20) ; 40 (23). 


II. TRANSLATIONS. 
H. von Arnim. Vier Gedichte des Bakchylides [3, 5, 16 (17), 17 (18), with 
introductory article]. Deutsche Rundschau, Apr. 1898, pp. 42—61. 


A. M. Desrousseaux. Les fodmes de Bacchylide de Céos, traduits dit 
Grec. Paris, Hachette, 1898. 


Eugéne d’Eichthal et Théodore Reinach. Poéemes choisis de Bacchy- 
lide, traduits en vers. Texte grec revisé et notices par Th. Reinach. Paris, 
Leroux, 1898. 


G. Fraccaroli. ZL’ ode V di Bacchilide. Biblioteca delle scuole italiane, 
Feb. 1900. 
R. Garnett. Theseus and Minos. Literature, Dec. 25, 1897. 


L. Pinelli. Due nuovi inni di Bacchilide (viz. τὸ (11) and 12 (13)]. 
Treviso, Zoppelli, 1898. 


E. Poste. Bacchylides: A Prose Translation. |Ten odes are translated, 
in this order ;—5, 10 (=11 K.), 16 (17), 17 (18), 8 (9), 12 (13), 18 (19), 3, 14 
(15), 15 (16); also the fragment on Peace (fr. 13 Bergk,=fr. 3 in this ed.).] 
London, Macmillan, 1898. 


E. Romagnoli. JL’ efinicio X di Bacchilide. Atene e Roma, 1899, 
pp. 278—283. 

F. Vivona. Due odi di Bacchilide. Palermo, Reber, 1898. 

A. Wolff. 7/ terzo epinicio di Bacchilide. Padova, Randi, 1901. 


III. OTHER WRITINGS, CRITICAL, EXEGETICAL, 
AND ILLUSTRATIVE. 
L. Ὁ. Barnett. Notes communicated to Blass: 2nd ed., p. LXXII. 


H. Bergstedt. Backylides. Svenska Humanistika, Férbundet Skrifter 
no. 3. Stockholm, P. A. Nanstedt ἃ Séners, 1900. 


F. Blass. Litterarisches Centralblatt, 1897, mr. 51/2: 1898, nr. 3, nr. 5; 
(p. 175). Rheinisches Museum, 1898, pp. 283-307. Hermes, 1901, pp. 272-286. 

K. Brandt. De Horati studits Bacchylideis. Festschrift Johannes. 
Vahlen, 1900, pp. 297—3I5. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. : xv 


- Ewald Bruhn. Zeitschrift f. das Gymnasialwesen, 1898, pp. 691—698. 
[‘Idem antea per litteras mecum sua communicaverat, quibus litteris 
inerant etiam Ant. Funck et Caroli Niemeyer quaedam coniecturae’; Blass, 
2nd ed., p. LXXIII.] 


J.B. Bury. Classical Review, vol. x11, pp. 98 f., March, 1899; p. 272, 
June, 1899 ; XIV, p. 62, Feb. 1900. 


W. Christ. Zu den neuaufgefundenen Gedichten des Bakchylides. 
Sitzungsberichte d. bayer. Akademie, 1898, 1, pp. 3—52; 597--98. 


G. M. Columba. Bacchilide. Rassegna di antichitd classica, parte 
bibliografica, 1898, pp. 81—103. 

D. Comparetti. Les dithyrambes des Bacchylide. Mélanges Weil, pp. 
25—28. Paris, A. Fontemoing, 1898. 

A. Croiset. Les Podmes de Bacchylide. Revue Bleue, 1898, p. 705 ff. 


Maurice Croiset. Swr les origines du récit relatif a Méléagre dans lode 
V. de Bacchylide. Mélanges Weil, pp. 73—8o, 1898. 


Otto Crusius. Aus den Dichtungen des Bakchylides. Philologus, 
v. Lvl (N. F. ΧΙ), pp. 150—183.—Dze Dichtungen des B., Minch. Allg. 
Zeitung, Feb. 7, 1898. 


A. M. Desrousseaux. Votes sur Bacchylide, Revue de Philologie 1898, 
pp. 184—195. (Also in Revue Universitaire, févr. 1898, p. 179.) 


P. Dessoulavy. Bacchylide et la III” ode. Acad. de Neuchatel, 1903. 
A. Drachmann. Nordisk Tidskrift f. Filologi, 1898. 
8S. N. Dragumis. ᾿Αθηνᾶ, x. 4, pp. 413—425, 556f. 


V. Dukat. Bakhilid [with Croatian version of odes 5 and 16 (17)}. 
Nastavni Vjesnik, 1898, pp. 233—255, 356-- 370. 


Mortimer L. Earle. Classical Review, vol. xu, p. 394, Nov. 1898. 
Robinson Ellis. Class. Rev. XII, pp. 64—66, Feb. 1898. 
L. R. Farnell. Class. Rev. x11, 343—346, Oct. 1898. 


C. A. M. Fennell. Athenaeum, Feb. 12, May 21, 1898.—Class. Rev. 
XIII, p. 182, Apr. 1899. 
_ Niccola Festa. Per 7 onore del re di Creta. Miscellanea per nozze 
Rostagno-Cavazza, pp. 5—II. Firenze, Carnesecchi, 1898. 


G. Fraccaroli. Bacchilide. Rivista di Filologia, XxvI. 1% pp. 1—44; 
XXVII. 1v., 513586. 


W. A. Goligher. Class. Rev. ΧΙ, p. 437, Dec. 1898. 


Th. Gomperz. Beitrage zur Kritik und Erklérung griechischen Schrift-- 
steller VJ., Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akad., Bd. CXXXIX, pp. I—4, 1897. 
—Also in Wiener Neue Freie Presse, Dec. 24, 1897. 


xvi BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


F. Groh. Paper in the Hungarian Listy filologické: Blass, 2nd ed., 
p. LXXIII. 


C. Haeberlin. Wochenschrift f. klass. Philologie, 1898, nr. 25; 1899, nr. 7. 
Jane E. Harrison. Class. Rev. ΧΙ, pp. 85 f., Feb. 1898. 


Walter Headlam. Class. Rev. ΧΙ], pp. 66—68, Feb. 1898.—Remarks on 
metre in Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. XXII, pp. 214 n. 10, and p. 217. 
[Also notes communicated to Blass: 3rd ed., p. LXXVI.] 


O. Hense. Rheinisches Museum, 1898, pp. 318 ff.; 1901, pp. 305 ff. 


H. van Herwerden. Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1898, nr. 5.— 
Class. Rev. XII, pp. 210 f., May, 1898.—Mnemosyne, XXVII, 1, pp. 1—46. 
—Museum, nr. 12, 1899. [Also notes communicated to Blass: 2nd ed., 
p. LXxXI.] 


A.E. Housman. Athenaeum, Dec. 25,-1897; Jan. 15, 1898.—Class. Rev. 
XII, pp. 68—74, Feb. 1898 ; 134—140 (chiefly on Ode xv!), March, 1898; 216— 
218, May, 1898. 


V.Inama. Rendiconti del R. Instituto Lombard. di scienze e lettere, 
serie II., vol. XXXI, 1898. 


R. ©. Jebb. Class. Rev. ΧΙ, pp. 123—133, March, 1898; 152—158, 
Apr. 1898.—Bacchylidea, Mélanges Weil, pp. 225—242, 1898.—Bacchylides 
in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1oth ed., vol. XXVI, 1902.—Bacchylides, a paper 
read before the British Academy, June 29, 1904. 

H. Stuart Jones. Class. Rev. ΧΗ, p. 84, Feb. 1898. 


Hugo Jurenka, Zeitschr. f. ésterr. Gymn., 1898, pp. 878 ff., 982—990.— 
Die Dithyramben des Bakchylides, Wien. Studien, Xx1, pp. 216—224.— 
Festschrift fiir Th. Gomperz, pp. 220—224 [on Odes VI, Vit]. 


F.G. Kenyon. Class. Rev. XI, p. 133, March, 1898. 

Lionello Levi. Notes communicated to N. Festa (see above). 

J. H. Lipsius. Neue Jahrbiicher f.d. klass. Alterth., 1898, pp. 225—247. 

Arthur Ludwich. Verzeichniss der Vorlesungen, Sommer 1898, 
K6nigsberg, p. 12f., 42. 


Paul Maas. KXolometrie in den Daktyloepitriten des Bakchylides. 
Philologus, vol. LXIII, pp. 297—309, 1904. 


L. Mallinger. Le caractére, la philosophie et 4 αγέ de Bacchylide. Ex- 
trait du ‘ Musée Belge.’ Louvain, C. Peeters, 1899. 


L. A. Michelangeli. Della Vita di Bacchilide, e particolarmente delle 
pretese allusioni di Pindaro a luie a Simonide. (48 pp.) Rivista di Storia 
antica, Anno II. 3—4. Messina, 1897. [This work appeared before the 
newly-found poems of Bacchylides had been published. After that publica- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. xvii 


tion, the same author wrote further in the Rivista di Storia antica, Anno III. 
Nn. I, pp. 5—22.] 

J.A. Nairn. Class. Rev. ΧΙ, pp. 449—453, Dec. 1897: XIII, pp. 167 f., 
Apr. 1899. 

P. V. Nikitin. See Blass, 2nd ed., p. LXxv. 

U. Pestalozza. Rassegna Nazionale, 16 Apr. 1898, pp. 697—730. 

A.C. Pearson. Class. Rev. ΧΙ], pp. 74—76, Feb. 1898. 


E. Piccolomini, Atene e Roma, I, pp. 3—15, 1898.—Le odi di Bacchilide 
(23 pp.). Firenze-Roma, Bencini, 1898.—Osservazioni sopra le odi di 
Bacchilide, Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei, Viil. fasc. 3—-4. 


V. Pingel. Notes communicated to Blass: 2nd ed., p. LXXIII. 

Arthur Platt. Athenaeum, Dec. 25, 1897; Jan. 15, 1898.—Class. Rev. 
XII, pp. 58—64, Feb. 1898; 133f., March; 211—216, May. 

A. Poutsma, Mnemosyne, XXVI, p. 339. 


W. K. Prentice. De Bacchylide Pindari artis socio et imitatore. Halle, 
1900. (Blass, 3rd ed., p. LXXII.) 


Alexander Pridik. De (δὲ Jnsulae rebus. Berlin, Mayer & Mueller, 
1892. 


T(héodore) R(einach). Votes sur Bacchylide, Revue des études grecques, 
pp. 17—30, 1898. 
Beatrice Reynolds. Class. Rev. XII, p. 254, June, 1898. 


Herbert Richards. Class. Rev. XII, pp. 76f., Feb. 1898; p. 134, 
March. 


Carl Robert. Hermes, XXxXIII, 1898, pp. 130—159. [Also Arch. 
Anzeiger, 1889, p. 14I.] 


O. Rossbach (quoted by A. Ludwich, p. 13: see above). 


J. E. Sandys. Literature, Dec. 18, 1897; Athenaeum, Dec. 25, 1897: 
Class. Rev. XII, pp. 77 f. 


J.Schéne. De dialecto Bacchylidea. Leipzig, Hirschfeld, 1899. 


O. Schréder. Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1898, nr. 11, 
nr. 28. 


Arthur Hamilton Smith. J//ustrations to Bacchylides, Journ. of 
Hellenic Studies, vol. xvill, pp. 267—280, 1898. [This article brings 
together the monuments which illustrate themes treated by Bacchylides in 
Odes ΠΙ, V, VIII, XII, XV, XVI, XVII, with full references to the archaeological 
literature. Ten vases are figured in the text. At the end of the volume, 
Plate xIv reproduces the picture of Theseus welcomed by Amphitrite, from 
the cup of Euphronius: see below, p. 225.] 


xviii BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Herbert Weir Smyth. Transactions of the American Philological 
Association, vol. XxIX, pp. 86—96, 1898. 

J. M. Stahl, Rheinisches Museum, 1898, pp. 332 ff. 

Ἐς W. Thomas. Class. Rev. xi, pp. 78f., Feb. 1898. 


V. Tommasini. Jmitaztoni e reminiscenze omeriche in Bacchilide. 
Studi italiani di Filologia classica, vil, 1899, pp. 415—439. 


R. Y. Tyrrell. Class. Rev. ΧΙ], pp. 79—83, Feb. 1898 ; 412—414, Nov. ; 
XIII, pp. 44—46, Feb. 1899. 


J. Wackernagel. Notes communicated to Blass : 2nd ed., p. LXXVII. 
C. Waldstein. Class. Rev. xl, pp. 473f., Dec. 1900. 
H. Weil. Journal des Savants, Mar. 1898, pp. 174—184. 


U. von Wilamowitz. Aacchylides. Berlin, Wiedmann, 1898 (33 pp.).— 
Gotting. gelehrte Anzeigen, 1898, pp. 125—160.—Gé6tting. Nachr., 1898, 
pp. 228—236. 

A. Wolff. Bacchylidea. Patavii, 1901. 


A. Zuretti. Sfigolature Bacchilidee, Rivista di Filologia, Xxv1, 
Pp. 134—149. 


Before the discovery of the Egyptian papyrus, those fragments of 
Bacchylides which are preserved by ancient writers had long been the 
subject of critical study. The following editions of them deserve especial 
mention :— 


C. F. Neue. Bacchylidis Cei Fragmenta. (76 pp.) Berlin, 1822. 


F. G. Schneidewin. In Delectus Poesis Graecorum, sect. 111. (Poetae 
Melicz). Géottingen, 1839. 

J.A. Hartung. Die griechischen Lyriker [with metrical translation and 
notes], vol. vi. Leipzig, 1857. 


Th. Bergk. Poetae Lyrici Graeci, 4th ed., vol. 111, pp. 569—588. Leipzig, 
1882. 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 


I. THE LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


BACCHYLIDES was born at Iulis, the chief town of Parentage. 
His father's name is given as Medon, Meilon 
(clearly an error for Meidon), or Meidylus?. 


Ceos. 


His paternal 


grandfather Bacchylides had been distinguished as an 


athlete?. 


His mother was a younger sister* of the poet 


Simonides, who, like his nephew, was a native of Lulis. 
Simonides was born in 556 B.c.; Pindar, probably in Dave of 


5184: and ancient tradition 


1 (1) Μέδων is the form given by 
Suidas s.v. Βακχυλίδης. It is fairly 
frequent as a proper name, particularly 
in Attica. (2) Μείλων (in two MSs. 
Μίλων) appears in an epigram on the 
nine lyric poets quoted by Boeckh, 
Pindar vol. 11. p. xxxi. The form 
Μείλων occurs nowhere else: and in 
Μίλων the ε is regularly short (though 
long in Anthol. Planud. 24 and ap- 
pend. 20). (3) Μειδύλος stands in the 
Etym. Magn. 582. 20 (where it is 
accented Μείδυλος). This is the only 
example of it given by Pape-Benseler. 
Μειδυλίδης, however, occurs as an 
Athenian name, and is related to 
Μειδύλος as Βακχυλίδης to Βακχύλος 
(which is extant as an Athenian 
name). 

5 Suidas s.v.: Βακχυλίδου τοῦ ἀθλη- 
τοῦ. 

3 Strabo το. p. 486: ἐκ δὲ τῆς 
᾿Ιουλίδος ὅ τε Σιμωνίδης ἦν ὁ μελοποιὸς 
καὶ Βακχυλίδης ἀδελφιδοῦς ἐκείνου. 
The word ἀδελφιδοῦς must here mean 


said that Bacchylides was 


ἀδελφῆς (not ἀδελφοῦ) vids, since Mei- 
don (or Medon) was the son of the 
athlete Bacchylides, while Simonides 
was the son of Leoprepes (Simon. 146, 
147: Her. vil. 228, etc.). If Bacchy- 
lides was born about 512-505 B.C., 
his mother may have been some 15 or 
20 years younger than her brother. 
—By Suidas (s.v.), as by Eudocia 
(Violar. 93), Bacchylides is merely 
termed συγγενής of Simonides. 

+ Pindar was born at the time of a 
Pythian festival (fr. 193), and there- 
fore in the third year of an Olympiad ; 
and Suidas places his birth in the 
65th Olympiad (520-517). Boeckh, 
following Pausanias (10. 7 § 3) in 
dating the Pythiads from 586 B.c., 
had to place Pindar’s tenth Pythian 
in 502 B.C. (the Pythiad to which it 
related being, as the scholiast says, 
the 22nd) ; and thus was led to infer 
that Pindar was born not later than 
522 B.C. Butit is now established (see 
Otto Schréder, Prolegom. to Pindar, 


birth. 


Notices in 
the Chron- 
icle of 
Eusebius. 
—(1) ἤκμα- 
cer. 


2 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


younger than Pindar’. The earliest work of Bacchylides 
which can be approximately dated may belong to 481 or 
479. The date of his birth cannot be precisely fixed, but 
may probably be placed somewhere within the period from 
512 to 505 B.C. 

According to the Chronicle of Eusebius, he ‘ was in his 
prime’ (jxpafev) in Ol. 78. 2, 467 B.C... The physical 
prime denoted by the word ἤκμαζεν was usually placed at 
about the fortieth year. If such a reckoning could be 
assumed in the present case, we should have 507 B.C. as 
the approximate date of birth; and that is probably not 
far from the truth. But, seeing how little appears to have 
been known as to this poet’s life, it is unlikely that 
Eusebius had found a record of the birth-year, from which 
he computed the date of the prime. It is more likely that 
the choice of the year 467 was an inference from some 
other fact or facts. It was known that Bacchylides wrote 
odes for Hieron of Syracuse. Now the year 467 was the 
date of Hieron’s death. If Eusebius, or his authority, 
assumed (or had reason to believe) that Bacchylides was 
still young when first introduced, not long after 478, to 


pp. 48 ff.) that Bergk was right in 
preferring the authority of the Pin- 
daric scholia to that of Pausanias, 
and in reckoning the Pythiads from 
582 B.c. The date of Pyth. X. is 
therefore 498 B.C. 

1 Eustathius, Life of Pindar in the 
Πρόλογος τῶν Πινδαρικῶν παρεκβολῶν 
(printed in Christ’s ed. of Pindar, p. 
103): Thomas Magister, Πινδάρου 
γένος (6. p. 108). Pindar was 
‘younger than Simonides, but older 
than Bacchylides.’ 

? Apollodorus of Athens (crc. 
140 B.C.) was the author of Χρονικά, 
or ‘Annals,’ in four books of iambic 
trimeters, beginning from the fall of 
Troy, and going down to his own 
time. (The fragments are collected 
by Miiller, Frag. Hist., vol. 1. pp. 
435 ff.) In this work he gave the 
principal events, not only of political, 


but also of literary, history; and for 
literary history he was the chief 
authority of later writers. Eusebius 
is not believed to have had any direct 
knowledge of that work; he seems 
to have based his chronology on later 
compendia: but Apollodorus may 
have been the principal ultimate 
source from which the literary dates 
of Eusebius were derived. (See W. 
Christ, Gesch. d. Griech. Litt., pp. 608 
and 920.) 

The Byzantine Chronicon Paschale, 
p- 162, places the ἤκμαζεν of Bacchyl- 
ides Ol. 74 (484-481 B.C.): astatement 
which (if the ἀκμή is to be placed at 
about the 4oth year) puts his birth 
back to 524-521 B.c. But this, as 
L. A. Michelangeli observes (Della 
Vita di Bacchilide, p. 5), is incom- 
patible with the tradition that Bac- 
chylides was younger than Pindar. 


APPROXIMATE LIMITS OF DATE. 3 


Hieron, his prime may have been conjecturally placed 
about a decade later. The selection of the year 467 was 
the more natural, since the end of Hieron’s reign might be 
regarded as closing a chapter in the fortunes of the poet. 

Eusebius gives also another indication. Under Ol. 87. (2) ἐγνωρί- 
2 (431 B.C.) he notes that Bacchylides was then ‘well- “7 
known’ or ‘eminent’ (ἐγνωρίζετο). The phrase might be 
taken as denoting the full maturity of a long-established 
reputation’. But, even on that view, it is surprising to 
find the epoch placed so late. As early (probably) as 481 
or 479°, Bacchylides had written an important ode for 
Pytheas, the son of the Aeginetan Lampon, whose victory 
was also celebrated by Pindar. Lampon would scarcely 
have given a commission to the Cean poet, if the latter had 
not already gained some distinction. It is true that, in 
youth and in middle life, the name of Bacchylides must 
have been overshadowed by those of the two greater lyric 
poets. The vigorous old age of Simonides was prolonged 
to about 467 ; Pindar survived the year 446, and may have 
lived till 438. It is also true that the gifts of Bacchylides 
were not such as conquer a swift renown by a few brilliant 
strokes; they were better fitted to achieve a gradual 
success, as the elegance and the quiet charm of his work 
became more widely known among those who could 
appreciate them. It is easy to conceive that his modest 
fame may have become brighter towards the evening of 
life than it had been in the morning or in the meridian. 
But it is more difficult to suppose that a chronicler, who 
placed the poet’s prime in 467, can have intended to give 
the year 431 as marking the period at which his reputation 
culminated. 

It may be observed, however, that the phrase ἐγνωρίζετο 
is susceptible of an interpretation which avoids that 
difficulty. Eusebius, or the authority on whom he relied, 
may have found some indication that in 431 Bacchylides 
was still alive. The indication may have been an ancient 


1 L. A. Michelangeli, Ded/a Vita 2 Introd. to Ode xII, § 2. 
di Bacchilide etc. (1897), p. 6. 


4 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


mention of him, which the context made it possible to 
place at about the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. 
Or it may have been some work of his, now lost, containing 
Probable an allusion which yielded an approximate date. The 


meaning of 


ἐγνωρίζετο. Chronicler’s word, éyvwpifero, would then be a concise 
mode of saying that the poet ‘was still alive and in repute.’ 
The Byzantine chronographer Georgius Syncellus uses the 
same word ἐγνωρίζετο, but varies from Eusebius in giving 
Ol. 88 (428-425 B.C.) instead of Ol. 87. 2. We cannot tell 
whether he was here following an authority distinct from 
that on which Eusebius relied. If the authority followed 
by both writers was the same, it is possible that Eusebius, 
in giving 431 B.C., meant to indicate ‘the beginning of the 
Peloponnesian war’ as an approximate date, while Georgius 
Syncellus found it more accurate to say that Bacchylides 
was still living in the Olympiad which began in the year 
428 B.C. One conclusion, at least, appears warranted. 
The statement that the poet survived the beginning of the 
Peloponnesian War must have rested on some definite 
Result. ground which the chroniclers deemed satisfactory. We 
cannot fix the date of the poet’s birth, or of his death. 
But it is probable that the period from about 507 to 428 


was comprised in his lifetime. 


Ceos. The surroundings and associations amidst which the 
boyhood and youth of Bacchylides were passed can in 
some measure be inferred from the traces which they have 
left in his work, and from what is known of his native 
Ceos. The ‘lovely isle’ of which he speaks, the ‘land of 
rocky heights,’ ‘nursing vines’ on the sunny slopes of its 
hills*, was the outermost of the Cyclades towards the 


north-west. East and south 


1 Chron. p.257 (ed. Par.). Georgius, 
a learned monk, was known as the 
Σύγκελλος, because he had been syn- 
cellus, or attendant, of Tarrasius 
patriarch of Constantinople (on whom 
see Finlay, Wzst. Gr. 11. 75 ff.). His 
᾿Εκλογὴ Xpovoypadias, beginning from 
Adam, extends to the accession of 


of it lay the islands which 


Diocletian in 284 A.D. He died -in 
800 A.D., the year to which he had 
intended to bring down his work. 
It was continued to 813 A.D. in the 
chronicle of his friend Theophanes. 

2 Ode v. tof. ζαθέας νάσου: I. 11 
πολύκρημνον χθόνα: VI. 5 ἀμπελοτρό- 
gov Κέον. 


CEOS.—SIMONIDES. 5 


cluster around Delos, the central sanctuary of the Ionian 
race, whither (as Bacchylides shows us') the people of 
Ceos were wont to send their tribute of choral paeans for 
the festivals of Apollo. A saga, which was narrated by Legends of 
Bacchylides in the first ode of our series, made a link of © 
mythical ancestry between Ceos and the greatest of the 
Ionian colonies on the coast of Asia Minor. Dexithea, 
who in her island-home had entertained gods unawares, 
became by Minos the mother of Euxantius, lord of Ceos, 
father of Miletus, and progenitor of the Milesian clan of 
the Euxantidae?. Like so many other Ionian communities, 
Ceos claimed also a tie with the Achaeans of the heroic 
age. Nestor had landed in the island on his homeward 
voyage from Troy, and had founded a shrine of Athena’. 

More important than any such legendary kinships were Ceos and 
the affinities and sympathies bred of frequent intercourse Ath: 
with Attica. Only some thirteen miles of sea lay between 
Ceos and Cape Sunium. From the days of the Peisistra- 
tidaé onwards, the intellectual and artistic progress of 
Athens must in some degree have affected the little island, 
inhabited by men of the same race, which was so close to 
the Attic shores. A poetical and musical culture had long 
existed in Ceos. lIulis possessed a temple of the Pythian Cean cult 
Apollo*. Another Pythion stood at Carthaea, a prosperous f AL 
seaport on the south-eastern coast of the island; and near 
it was a choregeion, a building in which choruses were 
trained for the festivals. Simonides, in his earlier years, Zarly life 


: Simon- 
had taught there®. He must soon have made his mark at Paige 


1 Ode xvi. 130. See Introduction 5 Athenaeus το. p. 456 F. We 


to that Ode, ὃ τ. 
_ ® Introduction to Ode I, ὃ 3. 

3 Strabo ro. p. 486. See Appendix 
on Ode x. 119f. 

4 This appears from an inscription 
(of 363 B.c.) found at 1.115 (Kohler, 
C. 1. A. τι. p. 142), lines 20---22 τοὺς 
orparny|ovs| τοὺς [᾿Του]λιητῶν.. .συνεισ- 
πράττειν τὰ χρήματα ἐν στήλῃ λιθίνῃ 
καὶ στῆσαι ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ᾿Απόλλωνος τοῦ 
Πυθίου. 


there learn that on a wall of the 
temple of Apollo at Carthaea there 
was a painting of Epeius, son of 
Panopeus, toiling as a drawer of 
water for the Atreidae; when Athena 
inspired him with skill to make the 
wooden horse. The incident occurred 
in the cyclic Ἰλίου Πέρσις, and was 
treated by Stesichorus (fr. 18). 
Simonides wrote these verses (fr. 


173): 


Attic 
influence. 


Folk-lore 
of Ceos. 


“be seen. 


6 LIFE OF BACCAYLIDES. 


the Cean school. It was probably about 523 B.c. that 
Hipparchus invited him to Athens, where, at the age of 
thirty or a little more, he found himself placed in rivalry, 
as a chorus-trainer, with the celebrated Lasus of Hermione’. 


_ It would be unreasonable to take Simonides as a normal 


example of Attic influence on Ceos. No poet, perhaps, 
not of Attic birth, ever had so much of the Attic genius: 
the Danaé fragment is a witness. But his nephew also 
occasionally manifests a quality which is rather Attic than 
merely Ionian, especially in verses of the lighter and gayer 
kind. It may well be supposed that, in the education and 
in the social life of Ceos, the characteristics and tendencies 
of eastern Ionia were tempered with elements due to 
Athens. 

We have one specimen of primitive Cean folk-lore 
which breathes the old spirit of free Ionian fancy, the 
bright, naive, sometimes playful spirit which reveals itself 
in the wonderland of the Odyssey. The story relates to 
the far-off memory of a great drouth which once parched 
the island, blighting the labours of husbandman and vine- 
dresser. The Nymphs of Ceos, it was said, had been 
scared from their haunts in the valleys and on the hills by 
the apparition of a lion*. They fled across the sea to 
Carystus in Euboea. An illustration of this story can still 
Not far from Iulis on the east, a colossal lion, 
some twenty feet in length, has been rudely carved from a 
rock, whose natural shape assisted, or suggested, the 
design‘. The Nymphs, frightened into exile by the lion, 


φημὶ τὸν οὐκ ἐθέλοντα φέρειν τέττιγος 
ἄεθλον 
τῷ Πανοπηϊάδῃ δώσειν μέγα δεῖπνον 
Eero. 
Athenaeus explains them as follows. 
At Carthaea, water was carried from 
a fountain up to the chorus-school, 
over which Simonides presided, by a 
donkey who was called Epeius; and, 
if a chorister played truant, the fine 
was a feed for the donkey. φέρειν 
τέττιγος ἄεθλον meant ἄδειν. 


1[Plat.] Hipparch. p. 2286: Aelian 
V. H. 8.2: Ar. Vesp. 1410 f. 

? As in the fragment (from one of 
the παροίνια) beginning γλυκεῖ᾽ ἀνάγκα 
(no. 16 in this ed.). 

3 Heraclides Ponticus Folzt. 9: 
Apoll. Rhod. 2. 498 ff. (with the 
scholia): Hyginus Poet. Astronomica 
Il. 4. 

4 Brondsted, Reisen und Unter- 
suchungen in Griechenland 1. pp. 31 ff. 
(Paris, 1826). Brondsted’s work, 


CEOS.—THE PERSIAN WARS. 7 


were, of course, the water-springs dried up by the torrid 
heat. Then Aristaeus, the god who prospers all works of 
the field’, came from Arcadia to Ceos, where his worship 
endured. Taught by him, the people raised an altar to 
Zeus Ikmaios, the Sky-father who sends rain and dew. 

With its legends, its cult of Apollo, and its folk-lore, 
Ceos can have been no uncongenial home for a boy of 
quick imagination. Another feature in the life of the baie 
island was the successful practice of athletics. Cean 
athletes were especially strong in boxing and in running’. 
The young Bacchylides, whose grandfather and namesake 
had been an athlete, might naturally follow with interest 
the growing number of Cean victories. Those victories 
were recorded at Iulis on slabs of stone, under the festivals 
to which they severally pertained*. In commemorating 
the success of Argeius, Bacchylides is able to tell us that 
precisely seventy wreaths had previously been won by 
Ceans at the Isthmian games‘. 

As he grew towards early manhood, events were 
passing around him which may well have stimulated all 
his powers of thought and fancy. The overthrow of the 7%e Per- 
Persians at Marathon in September, 490 B.C., must have pases toh 
brought a thrill of relief to the islanders of the Aegean, 
most of whom, in their helplessness, had given earth and 
water to the heralds.of Dareius®. A few months later the 
news would reach the people of Iulis that their townsman 
Simonides had gained the prize offered by Athens for an 
elegy on those who fell in the great battle®. Eleven years 
later, after that repulse of Xerxes in which the mariners of 


which was not completed, contains a 
most careful and minute description 
of Ceos. See also A. Pridik, De 
Cet Insulae rebus, p. 20 (Berlin, 1892). 
A very valuable feature of this mono- 
graph is the Appendix epigraphica, 
giving references to _ inscriptions 


1 See note on fragment 44. 

2 Ode VI, verse 7. 

3 See Introd. to Ode 1, ὃ 2. 

* Ode 11, of. 

5 Herod. VI. 49. 

§ Aeschylus is said in the Βίος 
Αἰσχύλου to have been an unsuccess- 


(1) found in Ceos, or (2) relating to 
Ceos, but found at Athens, Delos, 
Delphi, or Paros. In some instances 
the text of the inscription is added. 


ful competitor: ἐν τῷ els τοὺς ἐν 
Μαραθῶνι τεθνηκότας ἐλεγείῳ ἡσσηθεὶς 
Σιμωνίδῃ. 


Panhel- 
lenicrepute 
of Simon- 
ides. 


Hieron of 
Syracuse. 


Hieron’s 
patronage 
of letters. 


8 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


Ceos bore their part’, it was again the Cean poet who 
rendered the most effective tributes to the heroes of 
Thermopylae and Artemisium, of Salamis and Plataea?. 
In those days of patriotic enthusiasm and joy, Ceos, and 
more especially Iulis, must have been proud of the man 
who had thus become the voice of Hellas. Bacchylides 
himself had now entered on his poetical career. He could 
have desired no better introduction, at home or abroad, 
than the fame of his kinsman. 


In 478 B.c. Hieron succeeded his brother Gelon in the 
rule of Syracuse. Gelon, a fine soldier, a capable states- 
man, and the founder of Syracusan greatness, figured in 
tradition as one who cared nothing for letters or art, being, 
indeed, almost ostentatiously scornful of the accomplish- 
ments which Greeks of his day associated with a liberal 
education. Once at a banquet, when the lyre was being 
passed round in order that each guest should play and sing 
in turn, Gelon ordered his horse to be brought in, and 
showed the company how lightly he could vault upon its 
back*. Such a story indicates the conception which had 
been formed of him. Hieron, it was said, had at first 
resembled his brother in this respect; but after an illness, 
in which his enforced leisure had been solaced by music 


‘and poetry, he became devoted to the Muses‘. It is certain 


that, from the outset of his reign, men of letters found a 
welcome at his court. The encouragement of literary and 
musical culture was, indeed, an historical attribute of the 
Greek tyrannis. It was at the Corinth of Periander that 
the dithyramb had been invested with a new significance 
by Arion. Polycrates had entertained Ibycus and Anacreon 
in Samos. Anacreon, Simonides and Lasus had been 
honoured sojourners in the Athens of the Peisistratidae. 
A power which rested on no constitutional basis could 
derive popularity, and therefore strength, from the presence 


1 Herod. vill. 1 (Artemisium), (Bergk). 
46 (Salamis). 3 Plut. Apophth. Gel. 4. 175. 
2 Simonides I—4, 91—I0I 4 Aelian Var. Hist. 4. 15. 


MEN OF LETTERS AT HIERON’S COURT. 9 


of men whose gifts and attainments enabled them to increase 
the attractions of the festivals. Since, moreover, Greek 
lyric poetry, and now drama, stood in close and manifold 
relations with Greek religion, the ruler who was visited and 
extolled by eminent poets not merely enhanced the respect- 
ability of his despotism, but obtained for it, so far, something 
akin to a religious sanction. The patronage of renascent 
humanism by such men as the Borgias and the Medici was 
predominantly a matter of personal inclination or of 
personal pride. The patronage of poets by a Hieron 
partook, doubtless, of both those motives, but it was also 
largely an affair of policy. Despite all that was vicious in 
the atmosphere of a tyrant’s court, such patronage was, at 
that moment, a gain to letters, in so far as it gave a stimulus 
to poetical genius, and afforded splendid opportunities for 
its public manifestation. Athens was in process of becoming, 
but had not yet become, the intellectual centre of Hellas. 
Meanwhile Greek literature would have been poorer had it 
not acquired the odes which Pindar and Bacchylides wrote 
for Hieron, the odes which Pindar wrote for Theron of 
Acragas and for Arcesilas of Cyrene. 

Pindar’s first Olympian was composed for the ruler of Pindar 
Syracuse in 476, and the poet seems to have been present (Olpmier 
when it was performed. In the same year Hieron founded 
the new city of Aetna on the site of Catana. The first 
visit of Aeschylus to Sicily was made at that period. It Aeschylus. 
was then that he rendered to Hieron a tribute greater than 
any lyric epinikion. In his play, the Women of Aetna, he 4s 
referred to the new city, ‘drawing auguries of happiness for meee 
the founders of the settlement! perhaps in the form of a 
prophecy uttered by some god or semi-divine person. One 
passage in that drama must have thrilled the Sicilian 
audience. Aeschylus spoke of the Palikoi, the dread Twin 
Brethren of the old Sikel faith, the dwellers at the boiling 
lake?; and, using a myth which the Greek settlers in Sicily 


1 Vit. Aeschyl.: “Ἱέρωνος τότε τὴν 2 Aesch. fr. 6: 
Αἴτνην κτίζοντος ἐπεδείξατοτὰς Airvai- τί δῆτ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὄνομα θήσονται 
ας, οἰωνιζόμενος ἐντεῦθεν βίον ἀγαθὸν βροτοί; 
τοῖς συνοικίζουσι τὴν πόλιν. σεμνοὺς Παλικοὺς Ζεὺς ἐφίεται καλεῖν. 


j. B. 2 


His 
Persae 
trilogy. 


10 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


had woven on to the mysterious name, he described those 
deities as sons borne to Zeus by Thaleia, daughter of 
Hephaestus'. The trilogy to which the Persae belonged, 
and which was brought out at Athens in 472, is said to have 
been reproduced, by Hieron’s request, in Sicily, and to have 
won much applause. The third piece of that trilogy, the 
Glaucus, brought Heracles from the west of Sicily to its 
northern coast,—from Mount Eryx to ‘the lofty hill of 
Himera*. Hieron had borne arms, under the leadership of 
his brother Gelon, when the Syracusans and their allies 
repulsed the Carthaginian invaders at Himera; on the 
same day, it was said, that Greek defeated Persian at 
Salamis. It is easy to imagine the effect that would have 
been made in the theatre where Hieron presided if the 
Aeschylean Heracles, in prophetic strain, alluded to that 


great deliverance. ἡ 


ἢ καὶ Παλικῶν εὐλόγως μενεῖ φάτις ; 
πάλιν γὰρ ἥξουσ᾽ (κουσ᾽ edd.) ἐκ σκό- 
του τόδ᾽ εἰς φάος. 

This is the earliest extant mention of 
the Palikoi. The seat of their cult 
was a small lake, usually about 490 ft. 
in circumference, still called the Zago 
de’ Palict, in the province of Catania, 
near Favorotta. Apertures in the 
bed of the lake, near its centre, emit 
a marsh gas, which forces up the 
water (to a height of two feet in 
places). The whole surface then 
seems to boil. See Baedeker’s 5S, 
Ltaly and Sicily, p. 298: and a very 
full description in Freeman’s Sizcély, 
1. 529 ff. The Palikoi were chthonian 
and volcanic daemons, and, like Styx, 
an inviolable ὅρκος. 

! Steph. Byz. p. 496, 9, S.v. 
Παλική (the town of Ducetius, whose 
name survives in Palagonia). In the 
Greek story used by Aeschylus, 7hadeia 
is probably a shortened form of 
Αἰθάλεια (=Alrvn). Thaleia, preg- 
nant by Zeus, hid herself beneath the 
earth, to escape Hera’s wrath; and 
there bore two sons (the Palikoi). 


The myth was suggested by the 
Greek fancy which derived Παλικοί 
from πάλιν ἵκουσι (!), ‘they come 
back’ to the light of the upper world. 
In the fourth verse of the Aeschylean 
fragment quoted above, which indi- 
cates this derivation, the true reading 
(I suspect) is the traditional ἥξουσ᾽, 
and not that which modern editors 
have preferred, ἵκουσ᾽ : for, as θήσον- 
Tat in v. I shows, it is a prophecy ; 
and it was like a poet to suggest ἵκουσ᾽ 
as the second element in the name, 
rather than to give it. The real 
etymology is unknown. The Sikels 
being of Italic stock, Michaelis pro- 
poses fal (πολιός) and the -Ζε- of am- 
tc-us, Labr-ic-us, Mar-ic-a, etc. ; the 
reference would then be to the dirty 
greyish colour of the lake’s water. 
See Block’s art. Palikoi in Roscher’s 
Lexikon. 

2 Vit. Aeschyl. ad fin.: φασὶν ὑπὸ 
Ἱέρωνος ἀξιωθέντα ἀναδιδάξαι τοὺς 
Πέρσας ἐν Σικελίᾳ, καὶ λίαν εὐδοκιμεῖν. 

3 Aesch. fr. 32 εἰς ὑψίκρημνον 
Ἱμέραν δ᾽ ἀφικόμην. See Freeman, 
Sicily vol. 1. p. 414. 


MEN OF LETTERS AT HIERON’S COURT. 11 


While Tragedy was thus represented at Hieron’s court 
by the eldest of the Attic masters, the other but less mature 
branch of drama was also welcomed in the person of 
Epicharmus. One of his comedies, the /s/ands (Νᾶσοι), 
alluded to Hieron having sent his brother-in-law Chromius, 
in 477, to Anaxilas of Rhegium; a mission which secured 
the independence of the Epizephyrian Locrians. It is 
noticeable that the stories of Hieron which were current in 
later times often imply that he lived on terms of more or 
less familiar intercourse with the men of letters who were 
admitted to his circle. Epicharmus, in particular, was 
credited with a biting answer to an invitation from the 
tyrant’. Granting that some or most of these stories may 
have been late figments, it seems probable that Hieron’s 
disposition was of a kind which made such intercourse 
possible, even if, as a rule, it was somewhat perilous. We 
should have wished to know whether the Sicilian historian 
Timaeus, who ought to have been well-versed in Syracusan 
tradition, had any good authority for his statement that 


Epichar- 
mus. 


Xenophanes of Colophon survived to the days of Hieron® Xeno- 


There is a certain piquancy in the thought that the veteran 
castigator of Homer and Hesiod may have met Pindar and 
Aeschylus under the roof of a common host. Homer is, 
indeed, the subject of a remark which, according to 
Plutarch, Hieron addressed to Xenophanes’. 

Such was the Syracusan court to which Simonides came 
soon after the beginning of the new reign. He was then 
seventy-eight years of age. It is remarkable that, among 


1 Plut. De Adul. et amic., c. 27. 
Hieron had put to death some of their 
common acquaintances, and a few days 
afterwardsasked Epicharmusto dinner. 
Epicharmus made this unpunctuated 
reply :---ἀἀλλλὰ πρῴην θύων τοὺς φίλους 
οὐκ ἐκάλεσας. [The ambiguity would 
be represented by the following sen- 
tence, though it is far less neat than 
the Greek :—‘ The other day when 
you held a sacrifice of your friends I 
alone was not asked.’] 


phanes. 


Hieron 
and St- 
monides. 


2 Timaeus fr. 92 (Miiller 1. p. _ 


215): Revodavys...6v φησι Τίμαιος 
κατὰ Ἱέρωνα τὸν Σικελίας δυνάστην καὶ 
Ἐπίχαρμον τὸν ποιητὴν γεγονέναι. 
From Xenophanes himself (fr. 7) we 
know that he was still writing at the 
age of ninety-two. 

3 Plut. Apophth. Hieron, 4: πρὸς 
δὲ Ἐενοφάνην τὸν Ἰ ολοφώνιον εἰπόντα 
μόλις οἰκέτας δύο Tpépew, ANN” Ὅμηρος, 
εἶπεν, ὃν σὺ διασύρεις, πλείονας ἢ μυρίους 
τρέφει τεθνηκώς. 


2—2 


Their 
Sriendship. 


The poems 
of Bacchy- 
lides for 
Hieron. 


12 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


all the fragments or notices of writings ascribed to Simonides, 
the sole trace of Hieron is a mention of his name, along 
with those of his brothers, in the epigram on the battle of 
Himera’,—an epigram probably written before Hieron had 
succeeded Gelon at Syracuse. The qualities by which the 
poet won the tyrant’s regard seem to have been personal 
rather than professional. The friend of Hipparchus, the 
guest of Thessalian Scopadae and Aleuadae, was not with- 
out experience in the life of courts. Not long after his 
arrival in Sicily—at some time in the years 478-476,—his 
Ionian tact achieved a task which must have demanded 
fine diplomacy. He reconciled Hieron to Theron of 
Acragas, at a moment when war had almost broken out 
between them* From that day until he died, not long 
after his patron, in Sicily, the relations of Simonides with 
the master of Syracuse appear to have been those of an 
intimate and confidential friendship* At this period 
Bacchylides had already gained a certain measure of dis- 
tinction. That is sufficiently proved by the epinikion (Ode 
XII) which he wrote, probably in 481 or 479, for Pytheas, 
son of Lampon, an eminent citizen of Aegina. The same 
victory is the subject of Pindar’s fifth Nemean. Simonides 
took an early opportunity of presenting his nephew to 
Hieron at Syracuse. 

The first poem which Bacchylides wrote for Hieron 
(Ode νὴ was sent from Ceos in 476 B.c. But a previous 
visit to Syracuse is indicated, since he is already Hieron’s 
‘cuest-friend’ (ξένος, V. 11). Six years later, when Hieron’s 
victory in the chariot-race (470 B.C.) elicited Pindar’s first 
Pythian, Bacchylides sent merely a little congratulatory 
song of twenty verses (Ode IV); he may have been pre- 
cluded, by some cause unknown to us, from doing more. 


1 Simon. 141 (Bergk). friend’s privilege of παρρησία. For 
2 Diodorus Siculus x1. 48. Schol. _ other illustrations of the almost pro- 
Pind. O. 11. 29 (15). verbial intimacy between Simonides 


3 Xenophon’s Hieron, a dialogue and Hieron, see Arist. Ret. τι. 16. 
between the tyrant and Simonides, §2: [Plat.] ΖΦ 2157. 11. p. 311 A: Cic. 
attests the author’s belief that the De Nat. Deor. 1. xxii. 60. 
poet enjoyed in the fullest measure a 


HIS POEMS FOR HIERON.—PINDAR. 13 


In 468 Hieron gained the most important of such successes 
by winning the chariot-race at Olympia. The poet who 
celebrated this event was Bacchylides. Pindar did not 
write. A cordial tribute to Hieron occurs in his sixth 
Olympian, written in 472 (or, as some think, in 468) for 
Agesias of Syracuse (vv. 93 ff.). It would, of course, be 
unwarrantable to suppose that, in 468, Pindar had lost 
Hieron’s favour. Pindar’s silence may have been due 
to some other cause of which we know nothing. But, in 
the light of so much as is known, that silence is noteworthy. 
These are, briefly, the facts as to the work of Bacchylides 
for Hieron. His attitude towards that ruler, as compared 
with Pindar’s, is discussed in another place’. 


In the course of the years 476-468 Pindar and Supposed 
_ Bacchylides must have met at Syracuse, probably on of Pindar 
several occasions. A number of passages in Pindar’s odes ” ‘he Cean 
are interpreted by the scholiasts as containing hostile?” 
allusions to Bacchylides, or Simonides, or both. The 
question is sufficiently curious and. interesting to merit 
some examination. 

A preliminary observation should be made. Some of 
the Pindaric scholia which give these interpretations add 
statements to the effect that a jealousy existed between 
Pindar and Bacchylides; that Bacchylides disparaged 
him to Hieron; and that Hieron preferred the poems of 
Bacchylides to those of Pindar. It has sometimes been 
assumed or implied that the Alexandrian commentators 
had no warrant for such statements except such as they 
discovered in Pindar’s own words. But it is to be remem- 
bered that they may have found other evidence in books 
which are now lost, or of which only fragments remain. 
Among such books were the histories of Sicily by 


1 Introd. to Ode v, § 3. αὐτὸν τῷ “Ἱέρωνι διέσυρεν. (3) Schol. 


2 (ἢ) Schol. Pind. J. 111. 143 (82) 
δοκεῖ δὲ ταῦτα τείνειν εἰς Βακχυλίδην " 
ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ ὑφόρασις πρὸς ἀλλή- 
Rous. (2) Schol. P.. ul. 97 (53) 
αἰνίττεται δὲ εἰς Βακχυλίδην " del yap 


P. τι. 166 (go) ἡ ἀναφορὰ πάλιν εἰς 
Βακχυλίδην᾽ εἴληπται δὲ οὕτως ἡ διάνοια 
διὰ τὸ παρὰ Ἱέρωνι τὰ Βακχυλίδου 
ποιήματα προκρίνεσθαι. 


14 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


Antiochus of Syracuse, Philistus of Syracuse, and Timaeus 
of Tauromenion. Those histories included Hieron’s reign, 
and may have noticed Syracusan traditions relating to 
celebrated visitors at his court. There was also a large 
literature of memoirs and anecdotes concerning famous 
writers. Some idea of its abundance can be formed from 
Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius, and Athenaeus. Almost the 
whole of that literature has perished. But at least two 
authors can be named, either of whom might well have 
touched on Pindar’s relations with the poets whom he met 
at Syracuse. One is Chamaeleon of Heracleia in Pontus 
(ft. c. 310 B.C.), a pupil of Aristotle; the other is Istrus of 
Cyrene (77. c. 240 B.C.), a pupil of Callimachus. These 
were the two oldest sources for the biography of Pindar’. 
Timaeus wrote a work on lyric poets (Μελοποιοί). It is 
from Chamaeleon that Athenaeus derives certain par- 
ticulars respecting the life of Simonides when he was 
Hieron’s guest*. Chamaeleon and Istrus, however, are but 
two out of many writers who preserved reminiscences of 
the classical poets. It would be very rash to assume that 
the Alexandrians can have had no warrant, beyond Pindar’s 
text, for their view of his attitude towards the poets of 
Ceos. 

Again, moderns naturally approach this question with 
some reluctance to believe that a great poet could have 
dealt in such innuendo. But it is hardly needful to say 
that modern standards of feeling cannot safely be applied 
to an age of which the tone in such matters was so different. 
It is indisputable that several passages of Pindar express 
scorn for some people who are compared to crows or daws, 
to apes or foxes’. The only question is, are all such utter- 
ances merely general, referring to classes of persons, such, 
for instance, as the vulgar herd of inferior poets? Or is 
the allusion in such places, or in any of them, to indi- 
viduals? Here the probabilities depend in some measure 


1 Leutsch, Die Quellen fiir die 2 Athen. 14. p. 656 C, D. 
Biographien des Pindar, in Philolog. 3 Pind. O. 11. 96; MW. 1. 82; P. 
xi. 1 ff. Il. 72, 77. 


PINDAR’S SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 15 


on the estimate which may be formed of Pindar’s tempera- 
ment. It is clear, at least, that he intimates his own 
superiority to all contemporary masters of lyric song. 
Confidence in his own poetical power is joined to a marked 
pride of race, and to that sense of an intimate communion 
with Delphi which so often lends the note of authority to 
his precepts. The disposition suggested by the general 
spirit of his work is ardent, strenuous, impetuous: it is also 
haughty, and such as would probably have been impatient 
of competition. 


In considering the passages, then, where the Alex- 
andrians saw hostile references by Pindar to the poets of 
Ceos, it is well to bring a mind unbiased by either of two 
presumptions; that the Alexandrians can have had nothing 
to go upon except Pindar’s words ; or that Pindar cannot 
have intended such allusions. 

The most important of these passages,—that, indeed, Passage in 
on which the issue primarily turns,—occurs in the second phasis 
Olympian ode, composed for Theron of Acragas in 476 B.C. 
That was the year in which Bacchylides first wrote for 
Hieron, celebrating the same victory which is the subject 
of Pindar’s first Olympian. Simonides had then been in 
relations with Hieron for more, at least, than a year. 
After a magnificent description of the elysium in the Islands 
of the Blest, Pindar abruptly turns to speak of his own 
art. ‘Many swift arrows are there in the quiver beneath 
my arm, shafts with a message for the wise; but for the 
crowd they need interpreters’; and then come these words 
(vv. 86—88) :— 

σοφὸς ὁ πολλὰ ρειδὼς hua * 
μαθόντες δὲ λάβροι 
παγγλωσσίᾳ, κόρακες ὥς, ἄκραντα γαρύετον 
Διὸς πρὸς ὄρνιχα θεῖον. 

The σοφός, the man of intellectual attainment, is here, 
as the context shows, specially the poet. The true poet is he 
who ‘knows much,—whose mind and fancy are fertile—‘ by 
natures gift’ (dua). ‘But they who have merely /earned;— 


16 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


the disciples and imitators of others,—‘ boisterous (λάβροι) 
with their torrent of words, vainly chatter (the pair of them) 
like crows, against the godlike bird of Zeus.’ To the dual 
yapverov we shall return presently: but first let us consider 
the general purport of the passage. The ‘bird of Zeus’ is, 
of course, Pindar. He again likens himself to an eagle, 
and other singers to inferior birds, in the third Nemean 
(probably of 469 B.C.), vv. 80 ff. :— 


4 > > \ > \ > rn 
ἔστι δ᾽ αἰετὸς ὠκὺς ἐν ToTavois... 
κραγέται δὲ κολοιοὶ ταπεινὰ νέμονται. 


‘The eagle is swift among the birds of the air,...but the 
clamorous daws haunt the lower regions of the sky.’ The 
word AdBpor suggests noisy braggarts, as in the Jad 
(XXII. 478 f.),— 
ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ μύθοις λαβρεύεαι" οὐδέ τί σε χρὴ 
λαβραγόρην ἔμεναι. 

The term παγγλωσσία occurs nowhere else. It denotes 
readiness to utter anything (compare παρρησία and παν- 
oupyia),—a loquacity not restrained by discernment or 
by taste. These creatures of mere lore are garrulous, 
without that discriminating instinct which chastens and 
refines the language of the born poet. Their utterances 
are also ἄκραντα : they achieve nothing, they make no 
abiding impression. In brief, these ‘taught’ men are 
pretentious, noisy, strangers to distinction of style, and 
ineffectual. But the fundamental thing is the contrast 
between original genius (φυά) and imitative accomplish- 
ment (μάθησις). This contrast is habitual with Pindar; we 
have it again in the third Nemean (vv. 40—42):— 


συγγενεῖ δέ τις εὐδοξίᾳ μέγα βρίθει" 
ὃς δὲ διδάκτ᾽ ἔχει, ψεφηνὸς ἀνὴρ 
ες  ι Ψ' », Ng ie Ja 
ἄλλοτ ἄλλα πνέων οὔποτ ἀτρεκεέϊ 
7 ΄ a > 
κατέβα ποδί, μυριᾶν ὃ 
ἀρετᾶν ἀτελεῖ νόῳ γεύεται. 


‘Born with him is the power that gives weight to ἃ 
man’s fame: but whoso has the fruits of lore alone, he 


PINDARS SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 17 


remains in the shade. His spirit veers with every breeze: 
in no field of trial is his foothold sure: he nibbles at 
excellence in countless forms, but his mind achieves noth- 
ing. The proximate occasion of this general reflection is 
the inspired valour of Heracles, to whom Pindar has just 
referred ; but it is obvious that he is thinking also of the 
born poet. The same remark applies to some verses in the 
ninth Olympian (of 456 B.C.?), where the immediate contest 
relates to athletes (vv. I00O—102):— 


τὸ δὲ dud κράτιστον ἅπαν" πολλοὶ δὲ διδακταῖς 
ἀνθρώπων ἀρεταῖς κλέος 
ὥρουσαν ἀρέσθαι. 


‘Nature’s gift is ever best; but many men have strained to 


win renown by feats to which they had been schooled.’ 
Such, then, is the general scope of the passage in the 
second Olympian. Let us next examine a crucial point in 


it, the use of the dual yapverov. 


Emendations have been 


attempted : but there is a strong presumption that the word 


is sound!. 


1 Bergk (4th ed.) suggested γαρυέ- 
των, which Otto Schréder adopts in 
his edition of Pindar (1900); a defiant 
imperative, like οἱ δ᾽ οὖν γελώντων in 
Soph. Az. 961. Schréder takes it as 
plural, not dual. Now such a form as 
γαρυέτων, instead of γαρυόντων, is most 
rare. The evidence is exhaustively 
stated in Kiihner-Blass, Ausfihrliche 
Gr. Gramm., 3rd ed., vol. 11. p. 50. 
(1) ἔστων is 3rd pers. imperat. plural 
in Od.1.273: also in Plato, Xenophon, 
Doric and Ionic inscriptions etc. 
(2) ἴσων in Aesch. Zum. 32 is 3rd 
pers. imperat. plural. (3) ἀνεστακό- 
τῶν is cited by Kiihner-Blass (/.c.) as 
occurring once in Archimedes, who 
elsewhere uses forms in -ντῶν : ‘ but 
that should certainly be corrected, 
with Ahrens, to ἀνεστακόντων : cp. 
Heiberg, Suppl. Fl. Jahr. x1. 561.’ 
(4) In 211. 8. 109, τούτω μὲν θεράποντε 
κομείτων, that form of the verb was 


It will be remembered that the use of the dual 


written by Aristarchus (but κομείτην 
by Zenodotus: Bergk says, ‘alii 
forte κομεύντων ἢ. κομείτων is usually 
and naturally taken as dual. In 
Kiihner-Blass (p. 51) it is cited as the 
only example of the 3rd pers. of the 
imperative dual in -rwy which occurs 
in classical literature. Schréder, how- 
ever, on Pind. O. 11. 87 (96), suggests 
that κομείτων is 3rd pers. plural: I do 
not know why. It will be seen that the 
probabilities are very strong against a 
form of such extreme rarity as γαρυέτων. 
Schréder thinks that the imperative 
here is a great improvement to the 
sense. To me it does not seem so. 
The clause σοφὸς κιτ.Δ. is opposed to 
the clause μαθόντες δὲ x.7.X. The 
verb to be supplied in the first clause 
is ἐστί : the verb of the second clause 
would also naturally be in the indica- 
tive mood, γαρύετον. 

The other proposed emendations 


The dual 
verb. 


The 
scholiast’s 
View. 


Other 
explana- 
tions. 


18 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


verb implies not merely that there are two agents, but 
also that they are somehow associated in action. If, for 
example, it were desired to say in ancient Greek, ‘Adams 
and Leverrier independently discovered the planet Neptune,’ 
the verb would be εὗρον, not εὑρέτην: but in saying, 
‘Erckmann and Chatrian wrote the book,’ it would be 
ἐγραψάτην. The usage of classical writers frequently 
illustrates the fine expressiveness of the dual verb. It 
can lightly emphasise a close comradeship, as when 
Heracles, in the Sophoclean play, says of Philoctetes 
and Neoptolemus, 


ἀλλ᾽ ὡς λέοντε συννόμω φυλάσσετον 
οὗτος σὲ καὶ σὺ κεῖνον. 

Or it can convey a shade of mockery, as when the 
Platonic Socrates says to Euthydemus and his brother, 
the professors of eristic, yapioac@ov...émideiEaTov...elmerov. 
In Pindar’s yapveror the tone of the dual is scornful. These 
two persons are leagued in a futile competition with their 
superior. Can the dual be explained without assuming 
that it indicates two definite persons? No, unless by 
regarding it as merely incidental to the imagery; 22, as 
meaning that an indefinite number of bad poets behave 
‘like crows chattering in pairs’: but that would be pointless, 
and, indeed, absurd. Who, then, are these two persons? 
According to an Alexandrian commentator, they are 
Simonides and Bacchylides?. 

Only two other explanations (so far as I know) have 
been offered. One is that Pindar alludes to Capys and 
Hippocrates, kinsmen of Theron, who levied war against 
bility. (2) Tycho Mommsen, γαρύεται 
(‘schema Pindaricum ’). (3) Herwer- 


den, γαρύετε. (4) Hartung, γαρυέται 
(plur. of yapvérns) : whendxpay7amust 


of γαρύετον demand less discussion. 
(1) Dawes, yapvéuev. This is accepted 
by Michelangeli (p. 27), who, with 
that candour which marks the whole 


of his excellent discussion, recognizes 
the gravity of γαρύετον as an obstacle 
to his view that Pindar was guiltless 
of allusion to the Cean poets. The 
construction then is, λάβροι... γαρυέ- 
μεν (ἐντί), ‘are fierce in chattering.’ 
I cannot think that this has any proba- 


beeither an ady., oranacc. governed by 
the verbal notion (ἄπορα πόριμοΞ). 

1 Schol. Pind. O, 11. 158 (96), on 
ἄκραντα ‘yapverov.—ei δέ πως πρὸς 
Βακχυλίδην καὶ Σιμωνίδην αἰνίττεται, 
καλῶς ἄρα ἐξείληπται τὸ γαρύετον 
duxGs* καὶ οὕτως ὄντως ἔχει ὁ λόγος. 


PINDARS SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 19 


him, but were defeated. The ‘bird of Zeus’ will then be 
Theron: an eagle appears on coins of Acragas’. But this 
hypothesis is clearly incompatible with Pindar’s words, and 
with the context: he is speaking of himself as a poet, and 
of his art. The other explanation finds in κόρακες an 
allusion to Corax, the author of the earliest Greek treatise 
on rhetoric, and supposes that his associate is the rhetorician 
Teisias. Corax and Teisias (it is suggested) had col- 
laborated, shortly before 4768B.C., in a work which was 
known to Pindar*. Now Corax, indeed, is said to have had 
influence with Hieron, though his activity as a rhetorician 
belonged chiefly to the period of democracy which followed 
the fall of the Deinomenid house. But Teisias is tradition- 
ally represented as a man of a younger generation, a pupil 
of Corax, and afterwards the teacher of Lysias and of 
Isocrates. The chronological difficulty is not, however, 


1 This explanation was suggested 
by Freeman, Hist. of Sicily, 11. p. 531. 
As to the war made on Theron by his 
two kinsmen, see 20. p. 147. 

2 This view was first put forward 
by Dr A. W. Verrall in an article on 
Aesch. Cho. 935—972 (Journ. of Pht- 
Jology 1x. 114 ff.), and afterwards 
developed in his paper on ‘ Korax 
and Tisias,’ 74. 197ff. To those 
articles the reader is referred for a 
full and able statement of all that can 
be advanced in favour of the hypo- 
thesis. It should be noted that 
παγγλωσσία is explained by Verrall 
(p- 129) as ‘the sum of all yAéooa’ 
(obscure words), and then (p. 130) 
‘the science of such words and their 
interpretations.’ He thinks that, 
before 476, the two men, afterwards 
famous as rhetoricians, ‘had pub- 
lished some work, doubtless fanciful 
enough, upon etymology.’ Professor 
Gildersleeve, who regards the sugges- 
tion as ingenious, adds this comment 
(Pindar, p. 153): ‘See P. 1, 943 
where the panegyric side of oratory 
is recognised. If we must have 
rivalry, why not rivalry between the 


old art of poetry (φυᾷ) and the new 
art of rhetoric (ua@évres)??’ The 
work on etymology, however, which 
Dr Verrall supposes, would have been 
published, as he rightly says (p. 197), 
at least ten years before Corax pub- 
lished his ‘Art of Rhetoric,’—the 
earliest recorded book of its kind. 
Pindar, in Dr Verrall’s view, repre- 
sents, not poetry versus rhetoric, but 
the poet’s insight into words versus 
the etymological treatment of words 
‘in prose, cold, crude, and quasi- 
scientific’ (p. 131). The words in 
P. 1.94, to which Prof. Gildersleeve 
refers, are καὶ λογίοις καὶ ἀοιδαῖς : 
where λογίοις seems to mean ‘chroni- 
clers’ (like the logographers). So in 
NV. vi. 31 the memorials of fame 
are ἀοιδαὶ καὶ λόγοι, ‘poems and 
chronicles’ (surely not ‘ speeches’). 
In XM. vi. 52 λογίοισιν seem to be 
‘men versed in tradition,’ whether 
poets or prose-writers. It is more 
than doubtful whether there is any 
reference in Pindar to panegyric 
oratory; and it seems certain that 
there is none to the art of rhetoric. 


Pindar’s 
relations to 
Simonides 
and Bac- 
chylides. 


20 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


the only one. Pindar, in the second Olympian, seems 
clearly to point at other poets, the ‘crows’ of this passage, 
the ‘daws’ of another, who vainly compete with the 
sovereign eagle. It is hard to see how, in 476, the art of 
rhetoric can have been in any such competition with the 
art of poetry as would explain Pindar’s words. 

On the other hand, a reference to Simonides and Bac- 
chylides is perfectly intelligible. Let us briefly recall the 
circumstances. Simonides and Pindar, the Ionian and 
the Theban, men of contrasted types alike in genius and in 
personal character, had now for many years been the two 
foremost representatives of lyric poetry. Shortly before 
Pindar began to write for Hieron, Simonides came to 
Sicily, and soon became established in Hieron’s confidence. 
Pindar and Bacchylides had already been brought into a 
kind of indirect competition, when Lampon of Aegina 
(probably in 481 or 479) commissioned both poets to 
write for him on the same occasion. Simonides now 
introduces Bacchylides to Hieron, whose Olympian victory 
in 476 is celebrated by Bacchylides as well as by Pindar. 
When account is taken of the temperament which has left 
its impress on Pindar’s work, it seems probable that 
(however unjustly) he would have considered Simonides 
as his inferior. He might with more justice take that view 
of Bacchylides, whose real excellences, besides being of a 
wholly different kind from his own, were on a lower plane. 
The nephew was probably regarded by Pindar as a feebler 
copy of the uncle. This, then, is the first element in the 
situation. As formerly at Aegina, so now in a more 
conspicuous manner at Syracuse, Pindar’s work has been 
set side by side with the work of Bacchylides. The other 
element is furnished by the personal relations of Pindar 
on the one part, and of the Cean poets on the other, with 
Hieron. Pindar, we may be sure, would not have been a 
successful courtier. It is hard to conceive of him as 
retaining, for any long time, the good graces of an exacting 
despot, who must have made continual demands on de- 
ference, tact, and pliancy. When asked why, unlike 


PINDARS SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 21 


Simonides, he was little disposed to visit the courts of 
Sicilian princes, Pindar is said to have replied, ‘Because 
I wish to live my own life, and not that of another.’ 
Pindar, one may believe, was too proud a man to care if 
the poets of Ceos outstripped him in Hieron’s personal 
favour. But Pindar had the passionate love and reverence 
of a supreme artist for his art. His tribute to Hieron in 
the first Olympian is no mere conventional piece, written 
to order: it is one of the most splendid of his odes, showing 
that his imagination had really been fired by the grandeur 
of Hieron’s position; not simply by the power which 
clothed the ruler of Syracuse, but also, as is still more 
evident from the first and second Pythians, by Hieron’s 
place as the champion of Hellene against barbarian in the 
West. The third Ode of Bacchylides, linked by its 
occasion with the first Olympian, is a poem of great 
interest ; but it cannot, of course, for a moment be ranked 
in the same class with Pindar’s. Whether Hieron, how- 
ever, was a good judge of their relative merits, may be 
doubted: and it seems very possible that, as the 
Alexandrian scholiast affirms, he preferred the simpler, 
clearer verse of Bacchylides to that of Pindar. If Pindar 
saw that, and felt that it was largely due to the personal 
influence of the Ionians,—an influence won by social gifts 
which he himself did not possess, and rather despised,—he 
may have resented it as a slight, not to himself, but to the 
art for which he lived. Such a feeling would go far to 
account for the tone of the utterance in the second 
Olympian. The things said there could not fairly be said 
either of Simonides or of Bacchylides. But resentment is 
not apt to be a fair critic. That yapverov refers to 
Simonides and _ Bacchylides, seems, then, exceedingly 
probable: though I should welcome a ‘proof that this 
impression is erroneous. But the reader can now form 


1 One of the Πινδάρου ἀποφθέγ. μησεν els Σικελίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ οὐ θέλει, 
ματα (given in W. Christ’s Pindar ὅτι Βούλομαι, εἶπεν, ἐμαυτῷ ζῆν, 
p- CI). ᾿Επερωτηθεὶς πάλιν, διὰ τί οὐκ ἄλλῳ. 

Σιμωνίδης πρὸς τοὺς τυραννοὺυς ἀπεδή- 


Other 
passages of 
Pindar. 


Result. 


LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


22 


his own judgment. The aim of these pages has not been 
to advocate an opinion, but to exhibit the evidence. 

The other passages of Pindar, in which the Alexandrians 
traced similar allusions, are of less moment. (1) In the 
second Pythian, written for Hieron after 477 B.c.—perhaps 
in 475,—Pindar refers to the mischief of ‘slander,—to the 
slanderer’s disposition as resembling that of ‘the crafty 
fox,—and to an ‘ape’ who is admired by ‘children.’ Here 
the scholiast finds a reference to Bacchylides; he is the 
‘ape, and he disparages Pindar to their common patron 
(vv. 52ff.; and 72ff.). This seems at least dubious. If 
Bacchylides was the ape, Pindar must have counted on 
Hieron failing to identify himself with the child. (2) In 
the second Isthmian, for Xenocrates of Acragas (czrca 
470 B.C.), verse 6, Pindar refers to the olden days when 
‘the Muse was not yet covetous, nor a hireling.’ This is 
taken by the Alexandrian commentator as glancing at the 
avarice of Simonides; and there is some reason for 
supposing that Callimachus thought so. (3) In the fourth 
Nemean, for Timasarchus of Aegina (c. 467-463 B.C.), 
vv. 37—41, the poet expresses his assurance of triumphing 
over certain foes; though there is ‘a man of envious eye’ 
(φθονερὰ... βλέπων), who ‘revolves in darkness a vain 
purpose that falls to the ground.’ The scholiast takes this 
man to be Simonides: but that seems questionable. 

In no one of these three passages can the Alexandrian 
interpretation be regarded as more than possible. So far 
as these are concerned, the net result of the scholia is 
merely to illustrate the firmness of the Alexandrian belief 
in Pindar’s propensity to deal thrusts at the Cean poets. 


1 Pindar’s words (/. 11. 6) are: Benseler s.v. Ὑλιχίδης supposes 


ἁ Μοῖσα yap οὐ φιλοκερδής πω τότ᾽ 
ἣν οὐδ᾽ épyaris. The schol. there 
says:—év0ev καὶ Καλλίμαχος" 
οὐ γὰρ ἐργάτιν τρέφω 
τὴν Μοῦσαν, ὡς ὁ Κεῖος Ὑλλίχου νέ- 
πους. 
[Callim. fr. 77. Michelangeli p. 4 
takes Ὕλλιχος to be the grandfather 
of Simonides. But Rost in Pape- 


Ὑλλίχου vérovs to mean δημότης 
*Prxl5ys.] It certainly looks as if 
the scholiast was right in taking 
Pindar’s verse to be the source from 
which Callimachus derived his phrase. 
That does not prove, but it suggests, 
that Callimachus understood Pindar 
as alluding to Simonides. 


SENTIMENTS IN CONTRAST WITH PINDAR’S. 23 


An opinion so fixed tends, however, to strengthen the 
probability that the belief rested, not solely on Pindar’s 
text, but also on a tradition. 

The recently recovered poems of Bacchylides contain Bacchy- 
not a word which could be construed as reflecting on πω 5 
Pindar. But among the previously known fragments there a//udes to 
are two which deserve notice as presenting a curiously ἌΦΕΣ 
marked contrast with Pindaric utterances. (1) Pindar says But there 
(O/. τι. 85f.) that his shafts of song are φωνάεντα συνετοῖσιν" °° Peas 
ἐς δὲ τὸ wav ἑρμηνέων χατίζει. Bacchylides says (XIV. 30f.): sentiment. 

οὐ yap ὑπόκλοπον φορεῖ 
βροτοῖσι φωνάεντα λόγον σοφία" 

‘There is nothing furtive’—nothing that is not frank and 
open—‘in the clear utterance that wisdom brings to 
mortals.’ Here σοφία might well be the poet’s art. The 
word φωνάεντα decidedly suggests that the author was 
thinking of the Pindaric passage, where σοφός (said of the 
poet) occurs just afterwards. Bacchylides would then be 
saying, in effect:—‘True art does not speak in forms which 
have a voice only for the select few, but require interpreters 
for the many: it does not take refuge in riddles: its 
utterance has a clear sound for all men.’ The pellucid 
character of his own work illustrates that sentiment. 
(2) Still more remarkable, perhaps, is the other contrast. 
We have just seen how Pindar heaps scorn on the 
μαθόντες, the men of διδακταὶ ἀρεταί, the poets who are 
mere disciples or imitators. Bacchylides mildly observes 
(fr. 4) :— 

ἕτερος ἐξ ἑτέρου σοφὸς TO τε πάλαι Kal TO Viv" 

οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾷστον ἀρρήτων ἐπέων πύλας 

ἐξευρεῖν" 
‘Poet is heir to poet, now as of old; for in sooth ’tis no 
light task to find the gates? of virgin song.” ‘Can any 
lyric poet of our day ’—so we might expand his thought— 
‘confidently affirm that he owes nothing to the old poets 
from Homer onwards, the shapers of heroic myth, the 


1 On the shortening of πάν, see 2 The image is Pindar’s: O. VI. 27 
Schroder, Prolegom. to Pindar, p. 34. πύλας ὕμνων ἀναπιτνάμεν. 


Banish- 
ment of 


Bacchyli- 


des from 
Ceos. 


24 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


earliest builders of lyric song, in whose footsteps Pindar 
himself has followed?’ The words of Bacchylides are (to 
my ear) suggestive of such a reply; and that view of them 
is not necessarily invalid merely because Pindar would, in 
fact, have had a sound rejoinder ; viz., that in its essence, 
in all that constitutes its distinctive character, his own 
work is eminently original. But, at any rate,—and this is 
the main point,—in all the extant writings of Bacchylides 
there is no polemical utterance. If certain asperities of 
Pindar were indeed directed against Simonides and Bac- 
chylides, the Cean poets may have profited by a quality 
which was not rare among men of their race. They were 
lonians, and may have been protected from serious annoy- 
ance by a sense of humour. 


Apart from the Sicilian chapter, the only recorded 
event in the external life of Bacchylides is one which is 
noticed by Plutarch in his tract On Exile. The authen- 
ticity of that piece is not liable to any well-grounded 
suspicion. It is a discourse of a consolatory kind 
(παραμυθητικός), addressed to a friend who had been 
banished from his country. The following passage occurs 
in it (§ 14) :— 

‘In the best and most approved compositions of the 
ancients, exile, it would seem, was a fellow-worker with 
the Muses. Thucydides of Athens wrote his history of the 
Peloponnesian War at Scapte-Hyle in Thrace. Xenophon 
wrote at Scillus in Elis; Philistus, in Epeirus ; Timaeus of 
Tauromenion, at Athens; the Athenian Androtion, at 
Megara; the poet Bacchylides, in Peloponnesus. 

“ΑἹ! these, and several others, were banished from their 
respective countries ; but they did not despair, or throw 
their lives away. They used their gifts of genius, taking 
banishment as a travelling-grant! made to them by Fortune. 
Thanks to such exile, their memories survive in all lands ; 
while of the men who drove them out, the men whose 


1 ἐφόδιον παρὰ τῆς τύχης τὴν φυγὴν λαβόντες. 


EXILE IN PELOPONNESUS. 25 


faction triumphed, there is not one who is not utterly 
forgotten.’ 

Two conclusions may with certainty be drawn from 
this passage. The first is that, in Plutarch’s belief, the 
departure of Bacchylides from Ceos was not voluntary, but 
due to a sentence of banishment. The second is that 
Plutarch supposed him to have resided in Peloponnesus 
for a considerable time, and to have composed there some 
appreciable portion of his works. Plutarch had access to 
a large literature containing memoirs or reminiscences of 
the older poets, a product characteristic of the whole period 
between Aristotle and the Augustan age. Somewhere, 
doubtless, in that literature he found authority for his 
statement concerning Bacchylides. He gives us no clue 
to the cause of the banishment, and conjecture would be 
idle. Nor can the date be determined. But facts deducible “riod 4 

: Tae νι which his 

from the poet’s odes create certain probabilities respecting exiz 
the period of his life to which the event belonged. Sonne 
(1) Ode v was sent to Hieron from Ceos in 476. The 
poet had not then been banished. (2) Odes VI and VII 
are for Lachon of Ceos. The date of these two poems is 
fixed by the new fragment of the Olympic register! to 
452 B.c. The last verses of Ode VI rather suggest that 
the poet was then in Ceos. At any rate these odes would 
not have been written by a man who had been driven out 
of Ceos by a sentence of banishment. If that sentence was 
passed in the interval between 476 and 452, in 452 it had 
been cancelled. But it is perhaps more probable that the 
poet’s exile began after 452. As we have seen, there is 
reason to think that he survived the beginning of the 
Peloponnesian War. In 452 he cannot have been much 
more than fifty-five. After 452 there was still room for a 
chapter of life fruitful in poetical work, such as Plutarch 
indicates. 

It is pertinent to inquire whether any traces of a residence 7Zraces of 
in Peloponnesus can be discerned in the poems or fragments phe se 


sus tn his 


of Bacchylides. There is much, undoubtedly, that relates wz. 
1 Oxyrhynchus Papyri τι. 85. 


26 PELOPONNESUS.—A MAP OF THE ODES. - 


to Peloponnesus. Ode VIII (the only one for a Peloponnesian 
victor) shows his intimate acquaintance with the legends 
and cults of Phlius. He knows also the local legends of 
the neighbouring Nemea (Odes VIII and ΧΙ). In Ode x 
we have the Argive story of Proetus and Acrisius, the 
offence given by the Proetides to the Argive Hera, and the 
cult of Artemis Hemera at Lusi in Arcadia. The poet 
knew that the Mantineians bore the trident of Poseidon on 
their shields (frag. 6). He told how the centaur Eurytion 
was slain by Heracles at the house of Dexamenus in Elis 
(frag. 48). His poem on Idas and Marpessa (XIX) was 
written for the Spartans. Some of his ‘Dorian partheneia’ 
(frag. 40) may also have been for Sparta, a place with 
which that form of lyric was especially associated. 

Limit to When, however, we scrutinise these facts, we can 

oe ck scarcely say that, in themselves, they would afford a pre- 

traces. sumption of residence. in Peloponnesus. The knowledge 
shown in respect to Phlius is noteworthy; yet, after all, it 
is not more than might have been acquired in the course of 
a short visit. On the whole, there is nothing that could 
not be explained by a poet’s study of mythology, sup- 
plemented, perhaps, by occasional visits to certain localities. 
That, however, is no reason for doubting the tradition pre- 
served by Plutarch, that the home of the exiled Bacchylides 
was, for some considerable time, in Peloponnesus. 

Geogra-_ The geographical distribution of his extant poems bears 

seibutionop Witness to a fairly wide-spread repute. Of his thirteen 

the poems. Epinikia, four (1, I, VI, VIL) were for Ceos; two (XI, XII) 
for Aegina; one (IX) for Athens; one (XIII) for Thessaly ; 
one (X) for Metapontion in Magna Graecia ; and three (III, 
IV, V) for Syracuse. Of his six so-called Dithyrambs, the 
local destination of one (XIV) is unknown. One (XVI) was 
to be performed by a Cean chorus at Delos; one (XV) was 
for Delphi. Two probably (XVII, XVIII) were for Athens ; 
and one (XIX) was for Sparta. It is likely that, as at 
Syracuse, so also at Athens, in Thessaly, and in Magna 
Graecia, the name of Simonides may have helped to 
recommend his nephew. 


27 


II. THE PLACE OF BACCHYLIDES IN THE HISTORY 
OF GREEK LYRIC POETRY 


The work of Bacchylides, well worthy of study in itself, 

derives a further interest from the peculiar place which he 
holds in the history of the Greek Lyric. He is the latest 
of the nine poets whom the Alexandrians included in their 
lyric canon, the others being Alcman, Alcaeus, Sappho, 
Stesichorus, Ibycus, Anacreon, Simonides and Pindar. In 
his youth, all the types of the lyric had been fully developed ; 
and the life of lyric poetry was still vigorous. Before his 
death, a decline had begun. In the last third of the fifth 
century, exquisite lyrics continued to adorn the plays of 
Sophocles, of Euripides, and of Aristophanes; but, after 
Bacchylides, no purely lyric poet attained to a high rank. 
From the commencement of the. Peloponnesian War 
onwards, the only kinds of lyric which remained fertile and 
popular were such as attested the degradation alike of 
poetical and of musical art, such productions as the dithy- 
rambs of Philoxenus and the nomes of Timotheus. 

The history of the classical Greek Lyric is comprised Period of 
in a period of some two hundred years, from the early or ie τοὶ 
middle part of the seventh century B.C. to about the middle 4” 
of the fifth. The rise of a lyric poetry was necessarily 
preceded by a development of music, which was traditionally 
associated with two principal names. The Phrygian 
Olympus, a dim figure, represented some marked improve- Olympus. 
ment in the music of the double flute (αὐλητική), soon 
followed by an advance in the art of singing to that 
instrument (αὐλῳδική). Terpander of Lesbos, whose Zerpander. 
activity may be placed about 710-670 B.c., improved the 
cithara, and was regarded as having founded the art of the 
‘citharode’ who sings to it. The kind of song which 
Terpander more particularly cultivated was that called the 


g==2 


28 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


The nome. ‘Nome’ (νόμος), a general term for a musical strain!, but one 
which early acquired a technical sense. A ‘nome’ was a 
solo, chanted to the cithara in honour of a god, especially 
of Apollo, and divided into parts according to a traditional 
scheme. Only about a dozen genuine lines of Terpander 
are extant?» Some of these are short verses composed 
wholly of spondees, which suggest a solemn liturgical 
effect. Healso usedthe hexameter. In Lesbos he founded 
a citharodic school which maintained his tradition for 

Terpander centuries. He visited Delphi. He established the citharodic 

at Sparia: ++ at Sparta, where he is said to have gained a prize at the 

festival of the Carneia in 676 B.c. The first epoch* in the 

Spartan culture of poetry and music is associated by 

Plutarch with Terpander’s name. The second such epoch 

was made by Thaletas‘,a native of Gortyn in Crete, who 

flourished about 670-640 B.c. He brought to Sparta 
certain kinds of choral song in which the Cretans excelled. 

These were the pacan and the hyporcheme, both belonging 

The paecan. to the Cretan cult of Apollo. The paean was usually, 
though not always, accompanied by dancing, an art which 
had been elaborately developed in Crete. The kindred, 

The hypor- but livelier, hyporcheme was, as the term imports, inseparable 

cheme. from dancing. The Spartan festival of the Gymnopaediae, 
founded (according to Eusebius) in 665 B.C., was that with 
which, in early times, the performance of paeans was more 
especially associated. 

Thaletas was said to have composed paeans; but 


Thaletas 
at Sparta. 


1 The musical sense of νόμος is 
doubtless derived from that of 
‘custom,’ ‘law.’ Weir Smyth com- 
pares τρόπος, olun, Germ. Weise, 
French and English air. See his 
Greek Melic Poets, p. lix, where other 
explanations are also noticed. 

2 Bergk* 111. pp. 8-12. 

3 Plut. De Mus. 9: ἡ μὲν οὖν 
πρώτη κατάστασις περὶ τὴν 
μουσικὴν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, Τερπάνδρου 
καταστήσαντος, γεγένηται. The sense 
οὗ ἡ πρώτη κατάστασις κ-ιτ.Ὰ. is indi- 
cated by καταστήσαντος. It means 


τῶν 


‘the first phase in the establishment’ 
of musical and poetical art at Sparta. 

+ Plut. Δ. associates with Thale- 
tas, as founders of the δευτέρα κατα- 
στασις at Sparta, Xenodamus of 
Cythera and Xenocritus of the 
Epizephyrian Locri, both writers of 
paeans; also Polymnestus of Colo- 
phon, known especially as a writer of 
ὄρθιοι νόμοι for flutes; and Sacadas 
of Argos (72. c. 580 B.C.?), who is 
described by Plutarch as a ποιητὴς 
ἐλεγείων. 


AEOLIAN MONODY. 29 


Plutarch observes that the tradition was not undisputed’. 
Some verses, at least, of Terpander were still extant in the 
second century A.D.; one of our scanty fragments is due to 
Clement of Alexandria’. But the Alexandrians did not 
include Terpander in their list. He was regarded rather 
as an early pioneer of lyric song, a ‘singer’ who was 
primarily a musician, while his poetical work was of a com- 
paratively archaic kind. The fame which he enjoyed in Ancient 
antiquity is proudly attested in the verse, written perhaps ἼΝΣ 
within a century after his death, by his countrywoman /&r. 
Sappho:— 

πέρροχος, ὡς ὄτ᾽ ἄοιδος ὁ Λέσβιος addOdSdTroLow’. 

There is a remarkable contrast in respect to their 
history between the two principal branches of the Greek 
lyric, the Aeolian song for one voice, and the Dorian choral 
ode. The Aeolian song is suddenly revealed, as a mature 7%e 
work of art, in the spirited stanzas of Alcaeus. It is raised an 
to a supreme excellence by his younger contemporary 
Sappho, whose melody is unsurpassed, perhaps unequalled, 
among all the relics of Greek verse.. With those two lives, 
—contained, probably, within some such limits as the years 
640 and 550 B.c.,—the Aeolian lyric begins and ends. In 
a later generation (¢. 550-500 B.C.) Anacreon of Teos 
wrote, indeed, lyric monodies on themes of festivity or of 
love: but his Ionian grace was not joined to the Lesbian 
fire; and his metrical forms owed little or nothing to the 
Lesbian models. His contemporary, Ibycus of Rhegium, 
in the fragments of love-poems which remain, shows a 
passion which gives him some measure of spiritual kinship 
with Alcaeus and Sappho; but his odes, so far as we can 
now judge, were of a kind wholly distinct from theirs, being 
choral, and composed in the large Dorian strophes. When 
Alcaeus and Sappho passed away, the moulds of their song 
were broken. No third Greek poet, in any age, created 
similar masterpieces of lyric monody. 


1 Plut. De Mus. το. *: Fr. 92. 
2 Strom. V1. 784 (Terpander fr. 1). 


The 
Dorian 
choral 
lyric. 


Alcman., 
The par- 
theneion. 


30 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


The history of the Dorian choral ode, on the other hand, 
is that of a series of lyric types gradually developed by 
successive poets in connexion with religious cults and public 
festivals. The Dorian state, as represented by Sparta, was 
based on the education of a warrior caste, trained to arms 
from boyhood, proud of their heroic ancestry, and imbued 
with a deep reverence for the institutions and customs of 
their race. ‘The Dorian sons of Pamphylus and of the 
Heracleidae, says Pindar, ‘dwelling under the cliffs of 
Taygetus, are ever content to abide by the ordinances of 
Aegimius’’ In a military aristocracy of this compact 
kind, the sense of corporate life was peculiarly strong ; and 
that was the sense to which the Dorian choral lyric 
appealed. It was an act of worship, performed at a 
gathering of the citizens. The gods of the city, the heroes 
of racial or local legend, the common beliefs and sentiments, 
were its normal themes. Choral dancing, in which the 
Dorians of Crete were so accomplished, was not less con- 
genial to Spartans. The gymnastic training, in which 
Spartan maidens participated, would confer ease and 
precision in rhythmic movement. It is easy to understand, 
then; why the choral lyric, in its earlier phases, was distinc- 
tively associated with Dorians. The closeness of that early 
tie explains the fixed convention which arose from it. A 
Dorian colouring remained obligatory for the dialect of the 
choral lyric, even when the composer was Boeoto-Aeolian, 
like Pindar, or Ionian, like Simonides and Bacchylides. 

Both Pindar and Bacchylides, according to Plutarch, 
wrote ‘many Dorian partheneia®.’ The ‘virginal song,’ or 
partheneion, was first perfected by Alcman (c. 640-600 B.C.), 
the earliest choral poet known in Greek literature. His 
parents were probably Aeolian Greeks resident in Lydia. 


1 Pind. P. 1. 62 ff. Papyri iv. 1904). If the ascription 


2 Plut. De Mus. 17.—The frag- 
ments of Pindar’s Παρθένεια are very 
scanty (fr. 95-104 in Schréder’s ed.). 
But a new fragment, of some 80 
verses, from a partheneion, is ascribed 
by Blass to Pindar (Oxyrhynchus 


is correct, these verses illustrate the 
remark of Dionysius, that Pindar’s 
style in his partheneia was simpler 
and easier than in other classes of his 
poems. No fragment οἵ ἃ partheneion 
by Bacchylides is extant. 


DORIAN CHORAL LYRIC.—ALCMAN. 31 


From Sardis he was brought in boyhood to Sparta, where 
he lived and died. He wrote hymns, paeans, hyporchemes, 
drinking-songs, love-songs. But his fame rested chiefly on 
his partheneia. Few fragments of Greek poetry are more 
interesting than the passage of about ninety verses by 
which one of these ‘virginal songs’ is represented. A 
chorus of Spartan maidens is offering a robe to Artemis 
Orthria, goddess of the dawn, and is competing for the 
musical prize with another Chorus. The time seems to be 
night,—perhaps shortly before daybreak. Their song 
begins with the myth of Hippocoon, the wicked king of 
Sparta, who drove out his brother Tyndareus, but was 
slain, with his sons, by Heracles. Then it glides into a 
lighter strain.—praising the beauty of Agido (a prominent 
member of the Chorus), which is as ‘a vision of winged 
dreams,’—and the vocal skill of the leader Hagesichora, in 
whom they chiefly trust for victory. The playful grace and 
airy charm of these stanzas are inimitable. In another 
fragment” of a partheneion, the chorus seems to defend 
Alcman against detractors; in a third*, it is he who 
addresses them, ‘the sweet-voiced maidens, who delight 
with song, and laments that he is growing too old to take 
part in their dance. It is a pity that nothing remains from 
the partheneia of Bacchylides, which must have given scope 
for his elegance of fancy and lightness of touch. Ionian 
and Athenian manners did not permit such virginal 
choruses. The partheneia of Bacchylides may have been 
written for Sparta, or other Dorian cities, during his 
residence in Peloponnesus. 

Alcman was a fine and versatile artist ; but, for the later 
history of Greek lyric poetry, he is less significant than Stesi- szesi- 
chorus of Himera (c. 610-550 B.C.), the creator of the epic The pie 
hymn. Terpander, Aleman, Alcaeus and Sappho had written 4ymmn. 
hymns; but only in honour of gods, or of such semi-divine 


1 Fr. 23 (Bergk). The papyrus 175 ff. 
was found in 1855 by Mariette in a 2 Fr. 24. 
tomb near the second pyramid. Cp. * Ἐν, χ6. 
Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, pp. 


Festivals 
of the 
heroes. 


Influence 
of Stest- 
chorus. 


32 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


persons as the Dioscuri. Stesichorus, taking the material 
furnished by epos, recast it in a lyric form. He drew on all 
the great cycles of myth, Trojan, Theban, Argive, Thessa- 
lian, Aetolian. The hymn became in his hands mainly a 
narrative, epic in general style, yet differing from epos by 
a fuller expression of characters and feelings. He boldly 
modified the old legends, as in his ‘ Palinode’ concerning 
Helen; and he also added to them. He seems to have 
been the first who spoke of Athena as springing full-armed 
from the head of Zeus, and the first who sent Aeneas on a 
voyage to Italy. The epic hymns of Stesichorus were 
intended for choral performance at those festivals of the 
heroes which were numerous in the western colonies ; thus 
there was a cult of Philoctetes at Sybaris, of Diomedes at 
Thurii, of the Atreidae at Tarentum?. Such observances 
linked the new homes with the memories of the old: and 
at such festivals the hymns of Stesichorus would doubtless 
have been popular. In addition to hymns, Stesichorus 
wrote paeans, mentioned by Athenaeus as sung at 
banquets. He was also the author of lyric romances or 
love-stories* drawn from folk-lore, and thus was a far-off 
precursor of the Greek novel*. The volume of his writings 
was exceptionally large. In the Alexandrian age, Aleman 
was represented by six books of poems, Sappho by nine, 
Alcaeus by ten, Pindar by seventeen, and Stesichorus by 
twenty-six. A ‘book’ was, of course, a variable quantity ; 
but at any rate this number indicates a great mass of work. 
No other Greek poet had so wide or so varied an influence 
as Stesichorus on the poetry which came after him. The 
artificial dialect which he employed, Doric in basis but with 
a large infusion of epic forms, was the general prototype of 
that which prevailed thenceforward in the choral lyric. It 
was he, too, who established the norm of choral composition 
in strophe, antistrophe, and epode; though whether he was 
the inventor of the epode is disputed. His original treat- 


1 [Arist.] De mirabil. auscult. 3 Athen. 13. p. 6or A. 
106-110. Strabo 6. 262-264. 4 E. Rohde, Der griech. Roman, 
2 Athen. 6. p. 2508. Ρ- 29. 


STESICHORUS. SIMONIDES. 33 


ment of the myths furnished a mine of material to Attic 
Tragedy. He was also influential in Greek art. The 
vase-painters of the sixth and fifth centuries were often 
indebted to him. His hymn, ‘The Capture of Troy’ 
(Ἰλίου Πέρσις), provided Polygnotus with subjects for his 
paintings in the Lesche of Delphi, and can be traced in 
those episodes of the Trojan War which some artist in the 
first century of our era depicted on the Zabula L[haca. 

Among the poems of Bacchylides, there is one (Ode Stesichorus 
XIV, the Aztenoridae) which may well have been influenced “holies < 
by the method of Stesichorus in the lyric handling of an 
epic theme. The hymn of Stesichorus on the Calydonian 
Boar-hunters (Συοθῆραι) may not improbably have been a 
source used by Bacchylides for the story of that hunt as 
told by Meleager (Ode v). In writing of the Centaur 
Eurytion, slain by Heracles in Elis (fr. 48), Bacchylides was 
again on ground traversed by Stesichorus, one of whose 
hymns (the ['npvovnis) included the adventures of Heracles 
in Peloponnesus on his way home from the abode of 
Geryoneus (or Geryon) in the far west. More generally, 

a study of Stesichorus may have helped to form that epic 
manner of narrating myths which is characteristic of 
Bacchylides, as in the story of the Proetides (Ode x), and 
in the episode of Ajax at the ships (Ode x11). . 

Simonides was the last of the classical poets who Simonides. 
created new types of choral lyric. Those of which he may 
be considered the inventor are the enkomion and the 
epinikion. An ‘enkomion, or ‘song at a revel’ (ἐν κώμῳ), The _ 
was, in the technical sense, an ode in praise of a distin- π  γηση, 
guished man, intended to be sung by a chorus at or after 
a banquet. Strictly speaking, then, the enkomion was a 
genus of which the epinikion was a species : and sometimes 
the line between the two was not clearly drawn. The ode 
of Euripides for Alcibiades, properly an epinikion, is also 
called an enkomion?. Pindar’s encomion for Aristagoras 


1 Bergk* 1. p. 266. By Athen. Ὀλυμπίασι ἱπποδρομίας εἰς ᾿Αλκιβιάδην 
I. 3E it is called an ἐπινίκιον: by ἐγκώμιον. Cp. Plut. Adib. c. 11. 
Plut. Dem. c. 1, τὸ ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ τῆς 


Lymns to 
living men. 


The 
epinikion. 


34 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. . 


of Tenedos, on the occasion of his being installed as 
president of the Council, stands appended to the Nemean 
epinikia!, although in the Alexandrian collection of Pindar’s 
writings the enkomia formed a distinct book. The poem 
of Simonides on Scopas is an example of the enkomion 
proper. Among the subjects of Pindar’s enkomia were 
Alexander the son of Amyntas, king of Macedon, and 
Theron of Acragas. 

The enkomion and the epinikion represent a further 
extension in the province of the hymn. Hymns were 
dedicated by the elder poets to gods or demigods alone; 
by Stesichorus, to the heroes also; and now, by Simonides, 
to living men. Ibycus might be regarded as having set 
the example, though only in a limited sense, when he wrote 
choral hymns in praise of youths at the court of Polycrates. 
But it was Simonides who first led the Greeks to feel that 
such a tribute might properly be paid to any man who was 
sufficiently eminent in merit or in station. We must 
remember that, in the time of Simonides, the man to whom 
a hymn was addressed would feel that he was receiving a 
distinction which had hitherto been reserved for gods and 
heroes. That chord is touched by Pindar in his enkomion 
for Alexander :— 

πρέπει δ᾽ ἐσλοῖσιν ὑμνεῖσθαι 
οὐ καλλίσταις ἀοιδαῖς" 
τοῦτο γὰρ ἀθανάτοις τιμαῖς ποτιψαύει μόνον". 

This is the only tribute to human worth that ‘ verges 
on the honours rendered to immortals,’ 

Simonides is the first recorded author of epinikia. It 
may well be that, before his day, the praises of athletes 
had been sung to their fellow-townsmen or kinsfolk ; but, 
if it was so, the songs have left no trace. An epinikion, 
though appealing in the first instance to the victor’s city 
and family, was also, like his renown, Panhellenic. It was 
an elaborate and stately work of art; and the earliest 
artist in that kind was Simonides. The advent of the 


1 [Mem. X1.] 2 Pind. fr. 121. 


THE ENKOMION. THE EPINIKION. 35 


epinikion at that particular period was not an accident, 

due to the special bent of one poet’s genius: it was con- Develop- 
nected with that new era in the history of the national men ane 
games which dated from the earlier part of the sixth sees. 
century. 

In 582" B.c. the ancient Pythian festival in honour of 7%e 
Apollo, which had been held in every ninth year, became 37 τα. 
a pentaeteris, to be held in the third year of each Olympiad. 
Hitherto the contests had been only in music, instrumental 
and vocal. To these were now added the most important 
of such athletic and equestrian contests as were then in 
use at Olympia. The Pythian festival took place in August. 

The agonothetae, or presidents, were the Amphictyons ; 
the prize was a wreath of laurel. 

Two years later, in 580 B.Cc., the Isthmian festival of 7%e 
Poseidon was reconstituted as a trieteris, to be held in the το. 
second and in the fourth year of each Olympiad. The 
celebration was in spring. The presidency belonged, in the 
fifth century, to the Corinthians. In the earliest times, as 
again in the Roman age, the Isthmian prize was a wreath 
of pine (πέτυς), symbolising the cult of Poseidon. In the 
fifth century it was a wreath of parsley (σέλιενον), which 
had a funereal significance, referring to the legend that the 
Isthmia had been founded in memory of Ino and her son 
Melicertes, who, after death in the waves, became re- 
spectively the Nereid Leucothea and the _ sea-deity 
Palaemon. 

The festival of the Nemean Zeus was remodelled in Zhe 
573 B.c.  Thenceforth it was a trieteris, held at the Neti 
beginning of the second and of the fourth year of each 


1 This is the date given for the 
first Pythiad by the Pindaric scholia, 
and accepted by Bergk. Pausanias 
(x. 7. §3) gives 586, which was 
adopted by Boeckh. The date 582 
is confirmed by the fragment of the 
Olympic register, which shows that 
Hieron had been victorious at Olympia 
in 476 and 472. Bacchylides (Ode Iv) 


attests that Hieron, when he won his 
victory at the Pythian games, had 
already won twice at Olympia. Now 
the Pythiad in which Hieron won 
was the 29th (Schol. Pind. P.1.). If 
the Pythiads were reckoned from 582, 
the 29th falls in 470. But if they 
had been reckoned from 586, it would 
fall in 474. 


36 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


Olympiad, probably in the month of July. Down 
to about 460 B.C. the agonothetae were apparently the 
Cleonaeans ; but the presidency afterwards passed to the 
Argives. The prize was a wreath of parsley, signifying 
that the festival had originated from the funeral games 
held by Adrastus and his comrades in memory of Arche- 
morus. 
The The Olympian festival of Zeus—said to have been 
Obmpia. founded by Heracles, and renewed or enlarged by Oxylus, 
Iphitus, and Pheidon—dated its historical era from 776 B.C. 
Since then, it had been held in every fourth year. The 
time of celebration varied within certain limits, according 
to a cycle of lunar months, so as to coincide either with 
the second or with the third full moon after the summer 
solstice. The Eleans were the presidents, and appointed 
the judges called Hellanodikai. The prize was a wreath 
of wild olive (κότινος). | 
The games at these four great festivals were distin- 
guished as sacred (ἱεροὶ ἀγῶνες). But numerous minor 
Epinikia festivals existed in every part of Hellas; and epinikia 
᾿βαβ were often written for these also. Thus the ode which is 
known as Pindar’s ‘second Pythian’ was for a Theban 
festival, perhaps the Heracleia or lolaia. The so-called 
‘ninth Nemean’ was for the Pythia at Sicyon; and the 
‘tenth Nemean,’ for the Hecatombaia at Argos. The 
thirteenth ode of Bacchylides was for the Petraia in 
Thessaly. When the custom of writing epinikia had once 
been established, the demand for them must have been 
considerable. 
Records of At Olympia the names of victors had been recorded on 
wutorees. 
stone from an early date. When the three other great 
festivals were reconstituted, a similar practice was doubt- 
less observed. Cities, too, kept local registers of the suc- 
Tributes to cessful athletes. Nor had a poetical tribute been wholly 
victors. wanting at Olympia. Before the days of the epinikion, an 
Olympic victor used to be greeted with that song of 
Archilochus which Pindar calls ‘the triumphal hymn, with 


1 See Introd. to Ode I. 


THE EPINIKION. 37 


threefold loud refrain’ (καλλίνικος ὁ τρυπλόος κεχλαδώς)", The old 
The refrain was τήνελλα KadXivixe, in which the first word κάλλίικος. 
represented the sound of the lyre. Two of the verses 
remain :— 
Xaip’ ἀναξ Ἣράκλεες, 
αὐτός τε καὶ ᾿Ιόλαος, αἰχμητὰ δύο. 


This song was still used in Pindar’s age by a comos escort- 
ing an athlete on the day when his victory was announced. 

The earliest epinikia of Simonides belonged to the Zpinikia 
latter years of the sixth century. In mentioning Eualcidas ΩΣ 
of Eretria, who was killed at Ephesus, fighting against the 
Persians, soon after the burning of Sardis in 499, Herodotus 
describes him as a famous athlete, whose victories had been 
‘much praised’ by Simonides?. It is clear, then, that the 
poet’s epinikia gained a wide repute. Another of his early 
odes was for Glaucus of Carystus, a famous boxer, of whom 
Simonides said that not even Polydeuces or Heracles could 
stand up against him :— 


οὐδὲ Πολυδευκέος Bia 
"-“ > 7, a “᾿ 
χεῖρας ἀντείναιτ᾽ ἂν ἐναντίον αὐτῷ, 
οὐδὲ σιδάρεον ᾿Αλκμήνας τέκος. 


To Alcman that would have sounded very like an impiety ; 
but times were changing. Simonides wrote also for Xeno- 
crates of Acragas (brother of Theron), a winner at the 
Pythian festival of 490 B.c.; for Astylus of Croton; and 
for Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium‘ 

At the date when poetry first brought a tribute to 7%e poets 
victors in the games, sculpture was already beginning to she, 
honour them. The earliest sculptors who are known to *#/ptor's. 
have made statues of athletes, Eutelidas and Chrysothemis 
of Argos, were active from about 520 8.6. ; but there were 
some archaic statues of victors which claimed a higher age’. 


rma. O. ix. 1f.: “Bergk* ΤΙ, + Simon. 6, 7, 10. His epinikia 
p. 418. were classed by contest, as πένταθλοι 
3 Herod. v. 102: στεφανηφόρους (fr. 12), τέθριπποι (fr. 14), etc. 
Te ἀγῶνας ἀναραιρηκότα καὶ ὑπὸ 5 Prof. Ernest Gardner, Handbook 


Σιμωνίδεω τοῦ Κηΐου πολλὰ αἰνεθέντα. of Greek Sculpture, pp. 191 f. 
3 Simon. fr. 8 (Bergk*). 


38 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


Among the sculptors who commemorated athletes at 
Olympia, or elsewhere, between 520 and 450 B.C., were the 
Argive Ageladas, the Sicyonian Canachus, and the greatest 
representative of the Attic school in this kind, Myron’. It 
is well to remember that, when the epinikion was a new 
thing, the artist in verse might naturally compare himself 
with the artist in marble or in bronze. His ode was not to 
be merely an ephemeral compliment; it was to be an 
enduring record for the victor’s city, and an heirloom for his 
house*?. Pindar, to whom Poetry and Sculpture are sisters 
in the bestowal of fame, contrasts the immovable statue 
with the poem which travels far and wide*. 


Elements In all the larger specimens of the epinikion, three 
of the : ; 
inikion. elements are normally present ;—a reference to the victory, 


at the beginning and at the end,—a mythical episode, 
linked in some way with the occasion,—and a reflective or 
gnomic element, leavening the whole. This general pattern 
A traitin was doubtless set by Simonides. The fragments of his 
gg epinikia, scanty as they are, warrant the belief that he 
Simonides; differed from Pindar in sometimes describing more fully 
the circumstances of the particular victory. This verse 


belonged to a description of a chariot-race :— 
κονία δὲ Tapa τροχὸν μεταμώνιος ἄρθη“" 
‘Dust was lifted on the wind beside the chariot-wheel,’— 
another chariot being just in front. A second verse seems 
to speak of some precaution taken by a charioteer,—perhaps 
that of passing the reins round his waist, lest they should 
slip from his hands ;— 
μὴ βάλῃ φοίνικας ἐκ χειρῶν ἱμάντας. 
andof Bac- This Simonidean trait recurs in some epinikia of Bac- 
chylides. chylides. 
Dithy- The dithyramb, which in the time of Archilochus had 
ce, been distinctively a song to Dionysus, was afterwards 
applied to themes unconnected with that god. This en- 


1 Prof. Ernest Gardner, Handbook θέμεν ἸΤαρίου λίθου λευκοτέραν. 
of Greek Sculpture, p. 192 (Ageladas) : 3 Pind. Δ΄. v. 1 ff. 
Ῥ. 195 (Canachus) : p. 238 (Myron). 4 Simon. fr. 16. 

2 Pindar’s aim (ΛΗ IV. 81) is στάλαν 5 Simon. fr. 17. 


THE EPINIKION. THE DITHYRAMB. 39 


largement of its scope must have taken place before the 

days of Simonides; but he is the earliest poet for whom it 

is attested. One of his dithyrambs was entitled Wemnon, 

and another Europa’. The only dithyramb of Pindar from 
which a considerable fragment remains (fr. 75) was strictly 
Dionysiac: but we do not know whether that was true of 

the dithyrambs in which he referred to Orion (fr. 74) and 

to Geryon (fr. 81). In the latter part of the fifth century 

B.C., dithyrambists of the new school exercised a complete 
freedom in their choice of subjects. The Alexandrians 4xan- 
seem to have applied the name ‘dithyramb’ to any poem sense of 
which contained a narrative concerning the heroes. as 
Speaking of Xenocritus, a native of the Epizephyrian Locri 

who was contemporary with Thaletas, Plutarch remarks 

that it was disputed whether he wrote paeans*. ‘They say 

that he was the author of poems on heroic subjects, 
containing narratives ; and that therefore his pieces are by 

some called dithyrambs. In the phrase used _ here, 
ἡρωϊκῶν ὑποθέσεων πράγματα ἐχουσῶν, the word πράγματα 
appears to mean ‘events’ (ves gestas) set forth in historical 
sequence. It recalls the use by Polybius of the term 
πραγματεία to denote his own work (I. 2 ὃ 2); and of the 
phrase, ὁ τῆς πραγματικῆς ἱστορίας τρόπος (26. § 8), to 
express ‘the method of systematic history.’ Of the poems 

in the Bacchylides papyrus, six (XIV—XIX) were classed 7ke taithy- 
by the Alexandrians as ‘dithyrambs.’ One of these (xv) Poche 
was so far a dithyramb in the old sense, that it was “es. 
intended for performance at Delphi in connexion with the 
winter-cult of Dionysus, though the subject (Heracles) did 

not relate to the god himself. Another (XVIII) is also 
Dionysiac, the point of it being the god’s descent from Io. 

Of the four others, one (XIV, Axtenoridae), which concerns 

the embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus to Troy, may have 

been produced with a dithyrambic chorus, as is suggested 

by the fact that, according to Bacchylides, the sons of 


1 Simon. fr. 27 and 28 (Bergk* ὑποθέσεων πράγματα ἐχουσῶν ποιητὴν 
ΠῚ. pp. 398f.). γεγονέναι φασὶν αὐτόν" διὸ καί τινας 
2 Plut. De Mus. 10: ἡρωϊκῶν γὰρ  διθυράμβους καλεῖν αὐτοῦ τὰς ὑποθέσεις. 


40 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


Antenor were fifty in number. It would then have been 
a dithyramb in the same sense as the Memmnon or the 
Europa of Simonides. <A like remark applies to no. XVII, 
on the adventures of Theseus between Troezen and Athens, 
—the only extant specimen of a dithyramb in dialogue. 
But the two remaining poems (XVI and XIX) could be called 
‘dithyrambs’ in no further sense than as ‘containing heroic 
narratives. One of them (XVI), on the voyage of Theseus 
to Crete, is, in fact,a choral paean for Delos. The other 
(ΧΙΧ, /das), though’ not technically an epithalamion or a 
hymenaeus, is of a hymeneal character. In one of his lost 
‘dithyrambs, Bacchylides described the warlike array of 
the Mantineans; in another, he told the story of Philoctetes’. 


Hypor- Plutarch notes the excellence of Simonides in treating 
ee... the hyporcheme, and quotes examples of his marvellous 


skill in writing verses of which the rhythm suits a lively 
and of Bac- dance*. His nephew’s poems of this class were also in 


chylides. repute. One hyporcheme of Bacchylides,—a verse of 
which became proverbial,—was for the cult of the Itonian 
Athena, perhaps at her chief Boeotian shrine, that temple 
on the banks of the Coralius, near Coroneia, which is 
mentioned by Alcaeus*. . 
Simonides Lastly, it was Simonides who first established the choral 
Saree af dirge as a recognised form of lyric art‘. ‘The tributes of 


the Cean dirge’ are, for Horace, typical of their kind ; and 
Quintilian recognises their author’s pre-eminence in pathetic 
power’, The Danae fragment is an example of that 


2oth ‘Letter of Phalaris,’ we hear of 
Stesichorus being asked to write a 
funeral elegy. But, though Stesi- 
chorus may have been famed for 
pathetic verse, there is no evidence 
that he had preceded Simonides in 
the artistic development of the lyric 
θρῆνος. 

5 Hor. C. m1. i. 38. Quint. x. 1. 


1 See fragment 6 (=41 Bergk) 
and fragment 39 (=16 Bergk). 

2 Plut. Quaest. conviv. 1X. 15. 2. 
Bergk’s fragments 29, 30, 31 of 
Simonides are passages quoted by 
Plutarch as illustrations. 

3 Bacch. fr. 11 (=23 Bergk): 
Alcaeus fr. 9. 

4 The rhetor Aristeides (I. 127) 


says:—Ilotos ταῦτα Σιμωνίδης θρηνή- 
σει; τίς Πίνδαρος; ποῖον μέλος ἢ λόγον 
τοιοῦτον ἐξευρὼν Στησίχορος ἄξιον 
φθέγξεται τοιούτου πάθους; In the 


64: praecipua tamen eius in com- 
movenda miseratione virtus, ut guidam 
in hac eum parte omnibus eius operis 
auctoribus praeferant. 


THE HYPORCHEME. THE DIRGE. 41 


power ; though it is uncertain whether the poem to which 
those exquisite verses belonged was a ¢hrenus. The dirges 
of Simonides appear to have dealt chiefly with such topics 
of consolation as could be drawn from the merits and the 
fame of the departed. In the fragments of Pindar’s dirges compared 
the key-note is rather the survival of the soul'; the pried. 
happiness of him who, having seen the Mysteries, ‘ under- 
stands the end of mortal life, and the beginning’ of a new 
life ‘given by Zeus?’; the bright and tranquil abode of the 
blest, 
αἰεὶ Ova μειγνύντων πυρὶ τηλεφανεῖ παντοῖα θεῶν ἐπὶ βωμοῖς". 

The kinds of choral lyric represented by Pindar’s Pindar. 
remains are more numerous than in the case of any other 
poet. But he was not the creator of any new kind, as 
Simonides of the epinikion ; nor, again, was he the first 
who gave a new artistic value to any old form of song, as Character 
Simonides gave it to the dirge. What Pindar did was to ples, 
set the stamp of an original and strongly individual genius 
on every lyric form in which he composed. He has that 
force of imagination which can bring clear-cut and dramatic 
figures of gods and heroes into vivid relief, as when Apollo 
finds Cyrene ; when Iason suddenly appears in the market- 
place of Iolcus; or when Heracles, in Aegina, prays that 
a son may be given to Telamon: he has that peculiar and 
inimitable splendour of style, which, though sometimes 
aided by magnificent novelties of diction, is not dependent 
on them, but can work magical effects with simple words: 
he has also, at frequent moments, a marvellous swiftness, 
alike in the succession of images, and in transitions from 
thought to thought: and his tone is that of a prophet, who 
can speak with a voice as of Delphi. But the place to 
analyse his qualities is not here, where we are dealing with 


1 Pind. fr, 131. Wind, clouded with the grateful in- 
? fr. 137. cense-fume 
8 fr. 129, 130. So Tennyson, at Ofthose who mix all odour to the Gods 
the end of 77resias:— On one far height in one far-shining 
and every way the vales fire. 


FB. 4 


The 
prosodion. 


Prosodia 
of Pindar ; 


andof Bac- 
chylides. 


Love-songs 
and drink- 
ing-songs. 


Pindar’s 
skolia. 


42 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


the development of the choral lyric in its several forms: 
what concerns us is to note that, in respect to one of those 
forms, the only extant fragments belonging to the fifth 
century B.C. are those of Pindar and of Bacchylides. 
This form is the prosodion, or ‘song of approach’; a 
very old kind of processional hymn, chanted by a chorus 
in moving towards the temple or altar of a god, for the 
purpose of supplication or of thanksgiving. The earliest 
prosodion on record was written by Eumelus of Corinth 
(c. 740 B.C.) for a chorus which the Messenians sent to the 
Delian temple of Apollo’. Prosodia are ascribed to Clonas 
(c. 675 B.C.), variously described as a Boeotian or an 
Arcadian, the chief founder of vocal flute-music (αὐλῳδία). 
Of Pindar’s prosodia, one was for the Delian, and another 
for the Pythian, Apollo; a third, which mentioned Latona, 
was for the Aeginetan shrine of Aphaea, a goddess akin to 
Artemis*. So far, the evidence points to Apollo and his 
sister as the deities with whose cults the prosodion was 
more especially associated; though doubtless it was not 
confined to them. Three fragments from the prosodia of 
Bacchylides have been preserved by Stobaeus: but their 
contents, which are ethical, afford no clue to the occasion®. 
Most of the lyric poets wrote love-songs (ἐρωτικά), or 
songs meant to be sung over the wine at a banquet (παροίνια 
or σκόλια). Some fragments. οἵ Alcaeus are classed as 
erotica, and others as sko/za: these were for a single voice, 
as were the songs with which wine or love inspired 
Anacreon. But the erotic hymns written by Ibycus at the 
court of Polycrates seem to have been choral. The skolia 
of Pindar also were choral. With reference to his writings, 
the term ‘skolion’ appears to have been used in a large 
sense, so as to include ‘erotica’: the skolion to Theoxenus, 


for example, was of the latter kind‘. All those fragments 


1 Paus. IV. 33 82 quotes from this 88 (els Δῆλον) : fr. go (εἰς Δελφού5) : 
prosodion two verses, one a hexa- ὠ ἔτ. 80 (εἰς ᾿Αφαία»). 
meter, the other a dactylic pentapody 3 Bacch. fr. 7, 8, 9 (=19, 20, 21 
(Bergk‘ 111. p. 6). Bergk). 

2 Plut. De Mus. 3. Pind. fr. 87, 4 Pind. fr. 123. 


THE PROSODION. LIGHTER VERSE. 43 


of Pindar, indeed, which are classed as ‘skolia’ are erotic. 
But among his fragments of uncertain class there is one 
(no. 218), on the fancies inspired by wine, which might 
have belonged to a choral drinking-song. The parallelism - 
with a like fragment of Bacchylides is so close as almost 

to suggest that one of the two poets was vying with the 
other’. In the case of Bacchylides, a class of erotica is Bacchy- 
attested by Athenaeus?. To that class three of his“ 
fragments belong. One of these is curious: it is the refrain 

of a love-song, given, probably in chorus, after a single 
voice had sung a strophe*. It is not on record that 
Bacchylides wrote drinking-songs; but two of his frag- 
ments seem referable to that class‘. 

Next to Pindar, Bacchylides is the poet who is known 
to have written in the largest variety of lyric forms; but 
it is possible or probable that Simonides composed lyrics 
of other classes besides those of which, in his case, we have 
a record. Pindar’s remains represent ten species: epinikia ; C/asses of 
enkomia; hymns for the gods; paeans; hyporchemes 3 “orded for 
dithyrambs; prosodia; partheneia; skolia; and dirges. 7477 
The ‘erotica’ of Bacchylides, and those of his fragments 24 for 
which may be ranked under the head of ‘ paroinia,’ corre- ee : 
spond in class with Pindar’s ‘skolia. Of the other nine 
forms in which Pindar wrote, only two are absent from the 
record of Bacchylides. These are the enkomion and the 
dirge. 

The extant works of Pindar and of Bacchylides prove 7%e classz- 
that, for at least a generation after the Persian Wars, the Ce ΟΥ̓́ΡΩΝ 
choral lyric maintained its prestige, not only in the form of patie 
the epinikion, but in several others also. The period from = 
about 478 to 446 B.C. was, indeed, that during which Pindar’s 
fame was at its zenith. Yet with Bacchylides the series of 
classical lyric poets ended. 

In the history of Greek poetry from 500 to 450 B.C. the Rise of 


central fact is the rise of the Atticdrama. The year 534 B.C. price: 


1 See ἢ, on Bacch. fr. 16 (=27 3 See n. on Bacch. fr. 14 (=25 
Bergk). Bergk). 
3 Athen. 15. p. 667. 4 Fr. 16, 17 (=Bergk 27, 28). 


4—2 


Lyrics in 
Tragedy. 


The lyrics 
of Phryni- 
chus. 


44 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC AISTORY. 


is given by the Parian chronicle as that in which Thespis 
first exhibited at Athens. The official recognition of 
tragedy as a permanent feature of the Athenian Dionysia, 
with a State subsidy in the form of a choregia, dated from 
508. Aeschylus, born in 525, first competed for the tragic 
prize in the spring of 499, and gained it for the first time 
in 484. When, in 456, after writing some ninety plays, 
Aeschylus died in Sicily, twelve years had passed since 
Sophocles had begun to exhibit. Attic Tragedy had still 
another half-century of creative work before it; but it 
was already mature: nor did it ever touch a higher point 
than that which Aeschylus had reached in the Ovesteia. 
In 456, at least ten years of activity remained to Pindar; 
and Bacchylides was still in early middle life. 

Attic Tragedy, the offspring of the dithyramb, demanded 
other gifts beside the lyric; but, in every phase of its 
development, some measure of lyric faculty was indispens- 
able. In the earlier phase, the lyric element was either 
actually predominant, or, at least, very large. In the latest 
phase, represented by Euripides, the choral songs were, 
indeed, less important; but, on the other hand, they were 
now exempt from the necessity of being relevant to the 
action, and thus offered a free field to lyric fancy. During 
the youth of Bacchylides, an aspirant to purely lyric 
distinction might have drawn noble inspirations from the 
work of dramatists. The Capture of Miletus and the 
Phoenissae of Phrynichus would, as dramas, have been 
sufficiently interesting to a young Ionian of Ceos. But 
there he would have found also some of those lyrics which, 
after the lapse of two generations, still commanded the 
admiration of Athens; and of which Aristophanes, himself 
a lyric master, says that their pure melodies seemed to have 
been caught from the songs of the birds:— 

ἔνθεν ὡσπερεὶ μέλιττα 
Φρύνιχος ἀμβροσίων ἐπέων ἀπεβόσκετο καρπόν". 


Aeschylus, apart from his qualities as a dramatist, was 


1 Ar. Av. 749 f. 


DRAMA AND THE CHORAL LYRIC. 45 


one of the greatest lyric writers, comparable, in mastery of Aeschylus 
metre and of rhythm, to Pindar, but with a grandeur and does ὑόν τ᾽ 
an intensity altogether his own. When, in the Frogs of 
Aristophanes, Euripides undertakes to show that Aeschylus 
is ‘a bad lyric composer,’ the Chorus wonder what fault he 
will be able to find with the man whose lyrics (μέλη) are, 
as they boldly affirm, unsurpassed. The date of the 
Aeschylean Swpplices is uncertain, but may perhaps be 
placed c. 491/90. A student of the lyric art could scarcely 
find more beautiful examples than are furnished by the five 
great choral odes of that play, which interpret successive 
and varied emotions. Traces of Aeschylean influence 
appear, as will be seen later, in the diction of Bacchylides. 

There was no reason, then, why the rise of Attic Wo reason 
drama should have been adverse to the continued cultiva- oe 
tion of the higher lyric poetry. It might rather have been ee the 
expected to favour it. The demand made by Tragedy on Jyric. 
lyric accomplishment tended to maintain those studies of 
music, rhythm, and metre by which the older lyric poets 
had been formed. A theatre in which choruses sang the 
lyrics of Phrynichus and of Aeschylus was a school in 
which large audiences might acquire or improve a lyric 
taste. On the other hand, the sphere of drama was so 
distinct from that of the Dorian choral lyric that the 
attractiveness of the one would not suffice to account for 
a withdrawal of public favour from the other. We have 
seen that, in fact, the choral lyric continued to flourish for 
many years after the drama was mature. The national 
games still afforded material for epinikia; the worship of 
the gods still demanded hymns, paeans, prosodia, hypor- 
chemes ; the festivals of Dorian cities could still be graced 
with partheneia. But, in the latter part of the fifth century, 
one form of choral song, the dithyramb, received a new Zhe new 
development, fraught with far-reaching consequences to the aid 
whole lyric art. That development was beginning just as 
the life of Bacchylides must have been drawing to an end, 


1 Ar, Ran. 1249—1256. 


46 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
History of In the second half of the sixth century, the new im- 
the dithy- 


ramb from portance given by Peisistratus and his sons to the Athenian 
€- §278-C. festivals of Dionysus had stimulated the demand for dithy- 


Dithy- _rambs. Lasus of Hermione, who worked at Athens between 
Seog 527 and 514, modified the older style of dithyrambic com- 
position. The music which accompanied the choral song 
became more elaborate. From his time, apparently, dated 
the tendency to enhance the significance of the musical 
accompaniment relatively to that of the poetical text. As 
Protest of early as c. 500B.C., Pratinas is found vigorously protesting 
Pratinas. against the encroachments of the flute-player. The Muse, 
he says, has ordained that the song shall be mistress, and 
the flute servant’. Still, even in days when, as Pratinas 
complains, the flute was tending to become master, no 
serious mischief could be done, so long as the writers of 
dithyrambs were men loyal to the best traditions of lyric 
Simonides poetry. Down to ας 476 B.c. Simonides was a frequent 
tyrant: author of dithyrambs for Athenian festivals; he could 
point to no fewer than fifty-six victories won by him with 
Bacchy- cyclic choruses’, The seventeenth poem of Bacchylides, a 
δ" dithyramb in the form of a dialogue, shows no trace of 
those faults which disfigure the diction and style of a later 
school. Bacchylides also maintains the tradition that a 
dithyramb should be composed in strophes. 
The new The innovator with whom a new school began was 
elonip. Melanippides, a Dorian of Melos*. His life was spent 
pides. 


1 Pratinas 5f. (Bergk* ΠΙ|. p. 558): 
τὰν ἀοιδὰν κατέστασε Πιερὶς βασίλειαν" 


ὁ δ᾽ αὐλὸς 
ὕστερον xopevérw* καὶ yap ἐσθ᾽ ὑπηρ- 
έτας. 
2 Simon. 145. As Simon. 147 


shows, one of these victories was 
gained in the spring of 476 B.c., 
when Adeimantus was archon (Bergk* 
Ill. 495 f.). 

5. Two dithyrambic poets named 
Melanippides are distinguished by 
Suidas. (1) The elder, a Melian, 
son of Criton, was born about 520B8.c. 
(2) The younger was a maternal 


grandson of the elder: his father also 
was named Criton: his native place 
is not mentioned. Rohde, in Rhezn. 
Mus. 33.213, holds that Suidas made 
a mistake. There was only one dithy- 
rambic poet named Melanippides, 
and he was a Dorian of Melos. 
Weir Smyth (Greek Melic Poets, 
Pp- 453) comes to the same conclusion, 
It was the tendency of Suidas to 
duplicate personalities, as in the cases 
of Sappho, the tragic poets Nico- 
machus and Phrynichus, and the 
comic poet Crates. 


THE NEW DITHYRAMB. 47 


partly at Athens, partly at the court of Perdiccas II of 
Macedon, who died in 413 B.C. Melanippides wrote his 
dithyrambs, not in strophes, but in ‘free verse’ (ἀπολελυ- 
μένα). This change was intimately connected with another. 
He gave greater prominence to a mimetic or dramatic 
element in the performance of the dithyramb, an element 
which gained in freedom by the absence of the old strophic 
framework. He also introduced musical preludes (dva- 
Boda), by which the choral song was broken up into 
sections. A passage in the Wemoradz/za curiously illustrates 
his popularity. Xenophon’s Aristodemus names three poets 
whom he regards as supreme in their respective kinds. 
They are Homer, Sophocles, and Melanippides?, 

The next writer after Melanippides who left a mark on Piiloxe- 
the dithyramb was his pupil Philoxenus, who was born in ”“” 
435 and died in 380B.c. He was a native of Cythera. 
When the Spartans recovered that Dorian island (probably 
about 413 B.C.) he was sold as a slave, and bought by the 
poet Melanippides*. Philoxenus gave prominence to the 
solos (μονῳδίαι) which he interspersed between the choral 
parts. These solos afforded free scope to the florid music 
which was coming into fashion, full of those affectations 
and false ornaments which are ridiculed by Aristophanes. 
The dramatic side of the performance was now still further 
developed. The dithyramb of Philoxenus, with acting, 
dancing, music, and scenery, must have borne some 
resemblance to an operetta. Among the recorded titles 
of his pieces are the Cyclops and the Reveller (Komastes). 
Philoxenus had a great reputation. His contemporary, the 
comic poet Antiphanes, who had sometimes made merry 
with his phrases, paid a generous tribute to his memory’. 
It is instructive to find that, as older and better poets had 
been contrasted by Aristophanes with the school to which 
Philoxenus belonged, so Philoxenus himself was extolled 
by Antiphanes at the expense of worse poets who came 
after him. 


1 Xen. Mem. 1. iv. 3. 3. Antiphanes fr. 209 (Kock), from 
2 Suidas s.v. Φιλόξενος. . the Τριταγωνιστής. 


Timotheus. 


His 


* Persae.’ 


The ‘ di- 
thyrambic’ 
style. 


48 BACCAVLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


Timotheus of Miletus, who flourished at the end of the 
fifth century and in the earlier part of the fourth, carried 
the new tendencies still further. . The ancient ‘nome, sung 
to the cithara by one voice, had long ceased to enjoy the 
vogue given to it by Terpander. Timotheus revived it, but 
in a form which was essentially new. To the solo he added 
choral singing ; he made the performance in some measure 
dramatic, and thus assimilated the nome to the new 
dithyramb. Alone among the writers of his class in that 
age, Timotheus can now be judged by a large specimen of 
his work. In 1902 a fragment containing 253 consecutive 
verses was found near Memphis‘. It belongs to one of his 
most celebrated nomes, the Persae. The three principal 
parts of a nome were called ‘exordium’ (ἀρχή), ‘omphalos’ 
(the central portion), and ‘seal’ (σφραγίς). In our frag- 
ment, the exordium is wanting; the first 214 verses belong 
to the ‘omphalos, and describe a naval victory of Greeks 
over Persians, probably that at Salamis; the last 39 verses 
are the ‘seal, in which Timotheus speaks of himself, and, 
as it were, sets his signature to his work. The style is that 
which, in its general characteristics, was common to the 
dithyrambic poets of the new school. One trait was a 
love for portentous compound words, especially adjectives’. 
Another was the use of grand and round-about phrases for 
common things*. When Timotheus wishes to say that the 
rowers dropped their oars, he expresses it thus :— 


1 A photographic facsimile was 
published in 1903 by the Deutsche 
Orient-Gesellschaft (Leipzig, Hin- 
richs), with a preface by Prof. v. 
Wilamowitz-M6llendorf, who has also 
edited the fragment. 

2 Thus in Plato’s Cratylus (p. 409), 
when the words σέλας, évov, νέον, 
and dei have been rolled into σελα- 
evoveaera, — denoting the moon’s 
‘light - ever - old - and - new,’ — this is 
pronounced a truly διθυραμβῶδες 
ὄνομα. 

3. Dithyrambic periphrasis was a 
fertile source of jest to the Middle 
Comedy : thus Antiphanes fr. 52:— 


πότερ᾽, ὅταν μέλλω λέγειν σοι τὴν 
χύτραν, χύτραν λέγω, 
ἢ τροχοῦ ῥύμαισι τευκτὸν κοιλοσώματον 
κύτος; 
This feature of the dithyrambic style 
might be illustrated by many of those 
examples which Pope culled from his 
contemporaries in the discourse of 
Martinus Scribblerus on the ‘ Art of 
sinking in poetry’; for some resources 
of that art are the same in every age. 
Thus the following mode of saying, 
‘Shut the door,’ is quite in the 
manner of Timotheus :— 
‘The wooden guardian of our privacy 
Quick on its axle turn.’ 


THE NOMES OF TIMOTHEUS. 49 


μακραυχενόπλους 
χειρῶν δ᾽ ἔκβαλλον ὀρείους 
πόδας ναός. 


But, owing to the length of the new fragment, our know- 
ledge of his style is not limited to such details: we can 
judge of its general texture. As an example, we may take 
the speech in which a drowning Persian upbraids the 
sea :— 
ἤδη θρασεῖα καὶ πάρος 
λάβρον αὐχέν ἔσχες ἐν 
πέδᾳ καταζευχθεῖσα λινοδέτῳ τεόν. 
νῦν δέ σ᾽ ἀναταράξει 
ἐμὸς ἄναξ, ἐμός, 
πεύκαισιν ὀρυγόνοισιν, ἐγ- 
κλήσει δὲ πεδία πλόϊμα νομάσιν αὐγαῖς, 
οἰστρομανὲς παλεομί- 
σημ᾽ ἄπιστόν τ᾽ ἀγκάλι- 
cua κλυσιδρομάδος αὔρας. 
gar ἄσθματι στρευγόμενος, 
βλοσυρὰν δ᾽ ἐξέβαλλεν 
ἄχναν, ἐπανερευγόμενος 
στόματι βρύχιον ἅλμαν. 


‘Bold as thou art, ere now thou hast had thy boisterous 
throat bound fast in hempen bonds’ [alluding to the bridge over 
the Hellespont]. ‘And now my king,—aye, mine,—will plough 
thee with hill-born pines, and will encompass thy navigable plains 
with his far-roaming rays’ [?.e. the Persian king’s power, radiant 
as the sun, will close round the Aegean on all its coasts]: ‘O thou 
frenzied thing, hated from of old, who treacherously embracest 
me, while the breeze sweeps over thy surges!’ So spake he, 
panting with strangled breath, as he spat forth the grim sea-dew, 
belching from his mouth the brine of the deep. 


The absurdity, alike of style and of matter, could 
scarcely be exceeded: but the poet is serious. In a later 
passage, however, he seems to be designedly comic. A 
Phrygian prisoner, bewailing himself, speaks fourteen verses 
of broken Greek. 


Rapid 
decline in 
lyric taste. 


Plato's 
account of 
that 
decline. 


50 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


In the Chetron of Pherecrates, the goddess of Poetry 
denounces certain poets by whom she has been injured. 
Melanippides was the earliest; but the worst, as she 
declares, has been Timotheus'. Especial stress is there 
laid on his debasement of music. His master in music, 
Phrynis, had been trained in the Lesbian school of 
citharodes,—a hereditary guild claiming to derive their art 
from Terpander,—but had broken with its better traditions; 
and the innovations of Timotheus went beyond those of 
Phrynis. It is, indeed, hard to conceive how such verses 
as those which have just been quoted can have won 
applause, unless the music had become so far more im- 
portant than the words that a musical display in the 
newest fashion could carry off the most grotesque libretto. 
Yet the compositions of Philoxenus and Timotheus were 
still popular in the days of Polybius®. 

It may seem extraordinary that the first Greeks who 
admired such writers were men for whose fathers lyric 
poetry had been represented by Simonides, Pindar, and 
Bacchylides; and that the earliest successes of the new 
dithyrambists were gained when Sophocles and Euripides 
were still living. The most instructive of all commentaries 
on this fact is supplied by Plato. In a striking passage of 
the Laws (written probably not long before 350 Β.6.), the 
Athenian says that the limited freedom enjoyed by Athens 
at the time of the Persian Wars had been better than the 
unlimited freedom of his own day. In that older time the 


people were ‘the willing servants of the laws.’ 
laws?’ asks the Lacedaemonian Megillus. 


1 Pherecrates fr. 145, verses 3 and 
το ff. 

2 Polybius (Iv. 20) describes the 
education of boys and youths in 
Arcadia, as he remembers it. They 
are trained from an early age to sing 
hymns and paeans on the gods and 
heroes of their native towns. Next 
they learn the musical compositions 
(νόμους) of Philoxenus and Timotheus, 


‘Of what 


An. illustra- 


and dance with spirit to the strains of 
‘the Dionysiac flutists.’ [The word 
νόμους is here used in a large sense - 
which includes both dithyrambs and 
nomes proper.] When Philopoemen 
presided at the Nemean festival of 
207 (or 205) B.C., the very nome from 
which we have quoted, the Persae of 
Timotheus, was given in the theatre 
(Plut. PAzlop. 11). 


DECLINE OF THE LYRIC. 51 


tion is then given from the province of poetry and 
music}. 

Lyric poetry, says the Athenian, was formerly divided 
into several distinct species, such as the hymn, the dirge, 
the paean, the citharodic nome. Each species had its own 
laws of style and of rhythm. The judges of merit in each 
species were experts. But in the course of years a new 
race of poets arose, men who had no sense of what is ‘just 
and lawful in the work of the Muse.’ They broke down 
the old distinctions of style and rhythm, mingling hymns 
with dirges, and paeans with dithyrambs, while they forced 
the cithara to mimic the notes of the flute. Denying that 
there was any such thing as correctness (ὀρθότης) in poetry 
or in music, they made the pleasure of the hearer their sole 
test, without caring whether he was or was not competent 
to judge. ‘Raging like Bacchanals, these new poets 
brought in a reign of ‘uncultured lawlessness’ (τῆς ἀμούσου 
παρανομίας). The audiences, formerly silent, now began 
to indulge in noisy cries and clapping of hands; for the 
new poetry had taught the multitude to think themselves 
connoisseurs. The old ‘aristocracy’ in music and poetry, 
—the rule of experts and good judges,—was at an end. 
An evil ‘theatrocracy’ took its place’. 

From Alcman to Bacchylides, the distinctive feature in 
the evolution of the Greek lyric had been, as Plato indicates, 
the adaptation of different species to different themes and 
occasions. In each species the poetical and musical tact 
of the Greeks had achieved an artistic harmony between 
form and matter. That harmony depended on the nice 
observance of certain rules appropriate to each kind. The 
dividing lines between the several kinds were traced with 
a light and delicate touch: to the many those lines might 
seem faint; but for the artist they were distinct ; and they 
were also sacred, because they had the sanction of an 
intimate fitness which the Greek mind could apprehend. 
But, in the latter part of the fifth century, a new lyric 


1 Plat. Lege. 700 A-7OI B. κρατίας ἐν αὐτῇ [sc. τῇ μουσικῇ] 
53 Plat. Legg. ἼΟΙ Α ἀντὶ ἀριστο- θεατροκρατία τις πονηρὰ γέγονεν. 


Signifi- 
cance of the 
decline in 
musical 
taste. 


A further 
question. 


52 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


school cast off that loyalty to the best Greek traditions and 
instincts. The Attic drama, unrivalled among contemporary 
forms of poetry in the splendour and variety of its attrac- 
tions, drew vast audiences to the theatre. Next in 
popularity, but at an interval, came the agon of cyclic 
choruses at the Great Dionysia, and on certain other 
occasions. The new dithyrambist felt impelled to bid for 
popular applause by sensational novelties. A tasteless 
license broke down the discriminating canons of the older 
school. Nothing in Plato’s sketch of the process is more 
instructive than his reminder that such license meant more 
than a new bent of poetical or musical fashion. It was 
connected with political and social changes, with the growth 
of license in every department of civic life, and with new 
manners which were impatient of decorous restraint. For 
the Greeks, who, as Plato and Aristotle teach us!, were so 
keenly sensitive to the moral effects of music, and to its 
consequent importance in education, the new corruption 
of music was, in a sense which we can hardly realise, a 
grave symptom of moral decay. The difference between 
Simonides and Timotheus was analogous to the difference 
between the Athens of Themistocles and the Athens of 
Cleon. 

But a further question remains. It must be asked 
whether the new development at Athens suffices to account 
for the fact that the classical literature of the Greek lyric ~ 
ends with Bacchylides. The epinikion, for instance, might 
have been expected to remain in demand; but the ode of 
Euripides for Alcibiades (420 B.C.)? is the last recorded 
example of such a composition by an eminent writer. 
The literary influence of Athens reached far. But a poet 
who could follow in the steps of the old choral masters 
ought still to have been secure of appreciative audiences 
at the festivals of Dorian cities, and at the chief centres of 
worship, such as Delphi and Delos. Some allowance 
should doubtless be made for the effects of the Pelopon- 


leg, Plat. Rep. 398C—399C: 2 See above, p. 33. 
Arist. Pol. v [vitt]. 5—7. 


TIMOTHEUS AND SPARTA. 53 


nesian War; for the drain upon those funds which the 
Dorians of Peloponnesus could apply to their festivals ; for 
the interruptions of that elaborate training which the choral 
performances at those festivals demanded ; and, generally, 
for the concentration of thought and interest on the great 
struggle. It may be added that the intellectual and the 
literary tendencies of the age, its scepticism and its rhetoric, 
were unfavourable to ideal art in every kind. But choral 
lyric poetry had been zealously cultivated for generations ; 
it was highly organised ; it touched Greek religion and 
Greek life at many points; it had hitherto given delight to 
multitudes. The complete cessation of higher work in that 
province is a phenomenon which only one cause seems 
adequate to explain. We are forced to the conclusion that 7ie 
those influences, which at Athens were represented by the partes 
new dithyrambic school, speedily became dominant in 
Hellas at large. It is significant in this connexion that 
Melanippides and Philoxenus were Dorians, that Phrynis 
came from Lesbos, and that Timotheus, the pupil who 
outdid him, was an Ionian of Miletus. All these men 
enjoyed a wide popularity. As to Philoxenus in particular, 
it is known that he was well received in Dorian Syracuse 
and Tarentum. But wherever the music and the verse of 
that school became established in popular favour, the cause 
of classical lyric poetry was lost. 
We know, however, that there was at least one Dorian 

community which upheld the ancient standards, and met 
the new depravations with a strenuous protest. Timotheus 7imorheus 
had openly vaunted the superiority of the ‘new songs’ to ssi as 
the ‘old ’:— 
: οὐκ ἀείδω τὰ παλαιά, 

καὶ τὰ καινὰ γὰρ ἅμα κρείσσω" 

νέος ὁ Ζεὺς βασιλεύει, 

τὸ πάλαι δ᾽ ἦν Κρόνος ἄρχων" 

ἀπίτω Μοῦσα παλαιά". 


‘I do not sing the old songs, for the new are also the better. 


1 Timotheus fr. 12 (Bergk* 113. 624). 


The 
Spartan 


protest. 


54 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 


Zeus reigns in his young prime: the rule of Cronus is overpast. 
Away with the old Muse!’ 


And now, in the fragment of his Persae (219—225), he 
is found invoking Apollo to protect him against the strong 
censure of Sparta :— 

ὁ yap μ᾽ εὐγενέτας μακραί- 
ων Σπάρτας μέγας ἁγεμών, 
βρύων ἄνθεσιν ἥβας, 

δονεῖ λαὸς ἐπιφλέγων 
ἐλᾷ τ᾽ αἴθοπι pope, 

- ὅτε παλαιοτέραν νέοις 
ὕμνοις Μοῦσαν ἀτιμῶ. 

‘For that noble and ancient folk, mighty lord of Sparta, rich 
in the flower of youth, storms against me in hot anger, and lashes 
me with fiery reproach, because in my new songs I dishonour the 
elder Muse.’ 


It has been conjectured’ that Timotheus produced this 
poem, about 397 B.C., at the Panionia, the festival of the 
Ionian dodecapolis, held on the promontory of Mycale. 
Sparta was then dominant in Greece; and it was the 
interest of the Ionians to stimulate her warfare against the 
Persian satraps. I may observe that, if this hypothetical 
date be accepted, the words βρύων ἄνθεσιν ἥβας are 
significant. In the Spartan army then on the coasts of 
Asia Minor, ‘the flower of youth’ must have included 
many who, in choruses at the Gymnopaediae, had sung 
the paeans of lyric poets very unlike Timotheus. 

Singular indeed is the contrast thus disclosed. The 
creative period of-Greek poetry is just over, and already 
the Athenian public has acquiesced in fashions which 
condemn lyric poetry to a swift and irremediable decay. 
It is from Sparta that the remonstrance comes. It is at 
Sparta that a purer taste survives, guarded by laws 
prohibiting licentious change in the old music of Apollo’s 
festivals, and animated by a tradition dating from the 


1 By Prof. v. Wilamowitz, introd. to the facsimile, p. 11. 


HIS RELATION TO HIS PREDECESSORS. 55 


far-off days when Spartan youths and maidens danced and 
sang under the direction of Aleman. More than a genera- 
tion later, Aristotle could say of his Spartan contemporaries 
that, if their musical education was defective, at any rate 
they had a true perception of the difference between good 
music and bad’. 

We have now traced in outline the evolution and the Bacchy- 
decay of the Greek lyric. In such a development the pap 
relation of a poet to his predecessors is of peculiar predeces- 
moment for a right estimate of his significance. We have” 
seen how the paean and the hyporcheme came down to 
Bacchylides from Thaletas, how the first models of those 
‘Dorian partheneia’ which he is said to have written had 
been set by Alcman, and how the influence of Stesichorus 
may probably be recognised in his treatment of heroic 
legend. We have also seen how Simonides created the 
epinikion, and is the first recorded author of dithyrambs 
on subjects other than Dionysiac ; being thus the precursor 
of Bacchylides in each of the two kinds to which his 
extant writings chiefly belong. Lastly, we have sought to 
elucidate the principal causes which, immediately after the 
time of Bacchylides, led to the rapid and final decay of 
Greek lyric art; thus enabling us to understand why his 
name is the last in the series of those Greek lyric poets 
who attained to classical rank. After this endeavour to 
mark his place in lyric history, we may turn to a brief 
consideration of the qualities which distinguish his work. 


1 Arist. Pol. v [vit]. 5. §7- 


56 


III. CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES AS A POET. 


Extant The poems, or fragments of poems, in the Bacchylides 
Εν papyrus are of two general kinds. The first thirteen pieces 
des. are epinikia. The remaining six, all relating to episodes 


in the story of heroes and heroines, were collectively classed 
by the Alexandrians as ‘dithyrambs, in that large sense 
of the term which was explained above. The number of 
verses represented by the continuous portions of the 
papyrus (including verses lost in dacunae of which the length 
can be determined) is 1392. If we suppose, with Blass, 
that the part lost at the beginning (of which small frag- 
ments remain) represents I10 verses’, the total is 1502. 
The fragments preserved by ancient writers, and not found 
in the papyrus, give about 95 verses more, thus raising the 
approximate total to 1597. That number is only about 
150 less than half the total in Pindar’s extant odes and 
fragments, which is (roughly) about 3500. 
Ewe In considering the poetical qualities of Bacchylides, we 
ene iy may set out from his treatment of the epinikion. A trait 
in which he differs from Pindar, and probably follows 
Simonides, is the tendency which he sometimes shows to 
Details of Awell on the circumstances of the particular victory. An 
the victOry- Vustration is furnished by his fifth ode, as compared with 
Pindar’s first Olympian, which was written on the same 
occasion. Bacchylides describes the running of the horse 
Pherenicus in a passage of thirteen verses (vv. 37—49); 
while Pindar’s allusion to the race is very slight and brief 
(Ο. I. 20—22). The eighth ode depicts the manner in 
which the victor roused the plaudits of the spectators at 
Nemea by his performance with the quoit, with the javelin, 
and in wrestling (VII. 27—39). The ninth ode celebrates 
an athlete who, at the Isthmus, won two consecutive 
foot-races. Immediately after his first success, he returns 
to the starting-place, ‘still breathing a storm of hot breath’; 


1 See p. 39. 2 See Appendix to Ode 1. 


CHOICE OF MYTHS. 57 


and when, for the second time, he rushes past the goal 
a winner, the olive-oil from his body sprinkles the clothes 
of the spectators who press around him (Ix. 21—26). 

Six of the thirteen epinikia are embellished with ais in 
mythical narratives: these are odes I, III, V, VIII, X, and XIL. inthe 
There is no myth in ode ΙΧ; and there cannot have been 
space for one in the now multilated ode vil. Odes I, Iv, 
and VI are merely short songs. In regard to XI and to 
XIII, the scanty remains leave it uncertain whether myths 
were used. 

The choice of the myth for an epinikion was a good 
test of poetical tact. In some cases, the task was a simple 
one,—namely, when the traditions of the victor’s city or 
family supplied a suitable legend. Thus in his first ode, Ode ἢ. 
for the Cean Argeius, Bacchylides related the myth of 
Dexithea and Euxantius, which seems to have been 
specially connected with the victor’s native town’. The Od vz7v7. 
eighth ode, for Automedes of Phlius, glances at the story 
concerning the origin of the Nemean games ; but the chief 
mythical ornament is furnished by the local legends of the 
river Asopus. The twelfth ode, for Pytheas of Aegina, Ode X/Z. 
opens with a prophecy inspired by the spectacle of Heracles 
strangling the Nemean lion ; and the central portion of the 
poem renders a tribute to the glories of the Aeacidae. 

But Odes ΠΙ, V, and X are those by which we can best 
measure the skill of Bacchylides in this department. The 
subject of the third ode is Hieron’s victory in the chariot- Ode 717. 
race at Olympia (468 B.c.). Sacrifice is being offered in 
the temples of Syracuse, and its streets are alive with 
hospitable festivities. Thence the poet glides to a mention 
of the golden tripods which Gelon and Hieron had 
dedicated, several years before, at Delphi. ‘Be generous 
to the god, and he will prosper you. Apollo saved Croesus 
of old’;—and then the story is told. The transition from 
Syracuse to Delphi is lightly and smoothly made; but the 
attentive reader experiences a mild surprise at the sudden 
reference to the tripods, and is left with a suspicion that 
the myth has been dragged in. Pindar, we might con- 


ἤν ἢ; 5 


Ode V. 


Ode X. 


Treatment 
of the 
myths by 
Bacchyli- 
des: 


58 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 


jecture, would have managed the matter differently. 
Possibly he would not have attempted to veil the transition 
by a smooth and swift juncture. The festivities at Syracuse 
would have led him to speak directly of Hieron’s munifi- 
cence in general. Then there would have been some bold 
and brilliant utterance of the maxim that the gods reward 
munificent votaries, followed by the Croesus-myth,—an 
illustration which would thus have come in naturally. At 
all events the art of Bacchylides leaves something to be 
desired here. In the fifth ode, the meeting of Heracles 
with Meleager in the shades is linked to the poet’s im- 
mediate subject,—the greatness of Hieron,—by the reflection 
that ‘no man is blest in all things’ (v. 53 ff.). Heracles 
and Meleager, like Hieron, were men in whose lot victory 
and glory were mingled with suffering. The poet does not 
expressly indicate this link: he leaves it to be inferred. 
The tenth ode, for Alexidamus of Metapontion, is another 
instance in which the link between theme and myth is 
somewhat slender. At Metapontion there was a temple of 
Artemis ; and the poet assumes that it is Artemis who, by 
giving the athlete his victory at Delphi, has consoled him 
for a former disappointment at Olympia. This gracious 
deed of ‘the soothing goddess’ suggests the story of the 
Proetides whom she healed in Arcadia’. As these examples 
indicate, Bacchylides had not all the deftness of Pindar in 
weaving a legend into the texture of the poem. It is 
sometimes too apparent that the myth is more or less 
far-fetched,—an ornamental adjunct, rather than an illus- 
tration which seems to spring spontaneously from the 
poetical motive. 

The simple and direct thanner of heroic epos is that 
in which Bacchylides treats mythology. He gives a con- 
tinuous narrative, sometimes of considerable length?.. There 
is often a genuine charm in the pellucid and easy flow of 
these passages. At the same time this employment of 


1 See Introduction to Ode x, §3. passage on the Aeacidae, 74 (XII. 
3 The story of the Proetides oc- 100—174); the legend of Heracles 
cupies 72 verses (X. 40—112); the and Meleager, 119 (V. 56—175). 


TREATMENT OF MYTHS.-KINSHIP WITH ELEG VY. 59 


epic style tends to mark off the myth as a distinct section 

of the ode. Pindar’s method is wholly different. He compared 
selects from the myth a single episode or scene which he ot 
depicts with vivid power, but not, as a rule, at much 
length ; as, for instance, the birth of Iamus (0. VI. 35— 

57); Athena’s gift to Bellerophon (0. xIII. 63—92); the 

infant Heracles strangling the serpents (VV. I. 35—61); 
Heracles praying that a son may be born to Telamon . 

(J. Vv. 35—56); the death of Castor (1V. x. 55—90). Even 

the story of the Argonauts, which fills so large a space 

in the fourth Pythian, is told in a few dramatic scenes,— 

Iason at Iolcus,—the sailing of the Argo,—the hero 
ploughing with the brazen bulls of Aietes:—and then 
Pindar breaks off, with a swift glance at the sequel (6. Iv. 
70—254). Bacchylides, if he had devoted an equal space 

to the same subject, would have told the story straight 
through, with an equable flow of quasi-epic verse. 

An ode of victory was expected to contain maxims of 7%e | 
life and conduct. With Pindar, this ‘gnomic’ strain is $77, 
almost always impressive by sheer force or beauty of 
expression, even when the thought is merely some common- 
place of Greek belief or sentiment. 

Take, for example, the opening of the sixth Nemean :— 


‘One race is there of men, one race of gods, and from one 
mother we both have our being; but in our power we are wholly 
separate: for the race of men is naught; but the brazen heaven 
abides, a dwelling-place steadfast for ever. Yet withal we have 
some likeness to the Immortals, perchance in lofty mind, per- 
chance in form ; though we know not what line Fate hath marked 
for the goal of our course, whether in the day-time or in the 
watches of the night.’ 


Bacchylides has nothing of this kind. When he 
moralises, it is in the quiet and simple manner of Ionian 
elegy. One such passage, concerning the various pursuits 
of men, is, in fact, a paraphrase from Solon’. At other 
moments we are reminded of Mimnermus or of Theognis. 


1 Ode ΙΧ. 39—45. 
5—2 


Ode I. 
49--14- 


Traces of 
Pindar’ s 
influence. 


60 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 


The following extract from the first ode will serve as a 
specimen :— 


‘If a mortal is blest with health, and can live on his own 
substance, he vies with the most fortunate. Joy attends on every 
state of life, if only disease and helpless poverty be not there. 
The rich man yearns for great things, as the poorer for less; 
mortals find no sweetness in opulence, but are ever pursuing 
visions that flee before them.’ 


If the utterances scattered through the poems warrant 
a conjecture, Bacchylides was of a placid temper; amiably 
tolerant ; satisfied with a modest lot; not free from some 
tinge of that pensive melancholy which was peculiarly 
Ionian: but with good sense, and resolute in acting on 
this precept of his own,— 


‘One canon is there, one sure way of happiness for mortals,— 
if one can keep a cheerful spirit throughout life’.’ 


He often insists on the duty of giving praise where it 
is due. Truth, candour (ἀλάθεια), urges men to do so, 
and ‘is wont to prevail’ in the end; though envy may 


. strive to keep them mute. He has a vivid conception of 


φθόνος as a power to be repelled ‘ with might and main?’ 
Who can tell whether his own career had not given him 
some knowledge of that power? 

It is remarkable that the first ode ends with twenty-five 
verses which are wholly ‘gnomic.’ They contain no refer- 
ence to the victor or to his victory, such as Pindar would 
have introduced before the close. Such an ending was ill- 
suited to an epinikion: it suggests a certain immaturity in 
the poet’s art,—so far as this province of the epinikion was 
concerned,—at the time when that ode was composed. 
On the other hand, the fifth ode (written in 476 B.C.) 
approximates to Pindar’s method in its general structure, 
and has one especially Pindaric trait——the abrupt return 
from myth to theme*. An imitation of Pindaric style may 

1 Fragment 7. is εὐρυβίας (XV. 31). 
2 Ode v. 187 ff.: cp. VII. 42 ff.: 3 See on Ode v. 176 ff. 
Vill. 85 ff.: XII. 199—207. Φθόνος 


EPIC VIGNETTES.—BRIGHT DETAIL. 61 


also be traced in one passage of the third ode (468 B.c.)'. 
Simonides was probably his nephew’s earliest master in 
the epinikion. But at any rate Bacchylides, while still 
young, felt also the influence of Pindar. 


The six poems in the latter part of the papyrus, 7%e «d- 
collectively classed as ‘dithyrambs’ in the Alexandrian “72”*’ 
sense, show the art of Bacchylides in another phase. The 
ode on the embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus to Troy 
(XIV) seems to end abruptly; so also does the ‘ Heracles’ og xzr. 
(Xv). But each, doubtless, is complete as it stands. The Ode XV. 
aim of each is to present a critical moment in the story, 

a moment fraught with consequences which are hinted, but 

left untold. A like purpose appears in the poem (XVII) Od Χ ΚΙ] 
on the journey of Theseus to Athens. The finest piece Ode XV7Z. 
in this series is, of course, the choral paean for Delos 
(XVI),—‘ Theseus, or the Athenian youths and maidens.’ 

It is one of the two examples which best illustrate the 

poet’s gift for narrative, while they illustrate it in different 

aspects. The story of Heracles and Meleager, in the fifth 

ode, moves ‘the sense of tears in mortal things’: this 

paean excels in spirited and rapid description. The short Speeches of 
speeches of Theseus and Minos are also dramatically effec- ““”°* 
tive in a high degree*. Bacchylides, we may note, makes 

heroes speak in the epic style; whereas Pindar makes them 

speak in a lyric fashion which is often, indeed, dramatic, but 

always his own. 

All the work of Bacchylides is marked by a skilful use Pictw- 
of picturesque detail: he knows how to apply the small 77777 
touches which give life and colour. We have already 
referred to some places in the fifth, eighth, and ninth odes, 
where he depicts the circumstances of a victory. Another 
good example is the scene in the palace of Poseidon 
beneath the waves, where Theseus is welcomed by Amphi- 
trite’. The fragment on the blessings of peace is also 
characteristic in this respect : sacrifices blaze ‘in the yellow 


1 π|. 85—87. and 74—8o (Minos). 
2 XVI. 20—46 (Theseus): 52—66, 3 Xvi. 96—116. 


Imagery. 


Use of 
epithets. 


62 CHARA CTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 


flame on carven altars’; ‘the webs of red-brown spiders 
are on the iron-bound handles of shields?’ Imagery is 
sparingly employed by Bacchylides; but his images are 
often impressive and beautiful. The wavering multitudes 
of ghosts on the banks of Cocytus are compared to ‘leaves 
quivering in the wind, where flocks graze on the gleaming 
headlands of Ida®.’ There is something of Homeric vivid- 
ness and force in the simile of the mariners who, after a 
tempestuous night, see the billows subside at dawn, and 
are wafted to the haven for which they had ceased to hope: 
even so the Trojans, when Achilles retired from the battle- 
field, ‘lifted up their hands to the gods; for now they saw 
a bright gleam of sunshine from under the shadow of the 
storm®,’ 

The use of epithets by Bacchylides is noteworthy in 
several respects. His deities and heroes are usually 
characterized in epic fashion (Διὸς apytxepavvov, Κουρῆσε 
μενεπτολέμοις, etc.); but he is peculiarly prone to bestow 
two or more epithets on the same person. In particular, 
he loves to associate the word σεμνός with other attributes 
of a deity ; thus we have σεμνοῦ Διὸς εὐρυβία (X. 52): ἁ 
χρυσάρματος | σεμνὰ μεγάθυμος ᾿Αθάνα (XII. 194 f.): καλυ- 
κοστεφάνου | σεμνᾶς χόλον ᾿Αρτέμιδος λευκωλένου (V. 98 f.): 
σεμνάν τε πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν | ἴδε βοῶπιν ἐρατοῖσιν 
᾿Αμφιτρίταν δόμοις (XVI. 109 ff.). It will be observed that, 
in the second of these examples, χρυσάρματος denotes 
a conventional attribute, and μεγάθυμος a personal quality. 
In the third example, a like remark applies to καλυκοστε- 
φάνου and λευκωλένου respectively. The most remarkable 
instance of such accumulation occurs in x. 37 ff.:— 

νῦν δ᾽ "Ἄρτεμις ἀγροτέρα 
χρυσαλάκατος λιπαρὰν 


ἡμέρα τοξόκλυτος νίκαν ἔδωκε. 
Here, ἀγροτέρα, ‘the huntress, denotes a general aspect 
1 Fragment 3. style of the simile is illustrated by 


2 v. 63—67. the use of the epic δέ re in v. £29 
3 ΧΙ, 124—140. The Homeric (where see note). 


IMAGER Y.—EPITHETS. 63 


of Artemis: ἡμέρα, ‘the soother,’ is a special title given to 
her in the local cult at Lusi in Arcadia; χρυσαλάκατος 
means, ‘with golden shaft, and τοξόκλυτος, ‘famed for 
archery.’ Each of the four epithets, then, is significant: 
the poet’s intention, too, is manifest; he wishes to em- 
phasize the divine attributes of Artemis, for it is this 
mention of her which gives him his cue for the story of the 
Proetides. But the crowd of adjectives actually impairs 
the force of each. In the verse, εὐρυσθενέος φραδαῖσι 
φερτάτου Διός (XVIII. 17), the second epithet, φερτάτου, is 
analogous to σεμνοῦ in the first example quoted above 
(X. 52); but it has a much weaker effect. A similar 
instance is παραπλῆγι φρένας | καρτερᾷ ζεύξασ᾽ ἀνάγκᾳ 
(xX. 45 f.). On the other hand, in αἰθέρα ξουθαῖσι τάμνων᾽ 
ὑψοῦ πτερύγεσσι ταχείαις αἰετός (V. 17 ff.) neither epithet 
‘is otiose. 

Another trait, which sometimes lends an air of con- 
ventionality to the poet’s style, is the frequency of non- 
distinctive epithets for goddesses and heroines. Thus 
Ba€vfwvos is applied to Dexithea, Latona, Theano, and 
the Graces; ἰοστέφανος, to Persephone, Thetis, and the 
Muses ; κυανοπλόκωμος, to Nike, Thebe, and the daughters 
of Proetus; λευκώλενος, to Hera, Artemis, Calliope, 
Europa, and Iole; χρυσέα, to Aphrodite, Artemis, and 
Io. 

But it should also be noted that, in many instances, the 
epithet chosen by Bacchylides is novel, felicitous, and 
expressive. The following are examples :---δόξαν...πεισίμ- 
βροτον (VIII. 1 f.): θερσιεπὴς φθόνος (XII. 199 f.): λειρίων... 
ὀμμάτων (XVI. 95): μελαμφαρέϊ...σκότῳ (111. 13 f.): mpavas 
apynotas (V. 67): κυανανθέϊ.. πόντῳ (XII. 124 f.): πυρι- 
ἐθειραν ἀστραπάν (XVI. 56). 


The influence of earlier or contemporary poetry has /ufuence 
left traces in the work of Bacchylides ; but, so far as we es bays 
can judge, his debts to it were neither large nor important. δαεολν 

Ρ : ‘ des. 
Though he was familiar with the style of Homeric epos, 7... 


there are some slight indications which might suggest that 


Flesiod. 


The 
Cypria. 


Stest- 
chorus. 


Lbycus. 


Alcaeus. 


Theognis. 


Simonides. 


64 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 


his study of the //zad had not been very close or observant'. 
His version of Meleager’s story owes but little to the ninth 
book of the /4zad*. From Hesiod, the only poet whom he 
mentions, he cites a sentiment which cannot be identified 
with anything extant under Hesiod’s name, but tallies 
with a verse of Theognis*. In a poem of unknown class, 
he treated a story told by Hesiod in Kytxos γάμος. The 
Cypria was doubtless his source in Ode XIV; where there 
is also a small touch which suggests the influence of Stesi- 
chorus, and another which may be a reminiscence of 
Ibycus®. In the earlier part of Ode xv there is a probable 
trace of Alcaeus*; the source of the latter part may be 
the epic Capture of Oechalia. Some words in Ode V are 
paraphrased from Theognis’. The ἀγλαὰν ἥβαν of Bac- 
chylides (V. 154, 476 B.C.) may be a reminiscence of ἀγλαὸς 
ἥβη in Theognis (985): but not of ἀγλαὸν.. ἥβην in 
pseudo-Simonides 105. I, written in or after 466B.C. 
The phrase is not epic; and Pindar has only ἀγλαόγυιον 
“Hav (XV. VI. 4: 467 B.C.?). The transcript from Solon in 
Ode Ix has already been mentioned (p. 59). 

Among the poets contemporary with Bacchylides whose 
influence we should expect to trace in him, the first is, 
of course, Simonides. Unfortunately the fragments of 
Simonides are too scanty to afford adequate material 
for an estimate of his part in shaping the style of 
Bacchylides. As a matter of fact, there are only two or 
three words or phrases which the nephew seems to have 
borrowed from the uncle. In the Homeric poems épavves 
is an epithet of places only: but Simonides has ἐραννὸν 
ὕδωρ, and Bacchylides has ἐραννὸν φάος (XVI. 42f.). If in 
Ode vill. 13 R. A. Neil’s ἀωτεύοντα be (as it certainly seems) 
a true emendation of ἀσαγεύοντα, then the use of ἀωτεύειν, 
without the Homeric addition of ὕπνον, in the sense of 
‘sleeping, may well have been suggested to the younger 


1 See notes on V. 75f. and XII. 4 Fragment 18. 

5 See notes on xiv. 48 and 58. 
6 See note on XV. 5. 

7 


See note on v. 160. 


146. 
2 See Appendix on v. 56—175. 
3 See note on Vv. 101. 


TRACES OF OTHER POETS IN HIS WORK. 65 


poet by the elder’s similar use of ἀωτεῖς (fr. 37.6). Simonides 
(fr. 37. 1) has λάρνακι... δαιδαλέᾳ : Bacchylides (Vv. 140 f.), 
δαιδαλέας | ἐκ λάρνακος. On the other hand, it may be 
noted that, while Simonides (156) has Πίσῃ with 7, Bac- 
chylides (v. 182) follows Pindar (OQ. III. 9, etc.) in shortening 
the first syllable. With regard to mythological material, 
there are three known instances of themes common to 
Simonides and Bacchylides. These are, the death of 
Archemorus; the voyage of Theseus to Crete; and the 
story of Idas and Marpessa'. 

A collation of Bacchylides with Pindar discloses only Pindar. 
one passage which proves verbal imitation on the part of 
the younger poet. In /sthm. Il. το ff. (IV. 1 ff.), an ode of 
which the date may be 478 B.c., Pindar says :— 


Ἔστι μοι θεῶν ἕκατι μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος, 
ὦ Μέλισσ᾽, εὐμαχανίαν γὰρ ἔφανας ᾿Ισθμίοις, 
ὑμετέρας ἀρετὰς ὕμνῳ διώκειν. 


Bacchylides (Vv. 31 ff, 476 B.C.) has :-- 


\ n \ > \ 7 a / 
τὼς νῦν καὶ ἐμοὶ μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος 
> \ 
ὑμετέραν ἀρετὰν 
ὑμνεῖν. 


There is another parallelism which (as it seems to me) 
affords a presumption, not indeed of direct imitation, but of 
reminiscence. Pindar says in Olymp. X. 78 ff. (484 B.C.) :— 


ἀρχαῖς δὲ προτέραις ἑπόμενοι καὶ viv ἐπωνυμίαν χάριν 
νίκας ἀγερώχου κελαδησόμεθα βροντὰν 
\ U ΄ 
καὶ πυρπάλαμον βέλος 
ὀρσικτύπου Διός. 


‘ Following the beginnings made of yore’ [7.e. the tradition of 
hymning Zeus at Olympia], ‘ now also, in a tribute of song (χάριν) 
named after proud victory [¢.¢, in an ἐπινίκιον), will we celebrate 
the thunder and the fire-sped bolt of loud-pealing Zeus.’ 


1 Note on vill. 11 f. : Introduction to ΧΥῚ, ὃ 5, n. 3: Introd. to XIX, § 3, n. 2. 


66 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 


Bacchylides writes thus in XIII. 19 ff. (of unknown 
date) :— 
Κλεοπτολέμῳ δὲ χάριν 
νῦν χρὴ Ποσειδᾶνος Ἰ]ετραί- 
ov τέμενος κελαδῆσαι. 


‘Now, in tribute to Cleoptolemus, ’tis meet to celebrate the 
sacred domain of Poseidon Petraios.’ 


It will be observed that the points of resemblance 
between these passages are three :—(1) the peculiar sense 
of χάριν: (2) the construction of χάριν as accusative in 
apposition with the sentence: (3) the use of the verb 
κελαδεῖν. 


Pindar in [γΖλ.} 11. 55 f. (475 B.c.?) describes Archi- 
lochus as βαρυλόγοις ἔχθεσιν | πιαινόμενον. Bacchylides 
(111. 67 f., 468 Β.0.) has, ed λέγειν πάρεστιν, ὅστις μὴ 
φθόνῳ πιαίνεται. The stamp of the phrase is Pindaric. 
Pindar (fr. 90. 5) calls himself Ilvepidwv προφάταν: and 
Bacchylides in VIII. 3 is Movowv...mpopdaras. This phrase, 
which is not epic, may have been first used by Pindar: 
it has a Delphic tone. Pindar, in /sthm. V (VI). 12, has 
σύν τέ of δαίμων φυτεύει δόξαν: Bacchylides, in XVI. 68 f. 
(Ζεὺς) Mivwi φύτευσε τιμάν: but this is less significant. 
We should be cautious in assuming a debt on either part, 
where the phrase is of a commonplace lyric character. Thus 
Bacchylides Vv. 9 (476 B.C.) has σὺν Χαρίτεσσι βαθυζώνοις : 
Pindar Pyth. 1x. 1 (of 474 B.C.) has σὺν βαθυζώνοισιν... 
Xapitecot: where, if either was a debtor, the chronology 
points to Pindar; but as the epithet is so conventional and 
obvious, it is needless to suppose any borrowing. Again, 
the phrase of Bacchylides in V. 196f., εὐκλέα... γλῶσσαν 
οὐ πέμπειν ‘lépwv, has boldness of a Pindaric kind: but, 
as a matter of fact, the passages of Pindar which show a 
like use of γλῶσσα occur in odes probably subsequent in 
date to the ode of Bacchylides, namely JV. Iv. 86 (456 B.C. ?), 
and Ο. IX. 44 (464 B.C.). 

Apart from any question of verbal imitation, we find 
some noteworthy coincidences of thought and sentiment 


INFLUENCE OF PINDAR, AND OF AESCHYLUS. 67 


between the two poets. Both deprecate scepticism as to 
marvels by the remark that ‘nothing is incredible’ when 
gods are at work (Pind. Pyth. x. 48 ff.: Bacch. 111. 57 ἢ, 
Xvi. 117f.). Both regard fame and opulence as the two 
main factors of ὄλβος, wherewith a mortal should be con- 
tent (Pind. /sthm. Iv (V). 13 f.: Bacch. ν. 50—55). Both, 
when celebrating victories in the chariot-race, praise the 
man who ‘does not keep his wealth hidden’ (Pind. Mem. 
I. 31, /sthm. 1. 67: Bacch. Il. 13 f.). Both speak of just 
praise as a benign dew which fosters the tender plant of 
apera (Pind. Nem. vill. 40 ff.: Bacch. v. 197 f.). 

The influence of Aeschylus on the diction of Bacchylides Aeschylus. 
is shown by a number of traces. 

Supplices (c. 491-490 B.C.?). 555. βαθύπλουτος. This 
word, which first occurs here, is used by Bacchylides (III. 
82), but not by Pindar.—104 f. νεάζει πυθμὴν | ...τεθαλώς. 
Compare Bacch. v. 198 πυθμένες θάλλουσιν ἐσθλῶν.--- 
973 f. πᾶς τις ἐπειπεῖν ψόγον ἀλλοτρίοις | evTUKos. The 
construction of εὔτυκος with an infinitive recurs in Bacch. 
vill. 4 ff. 

Persae (472 B.C.). 104. πολέμους πυργοδαΐκτους. Com- 
pounds of δαΐζω are Aeschylean: Theb. 735 αὐτοδάϊκτοι: 
Cho. 1071 λουτροδάϊκτος. Bacchylides (VIII. 6) has μηλο- 
daixtav. [In Pers. 104 should we read πυργοδαΐκτας ?]— 
111. πόντιον ἄλσος The phrase first occurs in this 
place: it is not epic or Pindaric. Bacchylides has it in 
XVI. 84 f—731. κἀπικουρίας στρατοῦ. This is the first 
occurrence of ἐπικουρία : the word is used by Bacchylides 
(XVII. 13), but by no other poet of the classical age except 
Euripides.—1072. ἁβροβάται. The word occurs in Bacch. 
Ill. 78 (468 B.C.), but nowhere else. 

Septem contra Thebas (467 B.C.). The rare word apyn- 
στής, found in verse 80 (and in Ewmenides 181), is used by 
Bacchylides in v. 67 (476 B.c.). It occurs nowhere else, 
except in Theocritus xxv. 131. If it was from the mint of 
Aeschylus, Bacchylides must have found it in some lost 
play of which the date was earlier than 476 B.c.—882. 
ἐρειψίτοιχοι. This is the only extant compound with 


Vocabu- 
lary of 
Bacchyli- 
des. 


68 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 


ἐρειψι-, except the ἐρειψυπύλαν of Bacchylides in v. 56, 
and his ἐρειψ[ελάοις Ὁ] in ΧΙΙ. 167. 

Prometheus Vinctus (later than 468 B.c.). In 588 Io 
has the form of a maiden, with the horns of an ox (Bov- 
Kepws παρθένος). This was probably the conception 
adopted by Bacchylides (see Introduction to XVIII, § 1). 
The word οἰστρόπληξ, an epithet of lo which occurs first in 
P.V. 681, is restored with certainty in Bacchylides XVIII. 
40.—In 724f. Prometheus speaks of the Amazons, a? 
Θεμίσκυράν ποτε] κατοικιοῦσιν ἀμφὶ Θερμώδονθ᾽, iva 
k.T.X.: compare Bacchylides VII. 42 f. ταί 7 ἐπ᾽ εὐναεῖ 
πόρῳ | οἰκεῦσι Θερμώδοντος. 

Choephori (458 B.C.). 362. πεισιβρότῳ... βάκτρῳ (πισίμ- 
βροτον... βάκτρον cod. Laur.). The only other occurrence 
of the adjective is in Bacchylides vitl. 1 f. δόξαν... πεισίμ- 
βροτον (where see n.).—In 1071 f. Agamemnon is ᾿Αχαιῶν 
| πολέμαρχος ἀνήρ. (In Theb. 828 πολεμάρχους refers to 
the sons of Oedipus.) Compare Bacchylides XVI. 39 πολέμ- 
apxe Κνωσίων. These are our only examples of the 
word πολέμαρχος used in a non-technical sense, with the 
exception of the phrase πολέμαρχος...συνεφήβων in an 
inscription of the second century (Kaibel, Epzgr. Graeca 
960. 2). 


Upwards of a hundred words otherwise unknown are 
found in the poems of Bacchylides. The nouns substantive 
are ἄθυρσις (XII. 93), θατήρ (XI. 8), μουνοπάλα (XI. 8). If 
in XVI. 112 didva were sound, we should have to assume 
aiwv as the name for some kind of garment: but the word 
is probably corrupt. In V. 110 εἰσάνταν is a novel substitute 
for the Homeric adverb eicavta. The new verbs are 
yeXavow (V. 80), εὐμαρέω (I. 65), καταχραίνω (V. 44), 
ὀλιγοσθενέω (V. 139), πεδοιχνέω (XV. 9); to which ἀωτεύω 
(VIII. 13) may safely be added. But the vast majority 
of the new words,—more than ninety,—are compound 
adjectives. Some of these, doubtless, though previously 
strange to us, had been used by poets before Bacchylides ; 
but many, if not most, of them may well have been his own 


HIS NEW WORDS. 69 


inventions. The general character of this considerable 
accession to the lexicons may best, perhaps, be illustrated 
by a selection of groups. 

I. One set of such groups may be arranged according 
to the first element in the compound. 1. Thus we have 
the following new compounds beginning with dvagi-:— 
avakiaros (XIX. 8), ἀναξιβρόντας (XVI. 66), ἀναξίμολπος 
(VI. 10). 2. With εὐρυ-:---εὐρυάναξ (V. 19), evpvdivas 
(III. 7), εὐρυνεφής (XV. 17). 3. With μεγιστο-:--- μεγεστοπά- 
τωρ (V. 199), μεγιστοάνασσα (XVIII. 21),—meaning μέγιστος 
πατήρ, μεγίστη ἄνασσα. 4. With ὀρσι--:---ὀρσίαλος (XV. 19), 
ὀρσιβάκχας (XVIII. 49), ὀρσίμαχος (XIV. 3). 5. With 
ὑψι-:--ὑψαυχής (ΧΙ. 85), ὑψεάγυια (XII. 71), ὑψιδαίδαλτος 
(XIII. 18), ὑψίδειρος (Iv. 4). 6. With χαλκεο- Or χαλκο-:]---- 
χαλκεόκρανος (V. 74), χαλκεόκτυπος (XVII. 59), χαλκόκτυπος 
(Ὁ XIII. 16), χαλκοκώδων (XVII. 3), yarKxoteryns (III. 32). 
II. Other small groups are indicated by the second 
element in the composite word. 1. New compounds with 
ἔπος:---θελξιεπής (XIV. 48), θερσιεπής (XII. 199), τερψιεπής 
(XII. 230). 2. With ὄνομα:---ἐρατώνυμος (XVI. 31), χαριτ- 
@vupos (II. 2). III. We note also a group of which the 
common characteristic is that the compound adjective is 
formed by combining the stems of two substantives:— 
ἀρέταιχμος (XVI. 47), ἀστύθεμις (IV. 3), θερσιεπής (XII. 199), 
κεραυνεγχής (VII. 48), πολεμαιγίς (XVI. 7), πυργοκέρας 
(frag. 31,=51 Bergk), χαριτώνυμος (II. 2). 

IV. If the new adjectives of Bacchylides are considered 
in regard to their meaning, we observe that the following 
are expressive of colour or of splendour :—xvavavOns (XII. 
124), μελαμφαρής (XII. 13), EavOodepxns (VIII. 12), πορ- 
gupodivas (VIII. 39), πυριέθειρα (XVI. 56), πυρσόχαιτος 
(XVII. 51), φοινίκασπις (VIII. 10), φοινικόθριξ (X. 105), 
φοινικοκράδεμνος (XII. 97), φοινικόνωτος (V. 102), χρυσεό- 
πλοκος (XVI. 106), χρυσεόσκαπτρος (VIII. 100), χρυσόπαχυς 
(V. 40). 

V. Lastly, from the metrical point of view, it may be 
noted how many of the poet’s new words have the form 


1 In compounds Pindar uses only χαλκεο- and χρυσεο-. 
χαλκο-, χρυσο-: Bacchylides, also 


Adjectives 
common to 
Pindar 
and Bac- 
chylides. 


Analogies 
in the two 
vocabu- 
laries. 


7ο CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 


v-vv—:—aednrobpouas (V. 39), ἀερσίμαχος (XII. 100), 
ἀμετρόδικος (X. 68), ἀναιδομάχας (v. 195), ἀναξίαλος (XIX. 
8), ἀριστοπάτρα (X. 196), arapBouayas (XV. 28), ἐρειψιπύλας 
(V. 56), μεγιστοπάτωρ (V. 199). 

Besides the adjectives included in the groups just 
noted, there are more than forty others, also peculiar to 
Bacchylides, which scarcely call for special remark. They 
are enumerated below’. 

It is instructive to compare Bacchylides and Pindar in 
respect to their choice of poetical epithets. Many such 
words are common to both; as ἀγλαόθρονος: δαμασίμ- 
Bpotos (epithet of sword or spear): διχόμηνις: ἐρισφάραγος 
(epithet of Zeus): θεόδματος: θεόδοτος: θεότιμος: θρασυ- 
μήδης : ἰοβλέφαρος: ἰόπλοκος : ἰοστέφανος : μεγαλοσθενής: 
μελίφρων: ὀρθόδικος (or -δίκας): πλάξιππος: πολυώνυμος: 
τηλαυγής: τοξόκλυτος: φαυσίμβροτος: φιλάγλαος: φιλάνωρ: 
χάλκασπις: χρυσαλάκατος: χρυσάμπυξ: χρυσάρματος: 
χρυσάωρ (-dopos? Bacch. III. 28): χρύσασπις : χρυσοκόμας: 
χρυσόπεπλοςς Further, we note ἃ large number of 
instances in which the word of Bacchylides is not used 
by Pindar, but finds some analogy of form in the Pindaric 


vocabulary. The following are examples :— 
BACCHYLIDES. PINDAR. 
ἀμετρόδικος. ἀϊδροδίκας. 
ἀναξιβρόντας. αἰολοβρόντας. 
ἀκαμαντορόας. ἀκαμαντόπους (etc.). 


1 ἀκαμαντορόας (V. 183): ἀριστ- (Υ. 73, XIII. 14): μεγαίνητος (111. 64): 


αλκής (VII. 7): ἀριστοπάτρα (ill. 1): 
βαθυδείελος (1. 139) : βροτωφελής (ΧΙΙ. 
191): δαᾳαδοφόρος (fr. 23): δνόφεος 
(xv. 32, otherwise known only from 
Hesych.): δυσμάχητος (if fr. 32 be- 
longs to Bacch.): ἑλικοστέφανος (VIII. 
62): ἐρειψίλαος (?XI1. 167): ἐρειψι- 
πύλας (V. 56): evalveros (XVIII. 11): 
εὔγυιος (X. 10): εὐεγχής (XII. 147): 
edvans (VIII. 42): θελημός (XVI. 85): 
θρασύχειρ (11. 4): ἱδρώεις (XII. 57): 
ἱμεράμπυξ (XVI. 9): ἱμερόγυιος (XII. 
137): ἱπποδίνητος (V. 2): ἱππώκης 
(x. 101): καλλιρόας (X. 26, 96): 
λεπτόπρυμνος (XVI. 119): λιγυκλαγγής 


μεγαλοκλεής (VII. 49): μελαγκευθής 
(Ῥ 111. 55, fr. 25): μελαμφαρής (III. 
13): μελανόκολπος (? fr. 23): μηλο- 
δαΐκτας (VIII. 6): νεόκριτος (see Ap- 
pendix on VII. 14): vedxporos (Vv. 48): 
ὀβριμοδερκής (XV. 20): ὀβριμόσπορος 
(XVIII. 32): ὀλυμπιόδρομος (III. 3): 
οὔλιος as = οὗλος (XVII. 53): πάμ- 
φθερσις (fr. 20): πανθᾶλής (XII. 229): 
πάννικος (X. 21): mAelorapxos (III. 
12): πολύφαντος (XII. 61): πρώθηβος 
(xvil. 57): πυργοκέρας (fr. 31): 
σεμνοδότειρα (11. 1): ὑμνοάνασσα (XI. 
1): φερεκυδής (XII. 182): φρενοάρας 
(xvi. 118). 


HIS EPITHETS COMPARED WITH PINDAR’S. 71 


BACCHYLIDES. PINDAR. 
ἀναιδομάχας. + + ἀπειρομάχας. 
ἀριστοπάτρα. - 4. ἀριστόγονος. 
βαρύβρομος. . βαρύκτυπος. 
δαμασίχθων (οἵ Bestitony: . ἐλασίχθων (do.). 
ἑλικοστέφανος. νον, ἐλικάμπυξ. 
εὐρυνεφής (of Zeus). - . . ὀρσινεφής. 
θερσιεπής. . . « θρασύμυθος. 
θρασυμέμνων. εὐ . + θρασυμάχανος. 
θρασύχειρ. . « « θρασύγυιος. 
ἱμερόγυιος. . 4. ἀγλαόγυιος. 
ἑἱπποδίνητος. . . . ὠκυδίνατος (of chariot- 

races). 
καρτερόχειρ. οὐ + « καρτεραίχμας. 
κεραυνεγχής. . ἐγχεικέραυνος. 
κυανανθής (‘of dark hue . λευκανθής (of corpses). 
λιπαρόζωνος. οὐ + « λιυπαράμπυξ. 
μελίγλωσσος. νον μελίγαρυς, μελίφθογγος. 
νεόκτιτος. οὐ νος, VEOKTLCTOS. 
ὀρσίαλος (of Poseidon). . . . ὀρσοτρίαινα (do.). 
παλίντροπος. . 4.2. παλιντράπελος. 
πανθαλής. » . . εὐθᾶλῆς. 
πυργοκέρας. . . . ὑψικέρας. 
τανύθριξ. . . . τανυέθειρα. 
ὑψίδειρος. . . « ὑψίλοφος. 
χαλκεόκρανος (ios). 4s χαλκότοξος. 
ὠκύπομπος. νος, ὠκύπορος. 


A few notes on special points may be added. (1) Pin- 
dar has a remarkable number of adjectives compounded 
with πᾶμ- or παν-:- παμβίας, παμπειθής, παμποίκιλος, 
παμπόρφυρος, πάμπρωτος, παμφάρμακος, παμφόρος, πάμ- 
ῴφωνος, πανδαίδαλος, πάνδοκος, πανέτης, πάντολμος. Bac- 
chylides has the following (of which those marked with * 
are peculiar to him):—*audOepo.s, πανδαμάτωρ, παν- 
δερκής, πανθαλής and Ἐπανθᾶλής, *wavvixos. (2) Very 
characteristic of Pindar are the compounds of ἀγλαός :— 
ἀγλαόγυιος, ayNaddevdpos, ἀγλαόθρονος, ἀγλαόκαρπος, ay- 


Bacchyli- 
des and 
Greek art. 


72 BACCHYLIDES AND THE. VASE-PAINTERS. 


λαόκολπος (probable in JV. III. 56), ayAacxoupos, ἀγλαο- 
τρίαινα. Bacchylides has ἀγλαόθρονος, but no other. 
(3) Pindar also loves compounds with ποικίλος :—rotxir- 
ἄνιος, ποικιλόγαρυς, ποικιλόνωτος, ποικιλοφόρμιγξ. Bac- 
chylides has no such compound. (4) The Pindaric φοινικο- 
group consists of φοινικάνθεμος, φοινικόκροκος, φοινικόπεζα, 
φοινικόροδος, φοινικοστερόπας. [In JV. IX. 28 it is better 
to write Φοινικοστόλων, ‘sent by the Phoenicians, than, 
with Mezger, φοινικοστόλων.) Not one of these words 
occurs in the q@oivixo-group of Bacchylides (see above, p. 
69). (5) The word Xezrapos is a favourite with Pindar, who 
applies it especially to opulent cities, but never to persons. 
Here he follows the Homeric rule. (In Od. 15. 332, where 
youths are λυπαροὶ κεφαλάς, the reference is to anointing 
with oil.) But Bacchylides in v. 169 has λιπαρὰν... ἄκοιτιν, 
where the notion is that of rich adornment and stately 
surroundings; it may be expressed by ‘queenly.’ This 
un-Homeric use may have been suggested by the 7heogony, 
ν. 901: δεύτερον ἠγάγετο λιπαρὴν Θέμιν. 

The general result of the foregoing survey is to show 
that the diction of Bacchylides, though influenced in 
several particulars by earlier or contemporary poets, has a 
well-marked character of its own, which comes out when 
we examine his mintage of new words. His work in this 
kind often shows the bent of his own fancy. Certain 
traits of his style which belong to the province of dialect 
and of grammar are reserved for separate treatment. 


The relation of Bacchylides to Greek art is a subject 
which no student of his poetry canignore. Vase-paintings 
illustrate the story of Croesus as told in the third ode; 
the struggle of Heracles with the Nemean lion, at the 
beginning of the twelfth; the reception of Theseus by 
Amphitrite, in the sixteenth ode; and the account of 
that hero’s deeds on his way from Troezen to Athens, in 
the seventeenth. Details as to these vases will be found in 
the Introductions to the several poems, and in the com- 
mentary on the text. But a few words must be said here 


HIS REPUTE IN ANTIQUITY. 73 


on the general import of such coincidences. It is known 
that the epic hymns of Stesichorus furnished themes to 
Greek painters in the fifth century B.c.; and it might seem 
natural to suppose that, in some cases, Bacchylides 
exercised a similar influence. But the relation of Bac- 
chylides to the vase-painters was, in fact, wholly different 
from that of the older poet. Stesichorus, by an original 
treatment of the myths, popularised versions which became 
established in tradition, and which the vase-painters 
adopted. Bacchylides did not innovate, like Stesichorus, 
or boldly recast his material, like Pindar. He adhered to 
the forms of the myths generally current in his own day. 
When he and the vase-painters concur, it certainly is not 
because they have followed him. In at least two instances, 
his poem is later than the vase which supplies an illustra- 
tion of it. The cause is either that the same poetical 
tradition has been their common source, or that Bacchylides 
has followed the vase-painters, who, in the fifth century, 
had a large influence in popularising mythical scenes and 
situations. A case in which the latter explanation seems 
highly probable is that passage of the seventeenth ode 
which mentions two heroes as accompanying Theseus on 
his journey to Athens’. 


The series of references to Bacchylides in ancient 
writers extends from the Alexandrian age to the sixth 
century of the Christian era. He is not mentioned in any 
extant book of the fifth or fourth century B.c. But it 
would be very unwarrantable to infer from such silence 
that his work was then held in slight esteem. We know 
that a prominent citizen of Aegina, when he wished his 
son’s victory at Nemea to be worthily commemorated, 
coupled Bacchylides with Pindar in the commission. We 
know also that Bacchylides alone eelebrated the latest and 
highest distinction won at Olympia by the Syracusan 

1 See on this subject C. Robert in xvi, 82 (the kylix of Euphronius). 
Hermes, vol. XXX111, p. 130 (1898). 3 Introd. to xvII, 83: also the 


2 See Introd. to Ode 111, 82 (the note on XVII. 46. 
Croesus amphora): and Introd. to 


J. B. 6 


Stestchorus 
and Bac- 
chylides: 
their re- 
spective 
relations to 
the vase- 


painters. 


Repute of 
Bacchyli- 
des in 

antiquity. 


74 ANCIENT REPUTE OF BACCHYLIDES. 


prince for whom Pindar had previously written. Among 
those who, in the fifth century, felt the charm of Bac- 
chylides, we may probably count Euripides. The sixteenth 
ode would have had some interest for a dramatist whose 
Theseus dealt with the adventure in Crete. A lyric 
passage in the Sacchae (862 ff.) seems to be reminiscent 
of some beautiful verses in the twelfth ode (83—90). But 
it is needless to say that in the highest regions of lyric 
poetry, and in those lyric qualities which pass triumphantly 
through the test of choral performance, Bacchylides could 
not vie with Simonides or with Pindar. The distinctive 
merits of Bacchylides, his transparent clearness, his gift of 
narrative, his felicity in detail, the easy flow of his elegant 
verse, rather fitted him to become a favourite with readers. 
Like Horace, who sometimes imitated him, he was a poet 
who gave pleasure without demanding effort, a poet with 
whom the reader could at once feel at home. This, we 
may well believe, was the secret of his popularity; as would 
perhaps be still more apparent if time had spared some of 
his partheneia, and of those lighter compositions, such as 
the convivial songs, in which a bright fancy and a delicate 
touch peculiarly qualified him to excel. The earliest men- 
tions of his name, the earliest quotations from his work, 
occur in the Alexandrian scholia. This is precisely what 
might have been anticipated ; for the Alexandrian age was 
an age of readers. 

An idea of the vogue which Bacchylides enjoyed in the 
ancient world may best be formed by considering the 
sources to which we were indebted for such knowledge of 
his poetry as existed before the discovery of the Egyptian 
papyrus. The fragments and notices of Bacchylides 
collected at the end of this volume are sixty-one in 
number. The first thirty-four items (as arranged in this 
edition) are ‘fragments * proper, ze. citations of his words. 
The remaining items are ‘notices, which do not cite his 
words?, In the following survey of the sources, we indicate 
the item or items which each source furnishes. 


1 See Nauck, 7rag. Graec. Frag- 2 Elsewhere in this volume, the 
menta (2nd ed.), p. 477. term ‘fragment’ (abbreviated ‘fr.’) is 


RANGE OF THE CITATIONS. 75 


The oldest sources are the scholia on Homer, Hesiod, Sources of 
Pindar, Aristophanes, Apollonius Rhodius, and Callimachus. pb 


To these are due fragments 6 and 23; and notices 36, 39, 7“. 
42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53, 54, 56,61. Didymus (flor. c. 

30 B.C.) wrote a special commentary on the Epinikia of 
Bacchylides (see fragment 31). 

In the Augustan age, Bacchylides is quoted by Diony- 
sius of Halicarnassus on a point of rhythm (fragment 11); 
and Strabo corrects him on a point of geography (notice 
57). Llowards the end of the first century we find Plutarch 
speaking of his partheneia (n. 40), and quoting him more 
than once (fr. 29, and fr. 3, verses 6—10). In the second 
century, he is cited by the grammarian Apollonius Dyscolus 
(fr. 31), by the paroemiographer Zenobius (fr. 5, 24), and by 
the metrist Hephaestion (fr. 12, 14, 15), on matters per- 
taining to their respective subjects. Aulus Gellius mentions 
him with reference to a detail of mythology (n. 52). 
Athenaeus is thoroughly familiar with his poems (fr. 13, 
16, 17, 18, 22: n. 60). Clement of Alexandria draws on 
him for illustrations of general sentiments (fr. 21, 32), 
especially such as concern the divine nature, and human 
destiny (fr. 19, 20: see also crit. note on ode XIV. 50). In 
the third century, Porphyrion indicates an imitation of 
Bacchylides by Horace (n. 46); and the rhetor Menander 
refers to a class of his hymns (n. 37). 

The fourth century continues the series of witnesses. 
Himerius touches on the love of Bacchylides for his native 
1115 (n. 59). The commentary of Didymus on the poet’s 
Epinikia is noticed in the lexicon of Ammonius (n. 35). 
From Ammianus Marcellinus we learn that Julian read 
Bacchylides with pleasure, and quoted from him a passage 
in which the grace lent by purity to rising manhood 
Was compared with that which a fine artist can give to a 
beautiful countenance (n. 41). Servius, the commentator 
on Virgil, was acquainted with the ‘dithyrambs’ of Bac- 
chylides (n. 38, 51). 
used, for purposes of reference, as fragments in the proper sense from 


including the notices. But in this mere notices. By ‘n.’ is here meant 
passage it is convenient to distinguish a notice. 


6—2 


Estimate 

of Bacchy- 
lides in the 
Περὶ ὕψους. 


76 THE PSEUDO-LONGINUS ON BACCHYLIDES. 


At the close of the fifth century, or early in the sixth, 
Stobaeus culled a large number of passages from the Cean 
poet, including the well-known fragment of a paean on 
the blessings of peace (fr. 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 28). Our 
debt to Stobaeus in this respect is larger than to any other 
single author. Priscian, in the first quarter of the sixth 
century, illustrates a point of metre from Bacchylides 
(fr. 27). A few additional fragments or notices come to 
us from Byzantine or medieval sources, such as the Etymo- 
logicum Magnum (fr. 25, 30); Joannes.Siceliota (fr. 26); 
Tzetzes (n. 55); Natalis Comes (n. 50). An elegiac in- 
scription for a tripod (fr. 33), and another for a votive 
shrine (fr. 34), are ascribed to Bacchylides in the Palatine 
Anthology. 

It appears, then, that his writings remained in repute 
down to the latest period of the ancient civilisation. He 
was not merely a subject of learned study to specialists 
in grammar, metre, or mythology. He continued to find 
readers in the cultivated world at large, among men of 
letters such as Stobaeus, and among men of affairs such 
as Julian. 

The only definite estimate of Bacchylides which has 
come down from antiquity is contained in the famous 
treatise Περὶ ὕψους, ‘On elevation of style’, traditionally 
ascribed to Cassius Longinus (77. ας. 260 A.D.), but more 
probably the work of an unknown writer who lived in the 
first century of our era*. The author’s aesthetic criticism, 
often instructive where traits of classical writers are illus- 
trated in detail, sometimes enlarges rhetorically on pro- 
positions which now seem platitudes. Thus he insists at 


1 The traditional rendering, ‘On 
the Sublime,’ is altogether misleading. 
However ‘sublimity’ be defined, the 
subject of the Ilepi ὕψους is something 
much wider. It is a discussion of 
the qualities which raise style to a 
high excellence. 

* From the appearance of the 
editio princeps (Robortello’s) in 1554 
down to the beginning of the nine- 


teenth century, the ascription to Lon- 
ginus was practically unchallenged. 
The turning-point was Amati’s dis- 
covery (in 1808) of the Vatican Ms. 
285, with the inscription Διονυσίου ἢ 
Aoyylvov περὶ ὕψους. The question 
is reviewed, historically and critically, 
by Prof. W. Rhys Roberts, in the 
introduction to his excellent edition 


(1899). 


BACCHYLIDES AND HORACE. 77 


some length on the incontrovertible truth that, in literature, 
high genius, though attended by some faults or lapses, is 
preferable to flawless merit on a lower level. From that 
point of view he contrasts Homer with Apollonius Rhodius, 
Archilochus with Eratosthenes, Sophocles with Ion of Chios, 
and Pindar with Bacchylides. What we learn from the 
passage is how this writer defined the most general charac- 
teristic, as he deemed it, of Bacchylides. It is, in his 
phrase, καλλυγραφία, ‘elegance of style, marked by τὸ 
γλαφυρόν, ‘polish, and equably maintained’. That does 
not tell us much; it is not a help towards appreciating 
or analysing the qualities distinctive of the poet. Yet it 
has at least the interest of showing the broad impression 
which the essayist had received, and which, as he assumes, 
would be shared by his contemporaries. 

Far more instructive are those traces of Bacchylides Bacchyii- 
which remain in the odes of Horace. Paris is carrying prsticyh 
Helen across the Aegean; the sea-god Nereus stills the 
winds, and, addressing him, prophesies the woes that are 
to come,—the ruin of Troy, and the doom which awaits 
the false guest of the Spartan king* After the first 
stanza, which briefly indicates the occasion, the rest of the 
little ode, which contains only thirty-six verses, is the 
speech of Nereus. Here, as Porphyrion tells us, Horace 
was imitating a poem of Bacchylides in which the fate of 
Ilium was predicted by Cassandra*. The type and the 
scale of that poem may be inferred from the examples 
which we now possess in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and 
seventeenth odes of Bacchylides. Horace had seized the 
motive and caught the inspiration of such pieces. He had 
noted the peculiar kind of poetical effect which Bacchylides 
produces by a small picture taken from the heroic myth- 
ology,—a short poem which marks a situation, and then 
breaks off, after foreshadowing a catastrophe. The prophecy 


1 Περὶ ὕψους c. XXXII. Bacchy- 2 Hor. Carm. 1. 15. 
lides and Ion of Chios are described 3 Bacch. fr. 46. See note on 
as ἀδιάπτωτοι (‘flawless’) καὶ ἐν τῷ fr. 6. 
γλαφυρῷ πάντῃ κεκαλλιγραφημένοι. 


78 BACCHYLIDES AND HORACE. 


of Nereus in the ode of Horace may be compared, from 
this standpoint, to the warning speech of Menelaus with 
which the fourteenth ode of Bacchylides abruptly closes. 
The integrity of that ode, and of the fifteenth, as the 
papyrus has them, is indirectly confirmed by the imitative 
ode of Horace, which ends with a like suddenness. We 
can perceive also that Horace felt the curious felicity which 
is sometimes seen in the Greek poet’s phrases. The power 
of wine in stimulating the fancy is described by Bacchylides 
as γλυκεῖ ἀνάγκα (fr. 16). Horace says of Bacchus, 7x 
lene tormentum ingenio admoves Plerumque duro (C. Ul. 
21.13 f.). His choice of tovmentum was evidently prompted 
by the special associations of the Greek word in such 
expressions aS ἀνάγκην προστιθέναι or προσάγειν Tas 
ἀνάγκας : though Bacchylides presumably meant nothing 
more specific than ‘a sweet compulsion.’ 

There are, indeed, several points of analogy between 
the genius of Horace and that of Bacchylides. Both poets 
could succeed in stately odes, but were perhaps more 
thoroughly at home in poems of a lighter strain. Both 
excelled in lyric cameo-work. Both were men of a modest 
and genial temper, with a homely philosophy which in- 
culcated the virtue of contentment. A notable resemblance 
to the tone of Horace appears in those verses of Bacchylides 
which proffer a hospitality not set off by ‘gold or purple 
carpets, but commended by ‘a kindly spirit, and good 
wine in Boeotian cups®” Under the Empire, during those 
centuries when the faculty of comprehending a Pindar 
was becoming rarer, the last representative of the classical 
Greek lyric may well have retained a quiet popularity by 
qualities like those which have endeared Horace to the 
modern world. 

n. there). But the words caliginosa 


nocte (referring to the hidden future, 
in C. III. 29. 30) are curiously parallel 


1 Verses 16—20 of Horace’s ode 
suggest a general reminiscence of 
Bacch. fr. 16. 5—8, and perhaps also 


of Pindar fr. 218. 

It is unnecessary to suppose that 
Horace’s apis Matinae (C. Iv. 2. 28f.) 
was suggested by Bacch. IX. τὸ (see 


with the νυκτὸς δνόφοισιν of Bac- 
chylides in a like context (vii. 89f.). 

? Bacch. fr. 17. Compare Horace 
Carm. 1. 38 and 11. 18. 


79 


IV. DIALECT AND GRAMMAR. 


The dialect prescribed by tradition for choral lyric 
poetry was Doric in its general colouring. But the 
Doricism could be more or less strongly marked, and more 
or less tempered by an admixture of non-Doric forms, 
accerding to the taste of the poet. Indeed, as Pindar 
shows, the same poet might vary the complexion of his 
dialect from ode to ode. In the dialect of Bacchylides, 
the Doricism,—which for him, an Ionian, was purely con- 
ventional,—is of the mildest type. It is further distinctive 
of him that, in numerous instances, he modifies Doric forms 
by compromises which his own sense of euphony dictated, 
but which it is difficult to bring under any consistent rules. 

He sometimes retains y, instead of the Doric a, in order Doric a. 
to avoid the occurrence of the a-sound in two successive 
syllables. Thus he writes ἀδμήτα (V. 167), but ἄδματοι 
(X. 84): λῃσταί (XVII. 8), but λαΐδος (XV. 17): φήμα (II. 1), 
but φαμὶ καὶ φάσω (I. 49). It is not easy to see why he 
should agree with Pindar in writing προφάτας (VIII. 3, 
IX. 28), and yet differ from him in writing κυβερνήτας 
(V. 47, XI. 11). Pindar has ζαλωτός: Bacchylides has 
ἐπίζηλος (V. 52), πολύζηλος (X. 63), πολυζήλωτος (VII. 10, 
etc.). His ᾿Αθάνα (XII. 195, etc.) and ᾿Αθᾶναι (XVII. 60) 

may be explained by supposing that, in, these instances, . 
the Doric convention of the choral lyric was too strong for 
him. A like explanation possibly applies to the case of 
σελάνα (VIII. 29); and of ἀλάθεια (once ἀλαθεία), which is 
so spelled in five places: in one place (Vv. 187) the MS. has 
ἀληθείας, but manifestly by an error. As to otpatayé 
(v. 2), used in addressing Hieron, he had no choice; it was 
an official title, and he was bound to use the Doric form. 
In XVI. 121 we find also στραταγέτας. Comparing σκᾶπτρον 
(III. 70) with ἐπισκήπτων (V. 42, VI. 41), we may perhaps 
infer that a after ox displeased the poet’s ear in the middle 
of a word, but not in the first syllable. There are some 
instances in which the preference of to Doric a is not 


Other 
Dorictsms. 


80 BACCHYLIDES. 


peculiar to Bacchylides, but was general in the less strict 
type of Doricism; such are εἰρήνα (V. 200, etc.), 78a (III. 90), 
μῆλον ‘sheep’ (V. 109): στῆθος (V. 15). To these, ᾿Αλκμή- 
vios (V. 71) may probably be added: several editors of 
Pindar, including Bergk and W. Christ, give ᾿Αλκμήνα, with 
some MS. authority, in his text, though Schréder now prefers 
᾿Αλκμάνα. 

The variations in the poet’s practice with regard to the 
Doric a are warnings that, when the Ms. has an exceptional 
ἢ, it should not lightly be altered, unless the case is as clear 
as it is in V. 187 (ἀληθείας). There are two places in which 
Blass alters ἡ to a, but in which it appears to me safer to 
retain ἡ. Each of these must be considered in the light of 
the euphonic context. (1) X. 45 f. ...«παραπλῆγι φρένας | 
καρτερᾷ ζεύξασ᾽ ἀνάγκᾳ. Here Blass, writing παραπλᾶῶνγι, 
can appeal to πλάξιππον (V. 97) and πλᾶξεν (Χ. 86). But, 
as is shown by the examples given above, we cannot 
assume that, with Bacchylides, the desire of consistency 
would have prevailed over considerations of euphony ; and 
it seems very probable that the number of a sounds in 
V. 46, καρτερᾷ ζεύξασ᾽ ἀνάγκᾳ, may have led him to write 
παραπλῆγι. (2) Similarly in xX. 92 ἔ, τρισκαίδεκα μὲν 
τελέους | μῆνας κατὰ δάσκιον ἠλύκταζον ὕλαν, Blass writes 
ἀλύσκαζον : but the vicinity of -as, -a, δασκ-, -αν would, in 
the case of this poet, explain the preference of ἡ- to -d. 

He uses, as Pindar does, the Doric (and Aeolic) inflexion 
ὄρνιχες (V. 22). The Doric αὐ occurs twice (V. 5 ai τις, 
XVI. 64 ai κε), as against some fourteen instances of εἰ or 
εἴπερ. The Doric ore, ‘as, used by Pindar, is found once 
(XVI. 105). The Doric ending of the 3rd pers. plur. in 
τοντι seems to be preferred by Bacchylides under two con- 
ditions: viz. (1) when £ or ee precedes, as in καρύξοντι 
(XII. 231) and πτάσσοντι (V. 22); though, for metrical 
convenience, he can write αὔξουσιν (IX. 45): (2) when the 
final . is elided; as in βρίθοντ᾽ (fr. 3. 12), and σεύοντ᾽ 
(XVII. 10). Pindar uses either the Doric -οντί}), or the 
Aeolic ending (not used by Bacchylides) in -οισι(ν), pre- 
ferring the latter, as a general rule, where the paragogic 


DIALECT. 81 


ν is required. But Bacchylides can also use -ove., as in 
ἴσχουσι (V. 24), or (for verbs in -éw) -εῦσι, as in οἰκεῦσι 
(VIII. 43). From verbs in -ws we find φασίν (V. 155), not 
Pindar’s φαντί. Pindar uses both εἰσί(ν) and ἐντί: Bacchy- 
lides, only the former (VIII. 88, fr. 19. 2). 

The Doric infinitive in -e occurs four times; ἐρύκεν 

(XVI. 41), θύεν (XV. 18), ioyev (XVI. 88), φυλάσσεν (XVIII. 25). 
On the other hand, we find ζώειν (1. 57), λαγχάνειν (IV. 20), 
λέγειν (III. 67 and V. 164): and, from verbs in -éw, εὐμαρεῖν 
(1. 65), ὑμνεῖν (VI. 6). The infin. of φαμί is φάμεν (II. 65), 
as with Pindar (0. I. 36), not φάναι. . 

The sporadic Aeolicisms are not numerous. κλεεννός Acolic 

appears thrice (1. 6, V. 12, 182), as against six instances of 27" 
κλεινός. Pindar, too, supplies only three examples of 
κλεεννός (one of these being the superl.. κλεεννότατον, 
P. IV. 280), as against fourteen of κλεινός. Once only does 
’ Bacchylides use Μοῖσα (Vv. 4, the form always employed by 
Pindar), while in ten places he has Μοῦσα. The Aeolic 
ἄμμι (XVI. 25) is the only part of the pronoun of the 
Ist pers. plur. which occurs in his text. 

The Aeolic ending of the first aorist in -ξα instead of 
-ca is used by Bacchylides for some verbs in -af@ or -ifw ; 
δοίαξε (X. 87): εὐκλέϊξας (VI. 16): παιάνιξαν (XVI. 129). But 
we find also ἀγκομίσσαι (111. 89), as in Pindar’s usage 
κομίσαι alternates with κομίξαι. When x precedes, euphony 
forbids -ξα : hence ᾧκεσσεν (VIII. 22), a form used also by 
Pindar (/sthm. VU. 20). As to the Aeolic ἔλλαθιε, see note 
on xX. 8. The infin. ἔμμεναι (XVII. 14) is Aeolic and 
Homeric. Two Aeolic forms of the participle occur; 
ἐπαθρήσαις (XII. 227) and λαχοῖσαν (XVIII. 13). 

The diction of epic poetry contributes another element. ἘῸΝ and 
Bacchylides (like Pindar) uses the epic genitive in -ow, pire: 
sometimes called Thessalian, as ἀριγνώτοιο (IX. 37). In 
XVI. 20 geptatov should perhaps be φερτάτοι᾽ : but in 
XVI. 42 the ἀμβρότοι᾽ of the MS. should be awBpotov. The 
genit. plur. of ᾿ἀνήρ is once ἀνέρων (XII. 196), though in six 
other places ἀνδρῶν: the dat. ἄνδρεσσι is used (V. 96, X. 114) 
as well as ἀνδράσι ([τ. 16.6). We find the epic form κλισίῃσιν 


Digamma. 


82 BACCHYLIDES. 


(XII. 135), and the genitive of the epic παιήονες (XV. 8). 
The lonic παρηΐς (whence παρηΐδων, XVI. 13) is not 
Homeric, but was probably old in Ionian poetry, for its 
use in tragedy dates from Phrynichus (fr. 13) and Aeschylus 
(Theb. 534, εἴς.) The Homeric forms, found in the plural 
only, are παρειαί (common to the Jad and the Odyssey), 
and παρήϊα (peculiar to the latter): the Doric is wapaa. 
The epic ending -σι for the 3rd pers. sing. of the sub- 
junctive is used by Bacchylides in λάχῃσι (XVIII. 3 f.); and 
probably in θάλπῃσι" (fr. 16. 3). 


The digamma, which is not written in the papyrus, is 
indicated by hiatus or by metre before certain words. The 
use of it by Bacchylides is, like Pindar’s, inconstant ; and 
it is also far more limited than Pindar’s. 

I. ἄναξ takes f in VIII. 45, πολυζήλωτε (F)avaé: but 
not in Ill. 76 or Vv. 84 (8 avaé). 


2. é&kate takes f in I. 6f.; but not in V. 33, VI. II, or 
X. 9 (δ᾽ ἕκατι). 

3. The group of compounds with ἴον. κε is assumed 
before ἐἰοβλεφάρων in VIII. 3, ἰοπλόκων in VIII. 72, and 
ἰοστέφανον in Ill. 2: but not before ἐόπλοκοι in XVI. 37, 
ἰοστεφάνου in XII. 122, or ἐἰοστεφάνων in V. 3. 

In ode xv., where Vv. 26 ends with ταλαπενθέα, F is 
perhaps assumed before the name Ἰόλαν at the beginning 


of the next verse. μιόλα occurs on an early vase from 
Caere (Mon. d. Inst. 6, 33). 


4. In v.75 the r assumed before ἐόν, acc. of ios ‘arrow,’ 
is an error due to the analogies of γιός ‘ poison, and είον 
‘violet’ (see note). In XVI. 131 ἐανθείς, preceded by 
φρένα, is possibly a similar instance; though φρένας would 
be an easy correction®. 


1 Tt is doubtful whether, in such 
subjunctive forms, the t adscript is 


᾿Αλφεοῦ, | ἰανθεὶς ἀοιδαῖς. It is not 
necessary to suppose Ff there. If 


correct: Blass prefers λάχησι, θάλπησι. 
See Kiihner-Blass, Gr. Gramm. I. 
p- 46. θάλπησι in fr. 16. 3 has some- 
times been taken as an indicative. 

2 In Pind O. 111. 12f. we find 


Pindar assumed it in that passage, 
at any rate he died not do so in QO. 
VII. 43 θυμὸν ἰάναιεν, nor in P. 11. go 
νόον ἰαίνει. 


DIGAMMA. TREATMENT OF VOWELS. 83 


5. ἐσθμός takes ¢ in 11. 7, but not in vil. 40. (Pindar’s 
use is similarly inconstant: see n. on II. 7.) 

6. The pronoun οἱ (Ξ αὐτῷ) always takes ε, except 
in the second of the two elegiac epigrams attributed to 
Bacchylides (fr. 34. 3 εὐξαμένῳ yap οἱ ἦλθε). 

The following words, which sometimes have f in Pindar, 
do not take it in Bacchylides :—eimop (see II. 48): ἐλπίς 
(III. 75): ἔργον (VIII. 82): ἔρδω (XVII. 43): εἴκοσι (X. 104): 
ἴδον (XVI. 16): οἶκος (fr. 16. 9). 


Hiatus occurs in IIL. 64 ὦ μεγαίνητε Ἱέρων : 16. 92 τρέφει. Hiatus. 
Ἱέρων (where the pause helps): XV. 5 ἀνθεμόεντι Ἕβρῳ 
(see n.): 26. 20 ὀβριμοδερκεῖ afuya. 

The final o of the genitive-ending τοῖο is elided in Euston. 
V. 62, ἀπλάτοι᾽, and X. 120, Πριάμοι᾽. Pindar has this elision 
(P. τ. 39 Δαλοι’ ἀνάσσων), which is post-homeric. The 
elision of « in the dative case is epic: XVII. 49 ἐν χέρεσσ᾽. 
The «¢ of -οντι in the Doric 3rd pers. plur. can also be elided: 
XVII. 10 σεύοντ᾽: fr. 3. 12 βρίθοντ᾽. (So Pindar, P. IV. 240, 
ἀγαπάζοντ᾽.) 

Synizesis is frequent. 1. -éa or -éa: VIII. 2 Νεμέᾳ. In Synizesis. 
XV. 26, ταλαπενθέα, synizesis is not certain. 2. -εο: V. 50 
θεός (last word of the verse): 26. 95 θεῶν (first word): and 
so X. 60 θεοφιλές (first word). ἐόντα is scanned as -- ιν in 
XVIII 23 f., though as v—v in IV. 19. 3.-ew. The participle 
of a verb in -éw suffers synizesis in VII. 46 ὑμνέων : but not 
in V. 152 ὀλιγοσθενέων, or XII. 118 κλονέων. In VII. 46 ἐών 
is scanned as a monosyllable. In VIII. 32 the ῥιπτῶν of 
the papyrus is perhaps an error for ῥίπτων rather than for 
ῥιπτέων. The absence of synizesis in XVII. 12 δοκέω 
(scanned ὦ ~ -) is noteworthy as being rare in the Ist pers. 
sing.: another example is Aesch. Ag. 147 καλέω. 4. -ιω. 
XVII. 39 Κνωσίων (scanned —-). 5. Two doubtful cases 
should be noted. In XI. 103 ᾿βοαθόον, if right, must be 
scanned υ ——: the synizesis is a somewhat harsh one. In 
lll. 22, where the papyrus has ἀγλαϊζέθω yap ἄριστον 
ὄλβον, the least improbable reading is ἀγλαϊζέτω, ὁ yap 
ἄριστος ὄλβων: but. the synizesis is very harsh. 


Contrac- 
tion. 


Diaeresis. 


Afpocope. 


Quantity. 


Vowels 
before mutte 
and liquid. 


84 BACCHYLIDES. 


The infinitive-ending of the -ém verbs is contracted: 
I. 65 εὐμαρεῖν : VIII. 6 ὑμνεῖν But in 1. 34 the -βολοῖ of the 
MS. is anomalous: we should expect -βολέοι. 

In XV. 7 it seems almost certain that we must read 
ἀδείᾳ: but the diaeresis in that word is unexampled. 

Apocope of the simple preposition occurs in XIII. 10 
map χειρός, but elsewhere is confined to compounds; as 
Ill. 7 ἀμπαύσας: XI. 58f. (probably) ἀνδεθεῖσιν: X. 100 
ἀντείνων (cp. fr. 13. 4): X. 103 mapdpovos. 

It may be useful to add some notes on the practice of 
Bacchylides with regard to the shortening or lengthening of 
certain vowels and diphthongs. 1. In XII. 206 καλῶς has 
a, which is epic and Ionic, but not Pindaric. 2. The 
diphthong az is short in ᾿Αθαναίων (XVI. 92) and παιάνιξαν 
(2b. 128). 3. The poet has ἴσος in V. 54, but ἦσον in I. 172 
and fr. 2.2. 4. Inv. 182 thes of Πίσαν is short, as with 
Pindar (see note). 5. κυάνεον has v in XII. 64, but all the 
poet’s compounds with «vavo have v (V. 33, VIII. 53, X. 83, 
XII. 124, 160, XVI. 1). 6. χρύσεος has the lyric (but non- 
epic) ὕ in V. 174 and XV. 2. 

The frequency with which a naturally short syllable is 
lengthened before muta cum liquida varies considerably in 
different classes of poets. The Homeric tendency is 
strongly towards allowing the mute and liquid to make 
position, z.e. to lengthen the preceding vowel. The choral 
lyric poets lengthen the vowel in such cases more often 
than they shorten it, but less often than is the Homeric 
rule. In Attic tragedy the shortening of the vowel is, on 
the whole, far more frequent than the lengthening’. The 
subjoined table gives the statistics for Bacchylides. 1 do 
not claim for the figures that they are always exact ; but in 
every case they are at least approximately correct, and will 
therefore suffice to indicate the general state of the facts. 
The column headed S shows the number of instances in 
which a naturally short vowel remains short before each 
combination of mute and liquid. The column headed Z 


1 Kithner-Blass, Gramm. 1. p. 303. 


VOWELS. ACCIDENCE. 85 


shows the number of instances in which such a vowel is 
lengthened. 


S x S ΙΖ; ἊΣ 7, RY v6 
BN ο 3 5p 3 6 Kv ° 2 τν ο Ι 
βρ 3:4. Τὸ ΘᾺ ο 6 Kp go ον Tp 1006.26 
yr ° 9 Ou ο 4 πλ ἢ. Ὁ pr ° 
ἼΡ ο 5 Ov 2 I πν Ι 2 pv I 4 
vp bis 8 Op be 38 ™p 5 15 op ae 
Ou ° 5 KX rin τλ Ι χν Ι I 
ὃν ο 2 κμ ο Ι τμ ο xp 12 9 


Thus Bacchylides lengthens the syllable in about 198 
places, and leaves it short in about 57, a ratio of between 
4 and 3 tol. It is not surprising to find that an Ionian 
poet leans to the Homeric usage. So also, and in a still 
more marked degree, does Simonides. Pindar, on the 
other hand, neglects ‘position’ more often than they do, 
coming nearer in this respect to the practice of Attic 
tragedy. It will be seen from the table that BA, ya, dy, 
ὃν, Or, Ou, Ku, PAX are among those combinations before 
which no instance of a short syllable occurs in Bacchylides. 
Before each of these a short syllable is occasionally found 
in Pindar?. It is worthy of remark that, despite the general 
Attic tendency towards neglecting position, the poets of 
the Old Comedy observe it more often than tragedy does: 
they do not admit a short syllable before BX, yA, γν, Sy, ὃν. 


A few details of accidence may be noted. Accidence. 
Substantives. In IV. 17 ὀλυμπιονίκας is acc. plur. of 
the rare fem. form, meaning an ‘Olympian victory’; and 
in X. 8 μουνοπάλαν also is fem., meaning ‘the match in 
wrestling only,’ as distinguished from the pancration. In 
Il. 3 ἐπινικίοις is the earliest known example of the word 
used as a substantive. 


1 Schneidewin, preface to the frag- Κάδμου. (4) ὃν: P. xX. 72 κεδναί. 
ments of Simonides, p. xlviii. (5) OA: 0.11. 43 ἀέθλοις. (6) Ou: 

2 Examples :—(1) BA: Pindar VV. O. X. 45 σταθμᾶτο. (7) Ku: O. VI. 
vill. 7 ἔβλαστε. (2) yA: WV. VIL 52 73 τεκμαίρει. (8) oA: P. IIL. 12 
παντὶ γλυκεῖα. (3) Ou: P. VIII. 57 ἀποφλαυρίξαισα. 


Pronouns. 


Verbs. 


86 ᾿ BACCHYLIDES. 


Adjectives. The forms taviogupos (II. 60, V. 59) and 
τανίφυλλος (X. 55) are given in the papyrus. Euphony 
may have been the poet’s reason for preferring them to 
the more correct τανύσφυρος and τανύφυλλος. The accu- 
satives fem. ὑψικέραν (XV. 22) and καλλικέραν (XVIII. 24) 
are formed as if from N. -«épa. An epic freedom is shown 
in forming patronymics: I. 14 Εὐρωπιάδας (= Εὐρωπίδας, 
‘son of Europa’): VIII. 19 Tadaioviday (‘son of Talaiis’), 
where -ίων is combined with - δης, as in ᾿Ιαπετιονίδης. With 
regard to declension, it may be noted that πολέων (V. 100) 
is gen. plur. fem., as with Callimachus, whereas in Homeric 
and Hesiodic usage it is always masc.: the Homeric fem. is 
πολλέων OF πολλάων, the Pindaric πολλᾶν. Some compound 
adjectives are of three terminations: XII. 178 ἀκαμάτᾳ: 
1X. ὃ ἀπράκταν: XII. 181 πολυπλάγκταν. 

Personal Pronouns as used by Bacchylides. Ist pers. 
plur.: D. ἄμμι (XVI. 25), the only part which occurs. 2nd 
pers. sing.: N. ov: Pindar has also the Doric τύ. ἃ. σέο 
and σέθεν (old Ionic and Homeric): Pindar has also σεῦ. 
D. σοί, and once, before a vowel, τίν (XVII. 14), both 
orthotone: the enclitic is always τοι. (Pindar uses these 
three forms ; but, with him, coi can be either orthotone or 
enclitic.) 2d pers. plur.: D. dup is conjectured in VIII. 
97; no other part occurs. 37d pers. sing. 1). οἱ A. νιν. 
The only example of μὲν occurs in X. III, ypaivey τέ μιν 
αἵματι μήλων, where, after χραῖνον, the poet may have 
wished to avoid a third v-sound. (μὲν is traditional in 
a few passages of Pindar, but the tendency of recent 
criticism has been to correct it into wy: see Rumpel, 
Lex. Pind. s.v., and Schroder, Proleg. to Pindar, p. 37.) 
The acc. of the Ist pers. sing. is once αὐτόν (XVII. 41). 
3rd pers. plur. A. vw (VIII. 15, where see n.). 

Possessive pronouns. 2nd pers. sing., σός or Doric τεός 
(both used by Pindar). For the 3rd pers., σφέτερος is 
either singular, ‘his’ (11. 36), or plural, ‘their’ (xX. 50), 
as with Pindar and Aeschylus. oétepos as = és, ‘his,’ 
occurs first in Hes. Sct. 90. 

The infinitive of εἰμί appears in three forms. 1. ἔμμεν, 


ACCIDENCE. 87 


V. 144, XVII. 31, 56, in all three places followed by a con- 
sonant. This form, which is Thessalian Aecolic, also old 
Ionic and epic, occurs in the //iad once (18. 364), anda 
few times in the Odyssey (as 14. 332), but only before 
a vowel; whence some would write ἔμμεν᾽, as it is now 
written in Sappho 2. 2. Pindar uses it both before a vowel 
and (like Bacchylides) before a consonant. 2. ἔμμεναι, 
XVII. 14, 15 Lesbian Aeolic, old Ionic and epic. 3. εἶμεν, 
vill. 48. This is the ‘milder’ Doric form, the ‘stricter’ 
being ἦμεν. Pindar has only ἔμμεν, ἔμμεναι: for in the 
one place of his text where εἶναι is traditional, /sthm. v. 
[VI.] 20, ἔμμεν is now restored. The other Homeric forms, 
ἔμεν and ἔμεναι, are not used either by him or by Bac- 
chylides. The participle is with both poets ἐών: but 
Bacchylides once (III. 78) has εὖντα, a Doric form used 
by Theocritus (II. 3). It seems possible that ἐόντα (- v) 
should be corrected to edyta in XVIII. 23 f.: but the 
synizesis in ἐών (VII. 46) shows that such a change is 
not necessary. 

Notes on the following verbal forms will be found in 
the commentary on the passages where they severally 
occur :—dpapteiv=opuapreiy (VIII. 103 f. and XVII. 46). 
ἀνέπαλτο (X. 65). δίνασεν (XVI. 18). δίνηντο (XVI. 107). 
ἔλλαθι (X. 8) ἐρχθέντος and epypevoy (XII. 65 ἔ, 207). 
ἷξον (XII. 149). ἵσταν (X. 122). ὄρνυο (XVI. 76). πέφαται 
(VIII. 52). προσήνεπεν (XIV. 9). 

Examples of rare middle forms are κομπάσομαι (VII. 42): 
νωμᾶται (V. 26 f.): ὑφαιρεῖται (probable in VIII. 18): ὠρίνατο 
(XII. 112). 

To the epic adverbs εἴσαντα and ἄντην, Bacchylides Adverbs. 
adds a new form, εἰσάνταν (V. 110). In XVI. ΟἹ the un- 
metrical ἐξόπιθεν of the MS. should probably be corrected 
to the Aeschylean é€o7w. The Homeric τῶ (‘therefore’) 
occurs in XVI. 39. It may be noticed that the enclitic νυν 
is found only in xvi. 8. The epic and Aeschylean ros, 
not used by Pindar, stands in V. 31. 

εἰς occurs once (before a), XIV. 43: elsewhere the form 4 
is always és. The poetical form ὑπαί appears in XII. 139f, ὁ 


Syntax. 


Noun. 


Verb. 


88 BACCHYLIDES. 


and zrapai (MS. mara) must be restored in X. 103. In X. 21 
we have the earliest example of ἦρα used, like χάριν, as 
a preposition with the genitive. 


In the syntax of Bacchylides there is little which is 
distinctive; but a few points are deserving of remark. 


I. Noun. 1. Number. A dual substantive with a- 
plural adjective occurs in XVII. 46 δύο φῶτε μόνους. 
2. Case. Bpvew is construed, first with the dative, and 
then with the genitive, in two successive clauses, with no 
apparent difference of sense (III. 15 f.). After the passive 
θαυμάζομαι, the admirers are denoted (as in Thuc. I. 41 § 4) 
by the dative case (I. 42). An accusative of the person is 
combined, in epic fashion, with an accusative of ‘the part 
affected’: τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν ἄχος κραδίην (X. 85). 3. Gender. 
V. 77. ψυχὰ προφάνη Μελεάγρου | καί νιν εὖ εἰδὼς 
προσεῖπεν. This is in the style of the epic poets, who, 
when they describe a person by a periphrasis with βίη, 
is, or ψυχή, use the masculine participle (see n.). 


II. Verb. 1. TZense. In X. 110—112 the imperfects 
τεῦχον, χραῖνον, ἵσταν denote the series of things which 
the persons ‘proceeded’ to do. This is worth noticing in 
connexion with two other passages where the aorist has 
been conjecturally substituted for the imperfect which 
stands in the MS. (1) In Χιν. 38 Blass alters σάμαινεν to 
odpavev: but the former is parallel with dyov in verse 37, 
which means in strictness, ‘they proceeded to lead.’ (2) In 
XVI. 51, where the same editor changes ὕφαινε to ὕφανε, the 
imperfect (though preceded and followed by aorists) admits 
of a similar defence; especially as the reference is to 
a process of thought.—TZenses of the Infinitive. After 
μέλλω we find the present inf. in Ill 31 and Xv. 18, but 
the future inf. in XII 165. In V. 164 τελεῖν is ambiguous, 
but probably the future. The aorist inf. is regularly used 
where a moment (as distinguished from a continuing action) 
is indicated: ν. 30 (ἐδεῖν), 161 (προσιδεῖν): X. 88 (πᾶξαι): 
XII. 43 ἰδεῖν (where see note). 


SYNTAX. 89 


2. Mood. (i) In Il. 57 f. we have an example of the 
indicative used in a relative clause expressing a general 
condition: ἄπιστον οὐδέν, 6 τι θεῶν μέριμνα τεύχει (instead 
of 6 τι ἂν... τεύχῃ).. The alteration (made by Blass) of 
τεύχει into τεύχῃ is unnecessary: see the note ad Joc. 
(ii) The subjunctive is used with εἰ: VIII. 86 εἴπερ καὶ 
θάνῃ τις. Also with ai xe, after a verb of knowing: XVI. 64 
᾿εἴσεαι...αἴ Ke...kAUn. Both usages are Homeric. (iii) The 
optative with εἰ is used to express a general supposition in 
a dependent clause, after a present indicative in the principal 
clause: Xv. 187 f. χρὴ ©&...aiveiv..., εἴ τις εὖ πράσσοι 
(see n.).—The optative stands in a relative clause after 
a hypothetical optative with ἄν in the principal clause: 
XVI. 41—44, οὐ γὰρ ἂν θέλοιμ᾽...ἐπεὶ Sauaceias.—The 
optative of indefinite frequency occurs in I. 33 f. ὁπότε... 
(συμ) βολοῖ. (iv) The infinitive, as a verbal noun, takes the 
definite article in 1. 64 f. τὸ... εὐμαρεῖν (nominative case). 
The articular infinitive, which is post-homeric, occurs first 
in Pindar, and always as a subject nominative, unless an 
exception is to be recognised in O..Il. 97 (τὸ λαλαγῆσαι 
θέλων). 

III. The use of prepositions by Bacchylides is, on the 2 γε2οοῖ- 
whole, normal; but several points are noteworthy. ΓΞ 

I. ἀμφί (i) with the dative has either (4) the local sense, 
XVII. 52 f. στέρνοις... -«ἄμφι: or (0) the figurative, ‘in respect 
to, ‘concerning’; 1. 39 ἀμφί τ᾽ iatopia: IX. 44 ἀμφὶ βοῶν 
ἀγέλαις. (ii) With the accusative it means either ‘around,’ 
X. 18f. ἀμφ᾽ ᾿Αλεξίδαμον... ἔπεσον (where motion is implied), 
or merely describes position in a certain region, IX. 34 ἀμφί 
τ Εὔβοιαν. Pindar joins ἀμφί with the genitive also (in 
the sense, ‘concerning’): but this use does not occur in 
Bacchylides, 

2. ἀνά with accusative occurs in Vv. 66 f., Ἴδας ἀνὰ... 
mpavas (‘up along’). [In III. 50 ἀνὰ ματρὶ...ἔβαλλον = ἀνέ- 
βαλλον.] 

3. διά (i) with genitive denotes that through which 
a passage is being made: VIII. 47 στείχει δι’ εὐρείας κελεύ- 
Oov: XII. 52 (of a sword) χωρεῖν διὰ σώματος. (ii) With 


fo Bs 7 


go BACCHYLIDES. 


accusative, it denotes the range throughout which a motion 
extends: XIv. 40 f. δ εὐρεῖαν πόλιν ὀρνύμενοι: VIII. 30 f. 
δι ἀπείρονα κύκλον | φαῖνε θαυμαστὸν dSéuas,—where the 
prep. may be rendered ‘amidst, but properly means that 
the sensation made by. the sight went right through the 
vast crowd. (The athlete is not running, but throwing the 
quoit.) The causal διά also occurs: Il. 61 δι εὐσέβειαν 
(cp. VI. 4 and XII. 156). 

4. ἐπί (i) with genitive denotes position ‘on’: XVI. 84 f. 
ἐπ᾽ ἰκρίων σταθείς : fr. 3. 2 ἐπὶ βωμῶν. (ii) With dative: 
(a) VII. 9 ἐπ᾽ ἀνθρώποισιν, ‘among men’ (where see n.): 
(6) VIL. 12 ἄθλησαν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, ‘in memory of him’: 
(c) V. 83 ψυχαῖσιν ἔπι φθιμένων, ‘against them’ (and so in 
133). (iii) With acc., of movement ‘to’: VIII. 41 ἦλθεν 
καὶ ἐπ᾿ ἔσχατα Νείλου; XII. 88, 149, etc. 

5. κατά (i) with genitive occurs once: XVI. 94 ff. κατὰ 
λειρίων ὀμμάτων δάκρυ yéov, ‘down from.’ (ii) With the 
accusative, this prep. is notably frequent in Bacchylides, 
as meaning (a) ‘throughout, X. 93 κατὰ δάσκιον.. ὕλαν : 
(4) ‘along down,’ XVI. 87 f. κατ᾽ οὖρον : (c) ‘according to, 
IX. 32 κατ᾽ αἶσαν: (d@) of time, ‘during, XVIII. 26 f. κατ᾽ 
evpeyyéas ἁμέρας. 

6. μετά is found only twice: (i) with genitive, x. 123 
μετ᾽ ᾿Ατρειδᾶν: (ii) with dative, V. 30 μετ᾽ ἀνθρώποις, 
‘among’ them. 

7. παρά (i) with genitive, of the giver: Ill. 11 παρὰ 
Ζηνός: SO XV. 35; XVIII. 3,13. Also in the phrase τὸ πὰρ 
χειρός (XIII. 10, where see n.). (ii) With dative, either of 
persons, VIII. 84 παρὰ δαίμοσι: or of river-banks, παρὰ 
ῥεέθροις, 111. 20; cp. V. 64, XII. 150. So Pindar, O. 1. 21 
map ᾿Αλφεῷ, X. 85 παρὰ... Δίρκᾳ. (iii) With accusative, 
denoting (a) motion to a place, especially to the banks of 
a river, VIII. 39, XVIII. 39; but also fr. Il. 3 f. wapda...vaov 
ἐλθόντας : cp. Pind. V. Vv. 10 πὰρ βωμὸν.. στάντες. 
(ὁ) motion along, 111. 6, V. 38. (c) extension or position along 
(without motion), IX. 29 f, X. 119, ΧΙ. 58 παρὰ βωμόν, 
XV. 12 παρὰ...ναόν, XVI. 119 vada παρὰ λεπτόπρυμνον φάνη 
(unless φάνη be taken as implying motion). (47) of time, ‘in 


‘SYNTAX. οι 


the course of, ‘during’: fr. 7. 4 τό τε παρ᾽ ὦμαρ καὶ νύκτα. 
(In Pind. P. ΧΙ. 68 παρ᾽ duap =‘ on alternate days.’) 

8. περί (i) with genitive, (4) in a local sense, ‘around, 
XVII. 51 κρατὸς πέρι (κρατὸς ὕπερ MS.): (4) denoting that 
‘for’ which one strives, V. 124 f. περὶ...δορᾶς μαρνάμεθ᾽. 
(ii) With dative, (4) in local sense, VII. 50 περὶ κρατί, 
XVII. 47 περὶ... ὥμοις : (4) denoting the prize, just like 
(i) (ὁ), XI. 55 περὶ στεφάνοισι. 

9. πρός (i) with dative, once, X. 23 πρὸς yaia πεσόντα 
(like Od. 5. 415 βάλῃ ποτὶ πέτρῃ, etc.) (ii) With accusa- 
tive, of motion to or towards, V. 45, 149: X. 100.—The 
constr. with the genitive does not occur. 

10. σύν is frequent, occurring about 31 times (cp. pera). 
The temporal sense may be noted: X. 23 κείνῳ ye σὺν 
ἄματι (see note): 2b. 125 σὺν ἅπαντι χρόνῳ. 

II. ὑπό (i) with genitive, ‘from under, XII. 139 f., 
XVI. 17: of the agent, Vv. 43f, IX. 48, XII. 154. (ii) With 
dative, (4) ‘under,’ IX. 4 (?): ΧΙ]. 125 f. ὑπὸ κύμασιν, 7b. 166 
ὑπ᾽ Aiaxidais: (6) to denote an attendant circumstance, 
where it may be rendered ‘with’: ΠΙ. 17 λάμπει δ᾽ ὑπὸ 
μαρμαρυγαῖς ὁ χρυσός (see note). (iii) With accusative, 
once, XVI. 30: λέχει Διὸς ὑπὸ κρόταφον “das | μιγεῖσα. 
This is noteworthy, since the sense is simply ‘beneath’ 
(Ξ ὑπὸ κροτάφῳ). Elsewhere, when ὑπό governs the acc., 
and motion is not implied, at least the idea of extension 
(‘along under’) is present, as it is (¢,g.) in Pind. P. Χ. 15, re- 
ferring to a victory in running gained ὑπὸ Kippas...mérpav. 
It would perhaps be difficult to find an exact parallel for 
the use of ὑπό with acc. which Bacchylides admits here. 

12. Anastrophe. In a few passages where the 
preposition stands after the substantive, an attributive 
genitive follows: IV. 6 ἀρετᾷ σὺν ἵππων: V. 83 ψυχαῖσιν 
ἔπι φθιμένων : 76. 133 ψυχαῖς ἔπι δυσμενέων. The other 
instance is XII. 150 ναυσὶ δ᾽ εὐπρύμνοις παραί. 

13. Zmesis. (a) The preposition precedes the verb, as 
in III. 50 f. ava ματρὶ χεῖρας | ἔβαλλον. (ὁ) Or follows it; 
IV. 20 λαγχάνειν ἄπο μοῖραν (see note): XVIIL 7 βάλωσιν 
Gude τιμάν. 

7—2 


Farticles. 


92 BACCHYLIDES. 


IV. Particles. 1. ἡ is affirmative in XII. 54, XVII. 41: 
interrogative in XVII. 5, where three questions are asked by 
H...4...4...3 The Homeric interrogative ἢ pa (74 5. 421) 
stands in Vv. 165, where Blass writes ἦρα (ἢ -- dpa): see 
Kihner-Blass, Gramm. 1.217. 2. The intensive particles 
ye μέν occur in III. 63 ὅσοι ye μέν (where μέν merely 
emphasizes the limiting ye): and 2b. 90 ἀρετᾶς ye μέν (where 
the sense is that of the Attic ye uv,‘ however’). 3. μέν 
is used, without a corresponding δέ, in III. 15 f. (see note), 
IX. 47, XVI. 1. 4. The epic combination δέ re is found in 
XII. 129 (see note), and fr. 3. 1. 5. In Xv. 5f. the dis- 
junctive εἴτε is followed by ἤ in the second clause. In 
XVIII. 29—35 we have εἴτ᾽ οὖν...ἤ pa...4.... 6. ὥστε 
occurs only once, viz. in XII. 124, where it means ‘as’ (see 
note). In this sense Pindar employs ὦτε (found also in 
Bacchylides, XVI. 105), while he uses ὥστε only with the 
infinitive. 


V. METRES. 


With the exception of Odes Xv and XVI, the poems of 
Bacchylides are seldom difficult from a metrical point of 
view. The metres are well-known, and his treatment of 
them is simple. Such difficulties as occur (outside of the 
two odes named above) are confined, for the most part, to 
verses in which the text seems to be corrupt, or at least 
doubtful. 


I. The metre most largely used by Bacchylides is that 
which is generally known as ‘dactylo-epitritic”: eag., 


Εὔμοιρε Συρακοσίων 
ἱπποδινάτων στραταγέ (V. If.). 


One of its two elements is dactylic, as seen in the first of these 
two verses. The other is the so-called efztritus, -- ὦ —-, as 


1 The term ‘dactylo-epitritic’ is pp. xxxv ff. (3rd ed.). He observes 
modern. Prof. Blass preferstodescribe that in the Pindaric scholia they are 
verses of this measure as being κατ΄ called δίμετρα or τρίμετρα προσοδιακά. 
ἐνόπλιον εἶδος, for reasons fully given Dr W. Headlam would call them 
in the Preface to his Bacchylides, simply ‘ Dorian.’ 


METRES. 93 


seen in the second, a trochaic dipody, --υ, -v, with the 
second —» slowed down to —-. The name ‘epitritus’ 
means that the time-value of — τ is to that οἵ -- -- as 3 to 4. 
It is possible that when epitriti were combined with dactyls, 
the first syllable of the epitritus had the time-value of -, 


so that the measure became 7 De a hk and the first half 
of it was equal in time to a dactyl. 

Stesichorus, the founder of the τριὰς ἐπῳδική in the 
Dorian choral lyric, is supposed to have been the first 
who composed dactylo-epitritic strophes. An _ epitritic 
trimeter, like Pindar’s ἑσπέρας ὀφθαλμὸν ἀντέφλεξε Μήνα 
(Ο. Ill. 5), was called Στησιχόρειον. Such verses alternated, 
in the composition of Stesichorus, with long dactylic 
measures, of which the dominant rhythm was the ἐνόπλιος, 
—-vv-vv--. It was left for later poets, Simonides, 
Pindar, and Bacchylides, to effect a subtler and more 
artistic fusion of the two elements, The dactylo-epitritic 
metre was well-suited for choral odes on a large scale, and 
especially for such as had an epic character. It is used by 
Pindar in nineteen of his forty-four extant epinikia. His 
first Pythian might be instanced as an ode which exhibits 
all the capabilities of this metre in their most splendid 
form; and his fourth Pythian, as an unrivalled example 
of its adaptation to heroic narrative. 

Among the nineteen odes of Bacchylides represented 
by the papyrus, no fewer than ten are dactylo-epitritic. ' 
That number includes all his odes of victory, except those- 
three (II, IV, VI) which are merely short songs; also the 
poem (XIV) on the mission of Menelaus and Odysseus to 
Troy, which has a kinship in subject and in style with the 
epic hymns of Stesichorus. The same metre appears in 
the epode of Ode 111; where the strophe, though logaoedic, 
prepares for the other measure by verses (I—3) containing 
rhythms common to logaoedics and dactylo-epitrites?. 

But the use of the dactylo-epitritic strophe was by nc 
means confined to epinikia or to poems on epic themes. 


1 See Dr W. Headlam in Yournal of Hellenic Studies XX. p. 214, 
τι. τὸ (1902). 


a BACCHYLIDES. 


Pindar applies it to the dithyramb (fr. 57) ; Bacchylides, to 
the hymn (fr. 2), the paean (fr. 3), the hyporcheme (fr. 10), 
the prosodion (fr. 9). What was perhaps less to be 
expected, Pindar found it suitable also for choral skolia 
(fr. 99—101); and Bacchylides for some kindred songs of 
love or of festivity (fr. 14, 16). It may be noted that 
neither Pindar nor Bacchylides ever uses the combination 
—v—v-—zs (the so-called ‘ithyphallicum’) in a dactylo- 
epitritic strophe, though it is frequent with Simonides, 
Aeschylus, and Euripides. This observation was made 
long ago by Westphal (who, for Bacchylides, had only 
the old fragments), and is now confirmed (as Blass remarks, 
Praef. p. XLV) by the new papyrus. 

Pindar’s mode of composition in his dactylo-epitritic 
strophes is, on the whole, very different from that of 
Bacchylides. Pindar writes in ample periods, which flow 
on without marked division into smaller ‘members’ or 
‘kola.” The tendency of Bacchylides, on the other hand, 
is to divide his periods rhythmically into short kola, usually 
of two or three metra each. His ¢echnique in this respect 
has been carefully analysed by Dr Paul Maas'. These 
kola are so regularly divided that they do not essentially 
differ from periods except in being shorter. They are so 
compact, and so sharply marked off, that they tend to 
obscure the unity of the period. In many cases there is 
room for difference of opinion as to the points at which, 
within a strophe of Bacchylides, the periods begin and end?. 
Briefly, in the dactylo-epitrites of Pindar, the most evident 
unit is the period: in those of Bacchylides, it is the kolon. 
This characteristic of the Cean’s versification is sometimes, 
as Maas remarks, scarcely in accord with the dignity of 
his subject-matter. ‘It almost seems, he adds, ‘that in 
one place the poet himself became conscious of this. Read 


1 Kolometrie in den Daktyloepi- to epode); v111; X (doubtfully). Paul 
triten des Bakchylides : In Philologus, Maas (p. 298, n. 1) differs from the 
vol. LXIII. pp. 297—309 (1904). division of periods by Blass in v 

2 A division of periodsis indicated (epode), and x (epode), agreeing as 
by Blass (3rd ed.) in respect to Ode; to these with O. Schréder, Hermes, 
111 (epode) ; v (strophe, doubtfully as 1908, pp. 240 ff. 


METRES. 95 


the hexameter which announces the apparition of Meleager, 
the only one which Bacchylides allows to run on with 
rhythmical division into kola (v. 68—70), ταῖσιν δὲ peré- 
πρεπεν εἴδωλον θρασυμέμνονος ἐγχεσπάλου Lopbavida: it 
stands out among the short lines of the poem just as 
Meleager does among the other shades.’ 

It has often been held that the verses, mostly very 
short, into which the papyrus divides the poems of Bac- 
chylides, do not represent the division intended by the 
poet himself. Certainly the Alexandrian κωλιεσταί treated 
Pindar’s periods in a similar fashion, though, in his case, 
the division into short verses was, as a rule, inadmissible. 
But the result of Maas’s investigation is to show that, in 
the case of Bacchylides, the manuscript division is largely 
confirmed by the internal evidence of the metrical text. It 
may be noted that, while the lines in the MS. are usually 
short, there are three instances of long verses (tetrameters); 
and two of them probably represent the metrical intention 
of the poet. These two are:—(1) The second verse of the 
epode in Ode VIII, as v. 46, ἐγγόνων γεύσαντο καὶ ὑψιπύλου 
Τροίας ἕδος. (2) The tenth verse of the strophe in Ode Ix, 
as v. 48, ἄνδρα πολλῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων πολυζήλωτον εἶἷμεν. 
Those verses did not admit of a rhythmical division into 
shorter kola. In the third instance, however, the papyrus 
gives one verse where (as Maas thinks) the poet made two. 
This is the sixth verse of the strophe in Ode XIv: Λαρτιάδᾳ 
Μενελάῳ | τ᾽ ᾿Ατρεΐδᾳ βασιλεῖ, -ε ν. 48 Πλεισθενίδας Mevé- 
λαος | γάρυϊ θελξιεπεῖ. Here considerations of calligraphy 
may have come in; since, if the verse had been divided, 
two short lines would have stood between two long ones. 
Conversely, the MS. in some places gives two verses, the 
second being a monometer, where Bacchylides probably 
made only one. Three instances occur in Ode XII. 
(1) Strophe, verses 1 and 2, as 46 ἔ, οἵαν τινὰ δύσλοφον o-| 
μηστᾷ λέοντι. (2) Strophe, νν. 7 and 8, as 52f.: χωρεῖν 
διὰ σώματος, é-\yvaup0n δ᾽ ὀπίσσω. (3) Epode, wv. 2 
and 3, as 92f.: ἀνθέων δόνακός τ᾽ ἐπιχω- ρίαν ἄθυρσιν. 
The same period occurs in nine other places, and in all 


96 BACCHYLIDES. 


of them is given by the MS. as one verse: see v. 9 (7 σὺν 
Χαρίτεσσι βαθυζώνοις vpavas): 1b. 31, 33: VII. 3: IX. 1: 
X. 9, 12, 30: XIV. 2. Two other examples must be added: 
XI. I, 2, ὡσεὶ κυβερνήτας σοφός, ὑμνοάνασ᾽ σ᾽ εὔθυνε KreLot: 
XIII. 2, 3, εὖ μὲν εἱμάρθαι παρὰ δαίμονος ἀν θρώποις 
ἄριστον. In these two cases, the reason of the division is 
more obvious. Without it, the first verse would have 
consisted of 17 syllables, and the’ second of 16; whereas 
the normal limit of length for a verse in the papyrus is 15. 
There are several instances in which, within the same 
poem, the kolometry of the MS. is inconsistent with itself, 
verses metrically identical being rightly divided in some 
places, and wrongly in others. These anomalies are 
indicated in the notes appended to the metrical schemes 
of the Odes. See note 4 on I, n. I on V, ἢ. 3 on IX, n. 1 on 
XII, ἢ. 5 on XVI. 

The Alexandrian division of verses in the papyrus of 
‘Bacchylides did not rest on metrical principles syste- 
matically applied. It was, no doubt, the aim to make 
such a division as seemed to suit the rhythm; but formal 
considerations, reasons of space and of calligraphy, also 
came into account; and in particular there was a wish to 
limit as far as possible the number of instances in which a 
word was divided between two verses. The result was a 
division which, in fact, usually coincided with that which 
Bacchylides seems to have intended; but the coincidence 
was in some measure accidental. 


One of Maas’s remarks on the poet’s versification is especially 
deserving of attention in view of its bearing on the criticism of 
the text. It concerns a rule which had been regularly observed 
by the lyric poets (with the exception of Pindar), as can be seen 
in the verses of Aleman, Anacreon, Simonides, and Aeschylus. 
This general rule may be stated as follows. In a dactylo-epitritic 
period, when a verse ends with +v¥, and the syllable defore + Ξ 
is long, that syllable is normally not the last of a word. The — 
rhythmical principle is the same as in Porson’s law regarding the 
final cretic in an iambic trimeter. Thus in the verse, ὦ τρισευ- 
δαίμων ἀνήρ (111. 10), the syllable δαι- is long: were it the last of a 


METRES. 97 


word, the rule would be broken. The same general rule applies 
to a long syllable afver +v— at the beginning of the verse: thus 
ὃς παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχών (111. 11) is normal, but (¢.g.) ὃς πάρεδρος Ζηνὸς 
ὧν would be abnormal. The exceptions to this rule in Bacchylides 
are comparatively rare. In Ode v, for example, there is only one 
(v. 12 -πει κλεεννὰν és πόλιν). In Ode 1 alone are such exceptions 
frequent: there we have νείμας ἀποπλέων ᾧχετ᾽ és (Vv. 12=122 
Blass): ποσσίν τ᾽ ἐλαφρός, πατρίων (35): -ξος ᾿Απόλλων ὦπασεν (38): 
aidv’ ἔλυσεν, πέντε παῖ- (43): πρώτοις épiler- παντί τοι (58). Maas 
accounts for this peculiarity in Ode 1 by suggesting that Bac- 
chylides was there imitating the zechnigue of Pindar, the first poet, 
it seems, who broke through the old rule. Even when the 
syllable before the final —U™ is short, it is not often the last of a 
word, as in V. 4 ἄγαλμα, τῶν ye νῦν : 20. 19 εὐρυάνακτος ἄγγελος : 
ΧΙ. 4 ἐς γὰρ ὀλβίαν: XII. 190 μεγάλαισιν ἐλπίσιν: XIV. 190 μέλπετ᾽, 
ὦ νέοι: XIV. 51 ἅπαντα δέρκεται. 

As it can be shown that (except in Ode 1) Bacchylides usually 
observed this rule, Maas holds that the following conjectures are 
inadmissible :— 

(1) U1. 26 Ζηνὸς τελείου νεύμασιν. 

(2) v. 8 δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον «- σὺν: νόῳ. 

(3) vul. 20 ...Πολυνείκεϊ πλα[γκτῷ πρόξενον. 

(4) vul. 77 Αὐτόμηδες, νασι]ώταν. 

(5) XU. 97 ἔτι[κτεν Πηλέα. 

(6) xr. 124 θύων ναυβάτας. 

With regard to (1), (2), (3), (4), and (6), I may add that the 
conjecture in each case introduces an exception to the rule such 
as does not occur in any corresponding verse of the same Ode: 
see Ill. 12, 40, 54, 68, 96: Vill. 46, 72, 98: XII. 58, 91, 157, 190, 
222. As to (5), XII. 97, there is another exception in a corres- 
ponding verse of the same ode; for v. 64 ends with καλύψῃ, 
λείπεται (where ὅταν in v. 63 excludes κάλυψε). 


II. Another class of metres used by Bacchylides is 
the ‘logaoedic'.’ The origin of the name is disputed ; but 
perhaps no account of it is more probable than the old 
one, given by Aristides Quintilianus (p. 51), that it origi- 
nated with the Lesbian poets, and was applied to sucha 


1 Prof. Blass prefers the term, pp. XLVIII ff. 
κατὰ Baxxetov εἶδος. See his Preface, 


98 BACCHYLIDES. 


verse as Sappho’s ἠραϊμαν μὲν ἐγὼ σέθεν, Ατθι, πάλαι 
πόκα. Here ἃ trochee is prefixed to dactyls. The ‘song, 
ἀοιδή, was regarded as beginning with the dactyls: the 
trochee, leading up to the song but outside of it, was 
considered as ‘ prose,’ λόγος. At all events, the essence of 
‘logaoedic’ metre lay in combining rhythms of two distinct 
kinds, the dactylic, and the trochaic or iambic :— 


Βασιλεῦ τἂν ἱερᾶν ᾿Αθανᾶν, 
τῶν ἁβροβίων ἄναξ ᾿Ιώνων (XVI. I f.). 


Bacchylides uses logaoedics in his three minor epinikia 
(II, IV, VI); in the strophe (though not in the epode) of 
ΠΙ; and in a dithyramb (ΧΙ). Pindar’s employment of 
the metre was less restricted ; some of his larger odes are 
logaoedic: and his verses of this kind are usually more 
complex in structure than those of Bacchylides. 


III. Four of the odes are neither dactylo-epitritic nor 
logaoedic: viz. XV, XVI, XVIII, XIX. As to the metres used 
in these, see the notes prefixed and appended to the 
metrical schemes. 


IV. Viewed with regard to metre, the 32 lyric frag- 
ments of Bacchylides may be classed as follows. The 
numbering of the fragments is that used in this edition. 


1. Dactylo-epitritic. Fragments 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, 10, 14, 16, 
Το ΟΣ 20) 21,22, 24,520, 

2. Logaoedic. Fragments 4, 7, ὃ. 

3. Other metres. (i) lambic. Fragments 15, 27, 30 
(ii) Tvochaic. 13, 17, 32. (iii) Paeonte or cretic. 11, 12 
23, 25. 

4. Doubtful. Fragments 5, 26, 29, 31. 


METRES. ODE ἢ 99 


A. ἘΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ͂. 


Ope I. 
Dactylo-epitritic. 
Strophe (8 verses). 
Ὅλ taping Sa aa eat 
vu-¥,-v-— A | 
“Ὁ =) vu Pz 


ng SS νι Ch meet 


Epode (7 verses). 
NI SP oP Nt 
—,-w-,vu--| 
ye a OAS τ ὟΝ 


NS πος ὧὡ ζλίως 


vY 
5 -v--,-v-¥ 
Pre AR ee Ls 
Se Ena ner Se ae --ἡὦ --Ξ 
Notes. 


1. The ode, when entire, probably contained 8 ‘systems’ (strophe, anti- 
strophe, epode). The part preserved with approximate completeness includes 
the last three systems. In this part, the first and second verses of each 
strophe and antistrophe are wrongly divided in the ms. See in this edition 
vy. 6f., Διὸς Εὐκλείου δὲ féxa-\r14, where the MS. divides thus, |kare: 
similarly in vv. 29 f., 37f., 52f., 60f. [The end of ν. 14 is mutilated, but the 
position of ... δεκάτωι in 15 shows that the same thing happened there also.] 
But it would seem that the earlier part of the ode, fragments of which have 
been conjecturally pieced together by Blass, exhibited at least two instances in 
which this error was avoided: if, that is, the first verse of one antistrophe 
ended with ἀελίου (v. 55 Blass), and of another with . evrepowar (μὲν στέρομαι, 
v. 78 Bl.). The point is worthy of notice, since, if this was the case, it is a 
somewhat curious example of that inconsistency which occasionally appears 
elsewhere also in the kolometry of the papyrus. 

2. Inthe second verse of the strophe, the fourth syllable is everywhere long 
except in ant. 8 (v. 61), πενίας 7 duaxdvov. In the sixth verse of the strophe, 
the fifth syllable is everywhere long except in str. 7 (v. 34), xpetés Te συμ]βολοῖ 
μάχας. ; 

8. In epode 7 the third verse (47) has the form, θῆκεν ἀντ᾽ εὐεργεσιᾶν, 
λιπαρῶν τ᾽ ἄλ-. But in epode 8,—the only other which has been preserved,— 


100 BACCHYLIDES. 


the MS. gives (v. 70), ὅσσον ἂν (én χρόνον τόνδε λάχεν τι--. Blass retains this, 
holding that -~-—- could replace -~~-. But that seems, in this place, a 
metrical impossibility. It can scarcely be doubted, I think, that the poet 
wrote, ὅσσον ἂν ζώῃ, λάχε τόνδε χρόνον τι-.-. There are some certain instances 
in this papyrus of words erroneously transposed (see commentary). Here the 
transposition, if not merely inadvertent, may have been prompted by the wish 
to bring χρόνον into the relative clause. 

4. The seventh verse of epode 5 becomes two in the MS.: ναυσὶ πεντή- 
κοντα σὺν | Κρητῶν ὁμίλῳ. But this error is not made in either of the two 
corresponding verses which remain (51, 70). 


Ope II. 
Logaoedic. 


Strophe (5 verses). 


υπυ-π,πυυπ,υππᾷλ | 
Ww - 
ae Tg γον δ, -ὐ χρῶ ς δ" 
ὑπυππ,πυυ-- 


PPP Ey Oy ἘΞ 


5 --ωυ,πυ,υ π,πλ 


Epode (4 verses). 
s οὐνηρσδο tania SN se μὰ 
Ἀγ τὴ οδην ΠΡ ἢ; ΥῊ 
NFS απο Sh AS pee όταν 


Sy ery Sy LN 


The first three verses of the strophe, and the first two of the 
epode, consist of iambic dipodiae and choriambi. The fourth 
verse of the strophe is a glyconic (with ὦ as first foot): so also 
is the third verse of the epode (but with ~— as first foot). The 
fifth verse of the strophe is a pherecratic (with τον as first foot): 
as is also the fourth verse of the epode (with —— in that place). 


Notes. 


1. In verse 2, és Kéov ἱεράν, χαριτώ-, the resolution of the fourth syllable 
of the first choriamb (which does not recur in the antistrophe, v. 6) might 
suggest that we should read ipdv. That form, however, is not elsewhere found 
in Bacchylides. In 111. 15 βρύει μὲν ἱερά (where Ludwich suggests ἱρά), the 
trisyllabic form is confirmed by v. 85, φρονέοντι συνετὰ γαρύω k.T.X. 

2. Inv. 4 the θρασύχειρ of the Ms. (= ~~-~ in v. 9) is a mere error for 
θρασύχειρος. 


METRES. ODES Jf, JIT. ΤΟΙ 


Ope III. 


The strophe is logaoedic in general character, but in verses 
I—3 makes a preparation for the rhythm of the epode which is 
dactylo-epitritic. 

Strophe (4 verses). 


w 
ore Yo We -- | 
ΝΖ 
pep iN Eero kee a 
δ. τὰ 


Ἔππτ.π - ς, “ὦ 


Y yY 
πυποξιυ-υ-πξΞ 


Epode (6 verses). 


Y 
Yeu, vu, 
Y 
a τοὺς Sete apes 
—vej eu" 
wy 
—,-vuM-,-v-A | 
Ww .. “Ἕ“, be 
§ Me ev - YU 
Y Y 
RT oe eg Oe νὰ] A 


Verse 1 of the strophe is an iambic trimeter catalectic, ἀριστο- 
κάρπου Σικελίας κρέουσαν. Verse 2 consists of a prosodiacus 
(o-vv-—vv-) and a bacchius (υ -- 5), Δάματρα μιοστέφανόν τε 
κούραν. Verse 3 is the same, ὑμνεῖ, γλυκύδωρε Κλειοῖ, θοάς τ᾽ Ὀ-. 
Verse 4 is the Sapphic hendecasyllable, -λυμπιοδρόμους Ἱέρωνος 
ἵππους. 

Notes. 

1. The first verse of the strophe always contains a tribrach, except in the 
case of ant. 7 (v. 89), γῆρας, θάλειαν αὖτις ἀγκομίσσαι. The place of the 
tribrach in the verse is (i) the second in vv. 15 and 85: (ii) the ¢hzrd, in vv. 1, 
5, 19, 29 (probably), 33, 47, 56, 61, 71, 75. Verse 43 is lost. 

2. In the second verse of ant. 5 (v. 62), the ereuwe of the Ms. must be 
corrected to ἀνέπεμψε (dv having been lost after ἀγαθέαν). The second z. of 

ant. 7 (v. go) ends with μινύθει, z.e. ~~— instead of the ----- found in all the 
eleven other places where the end of the corresponding verse remains. See 
commentary. 

8. The third verse of ant. 5 (v. 63) begins, in the MS., with ὅσοι μέν, 
~-~, instead of the ~—~~ found elsewhere. ‘ye must be inserted after ὅσοι. 
The last syllable of the third verse is everywhere short, and in str. 1 
Οἰλυμπιοδρόμους is divided between v. 3 and v. 4. 

4. The fourth verse of the strophe has the fourth syllable long in str. 2 
(ν. 18), ὑψιδαιδάλτων, and in ant. 5 (v. 64), ὦ μεγαίνητε, but elsewhere short. 

5. Hiatus, with lengthening of a short syllable, occurs before Ἱέρων, after 
the fifth syllable of the fourth verse, in ant. 5 (v. 64), ὦ μεγαίνητε ἹἹέρων : also 
in ant. 7 (v. 92) Μοῦσά vw τρέφει. ἹἹέρων x.7.d. 

6. The thesis is resolved in verse 4 of epode 3 (v. 40), in a proper name: 
πίτνουσιν ᾿Αλυάττα δόμοι. It is also resolved at the beginning of verse 5 in 
epode 6 (v. 83), ὅσια δρῶν. 


102 BACCHYLIDES. 


OpvE IV. 
Logaoedic.—A pair of strophes, without epode. 


Strophe (10 verses). 


VU Po Me Sy 
VUE, πΞωγῶ v-,-A 
“΄υπύω-σςουυ --- 
τω Rin ὦν τ ph ter el de PU eee OF Pitas A 
5 -“͵ουἀπυνπν 


-Ὡ͵ὼπφ͵ω  - Πο- -- 


YUU, OY; v-,-A 
Nth ba, pany sean v-,v-,-A 
AAI ον Ng ὦ ἐὉ 
ΧΟ ΝΣ ae - ΔΛ 
Notes. 


1. The first verse of this strophe is identical in measure with the fourth 
verse of Ode 11, ὅτι μάχας θρασύχειρος ’Ap-. 

2. In verse 4, where the MS. has tpirov yap...... λον, the faint traces of 
the letter which followed yap suit II better than A: hence Blass gives τρίτον 
yap παρ᾽ ὀμφαλόν, x.7-A., and in the ant. 14 (where the Ms. has παρ᾽ ἑστίαν), 
πάρεστίν νιν. Otherwise we might read in v. 4 τρίτον yap ἀμφ᾽ ὀμφαλόν, and 
in v. 14 πάρεστι νῦν. 


ODE V 
Dactylo-epitritic. 
Strophe (15 verses). 
SESH eccet Ea ah WORE 
-vu--,-v-%, | 
-“πτυύυ,πυυπ--,τ 
SU Vag =e 
Siectss bal bloat 
--vu-,yv eA | 
sree arial Pernt, coher? 1a 
-υ πον v= | 
Sat Aa I EE tae at ee πραδῃς 
Io -υυ,πυυξ | 
muy, ven, ΟἹ 
-πυ-, τ πυξ | 
-“πωυυ,- υυ-, Ξ τ 
-π͵ου,-πυυ-, (Ξ) - 


15 -v-,--v*~ 


METRES. ODES IV, Vv. 103 


Epode (10 verses). 


SSS Se λων ον, enon Ces ¢ —--v-,~ 
trae it δ΄ re a δα 
-“πυυ,πυυ-,Ξ--π,- 
SI Ry RSS yO 
5 SOS ES ns 
=n, eu, XH 
-“πυυ,-πυω.υ-Ξ 
—v—-,¥-v-,* 
Og ON 
Io -πυ-πππ,---πξΞ,-ὺυ -- 
Notes. 


1. (i) In verses 13, 14 of str. 1 the MS. wrongly divides thus, Οὐρανίας | 
κλεινός, instead of Οὐρανίας κλειϊνός, though in the corresponding verses of 
ant. 1 the division is correctly made, σὺν ζεφύρου πνο(ι)-ἰαἴσιν. 

(ii) Verses 5 and 6 of the epode are wrongly divided in 35 f., ἀγέρωχοι | 
παῖδες, instead of dyépw-\xor παῖδες: in 75 f., ἀναπτύ- ξας, instead of 
dva-|rrvgas: and in 115f., κατέπεφνε σῦς, instead of karéme-|pvey σῦς. 
But the division is correct in 155 f. and in 195 f. 

2. Some apparent instances of exceptional shortening in arsis are easily 
removed: v. 28, for προ αῖσιν, read mvolaiow: 49, for φιλοξένῳ, read 
φιλοξείνῳ : 115 f., for κατέπεϊφνε, read κατέπεφνεν : 137, for κόρα, read 
κούρα. 

3. The Ms. has lost a syllable in v. 184, where és must be inserted after 
Pepévixos : and in 193, where dv must be inserted after ὅν. 

4. The metre of the first strophe and antistrophe differs in two places 
from that of the four other pairs. 

(i) Verses 11 f. of strophe 1 are :—vdoov ξένος ὑμετέραν πέμ-πει κλεεννὰν 
és πόλιν, =26f., δυσπαίπαλα κύματα" νωμᾶ-ταῖι δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρύτῳ χάει. Here v. 11 
(ΞΞ 26) is longer by a syllable than the corresponding verses elsewhere. 

(ii) Verses 14f. of strophe 1 are: -vds θεράπων" ἐθέλει δὲ | γᾶρυν ἐκ 
στηθέων xéwv=29f. -aiow ἔθειραν dplyvw-\ros per’ ἀνθρώποις ἰδεῖν. Here, 
again, v. 14 (=29) exceeds the normal length by a syllable. See commentary 
and Appendix. 

5. Other instances of defective responsion are the following. 

(i) In verse 8 of str. 1 the MS. gives δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον νόῳ, ------- «-- instead 
of the -~---~- found in the nine other places. Blass explains the exception 
as -~ --~-, But it seems more probable that the text is corrupt in v. 8 
(see commentary). 

(ii) In epodes 1, 2, and 3 the first verse has this form: —-~~, --~~, 
—-~-, =: eg. v. 31 τὼς viv Kal ἐμοὶ μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος. (Cp. 71 and rit.) 
But in epode 4 the MS. gives (151), Πλευρῶνα" μινυνθα [without accent] de μοι 
Yuxa γλυκεια. Blass defends μένυνθα, holding that -~~-— (-vvvAa δέ μοι) is 
here substituted for --~-: see his Preface, pp. xxxixf. (3rd ed., 1904). 
I read μινύνθη (see commentary). 


το BACCHYLIDES. 


In epode 5, v. 1 (191), Βοιωτὸς ἀνὴρ τάδε φών[ησεν..., τᾷδε (Wilamowitz) 
is a probable correction. 

(iii) In epode 3, v. 5 (115), the MS. has θάπτομεν τοὺς (κατέπεφνεν ois), 
z.e. -~— where the four corresponding verses (35, 75, 155, 195) have —~~. 
Yet Blass refrains from reading οὕς, thinking that the poet wrote τούς ‘ne 
videretur esse θαπτομένους.ἢ 

(iv) The tenth verse of the epode begins with —~— in 40, 80, 200, and 
presumably so in 120 (rarpo]s ᾿Αλθ-). But in 160, where the first hand wrote 
TOIA’E®A, a corrector (A*) changed rod’ to τόδ᾽, or, as Blass thinks, to τάδ᾽ 
ἔφα, which he gives. The true reading is probably ro?’ ἔφα, or τοῖα $a. 

6. In 189 ἀπωσάμενον, followed in 190 by εἴ | τις, is noteworthy: see 
commentary. The sy//asa anceps is perhaps justified by the slight pause ; 
though the conjecture ἀπωσαμένους (Housman) is attractive. 


Ope VI. 
Logaoedic.—A pair of strophes, without epode, as in Iv. 


Strophe (8 verses). 


Notes. 


1. Verse 1, Λάχων Διὸς μεγίστου, is an iambic -dimeter catalectic. 
Verse 2, λάχε φέρτατον πόδεσσι, is an ‘anacreontic’ verse, with anaclasis 
(-~-~ instead of --~~). Sappho has the same sequence : 

_ γλύκεια parep, οὔτοι 
δύναμαι κρέκην τὸν ἴστον. 


2. The measures of vv. 4 and 5, δι᾽ ὅσσα πάροιθεν | ἀμπελοτρόφον Κέον, 
recur in XVIII. 17, where they form a single verse, εὐρυσθενέος φραδαῖσι 
φερτάτου Διός. 


Ope VII. 


(1) In the first eleven verses (ὦ Aurapa...cTepavor. Adxwva) 
the metre is dactylo-epitritic. After these, about 24 verses are 
lost. (2) Then come 16 verses (Πυθῶνά τε μηλοθύταν.... κλεινοῖς 
ἀέθλοις), in which the metre is again dactylo-epitritic. 

Kenyon held that (2), the group of sixteen verses, belonged 
to an ode (his νι) distinct from the ode which began with (1) 


METRES. ODES VI, VII. 105 


the group of eleven verses. Paul Maas also thinks that there 
were two odes, each consisting of one pair of strophes. Blass 
refers both groups to the same ode (viz). I incline to the latter 
opinion ; partly because, if there were two odes, both must have 
been very short ; and it seems improbable that the poet’s first and 
second tribute to Lachon (vI, vi1) should both have been on so 
small a scale. (See Introduction to Ode vit. p. 204, n. 1.) 

There is a further question. Supposing that groups (1) and 
(2) both belonged to ode vii, was that ode composed in strophe, 
antistrophe, and epode? Blass formerly thought so, conjecturing 
that the epode began with the second group, Πυθῶνά τε μηλοθύταν. 
In his third edition, however (1904, p. Lv, and p. 5), he holds 
that this ode, alone among the poet’s extant pieces, was written 
in non-strophic verses (ἀπολελυμένα). That does not seem very 
probable. Maas observes that the division of κέκλη-ται between 
verses 9 and ro ‘would be singular, if it could not be explained 
by reference to an antistrophe’ ; and the point deserves considera- 
tion, whether we suppose (as he does) that there were two odes, 
or that there was only one. That part of the ode which would 
have contained the antistrophe has perished with the lost column 
x11. No endings of antistrophic verses can be traced in the left 
margin of col. x1v: but this may be, as Maas suggests, because 
the scribe wrote more compactly in that place than he did in the 
strophe. 

The metrical schemes of the two groups, (1) and (2), are 
subjoined ; but, in view of the uncertainty, it is better to refrain 
from indicating ‘strophe’ or ‘ epode.’ 


(1) Group of 11 verses, ὦ λιπαρὰ... στεφάνοισι Λάχωνα. 


SNA πο τας [«-- 
ae τς 
Een gn een 
ὩΣ Ξε το Ὁ ΓΞ 1- ad - | 
a ΤᾺ Ψ ’ ¥ 
Sear ae εν AGE gi λα 
-π-υ-π, ππυπ,π πύυ-π, 
Io —--v-,-[-v]y, [-vv-],- 


“νυ -- [τ υ]υῖτννυ τς 


J. B. 8 


106 BACCHYLIDES. 


(2) Group of 16 verses, Πυθῶνά τε...κλεινοῖς ἀέθλοις. 


Huy, vee, 
IAS g NI ον ἘΞ 
-“᾽͵ἀὠὁπ-π,πυξλ | 


PE ah SOO pA NT πὶ 


EXD 2 Sires νας —-vly, -υ]υ --, = 


Ope VIII. [1X.] 
Dactylo-epitritic. : 
Strophe (9 verses). 
ee ee reer | 
5 τὸς -πυν] 
πυπξπυξ | 


-.,τὋ.,,-οο- τος Ὁ. τ 


? ᾽ 


-..--- τ σοι ἔττ- τ ἘΠπτ τ 


Epode (8 verses). 


(4)=o¢) “ou, Sous, 
ἘΞ an Ve erage ἐλ ον τα ποτ 
ae aay eer 


πυ-π,ππυ- 
Ἐ en os vu 


= ey -ω-πλ 


χε er Ὁ ἀπο ge 


᾽ 


-τ᾿.»τστ’Πτ΄.-π-νΎ΄.-- 


’ 


METRES. ODES VIII, IX. 107 


Notes. 


1. In v. 5, εὐθαλές is best taken as Doric for εὐθηλές, since in the 
5th verse of the strophe the 4th syllable is elsewhere always long. In 
verse 7 of the strophe, the 4th syllable is once, at least, anceps, if edvaet be 
right in v. 42. In verse g of the strophe, the 4th syllable is normally long, 
and κόραι (MS.) in 44 should be corrected to κοῦραι. 

2. In verse 1 of epode τ (v. 19) where the first hand wrote AHTOT’, 
A*’s correction AKAI TOT’ is confirmed by σῶν ὦ in v. 1 of epode 2 (45). 


The beginning of v. 1 of ep. 3 (71) is lost; so also is that of ep. 4 (97), where 
ὕμμιν δέ seems probable. 


Ove IX. [X.] 
Dactylo-epitritic. 
Strophe (10 verses). 


yv 
Ἔλα τι οἱ 
Y 
= ? “κι 


ee ee wa NG ww 


RAI AS NI RT 
Y 
5 -,ὖὦ-(-, -v-*¥ 
SS ae ee eS vultj υυ-πλ 
-͵υ--π,πυ--π-π, 
i κω πὰς} an Δ 
Me Si ane ? 
Io -vl, ¥v--+,-v-¥,-v-- 


Epode (8 verses). 


πυ-π,πυυπ,ιυυ-- A | 
— = τ ΙΝ τως ace), ΝΕ 
wis Wi, 
=U He en, Hr -- - 
-“οωου-πτυυππ,πὸυ-- 
5 πυυ-, vv Δ] 
-[-]υ, πῦυ-,- 


-(v-]-, Fh Rt 
sean eae 
Notes. 


1. In verse 5 of ant. 1 (15), the Ms. has ὅσσα where metre requires —-~-. 
ὁσσάκις is a probable correction. 

2. The ms. misplaces the division between verses 5 and 6 of the strophe. 
In ant. x (15 f.) it ρίνεϑβ.. ἕκατι ἄνθεσιν ἕξαν-᾿θάν, instead of ἕκατι | ἄνθεσιν 
ξανθάν : in str. 2 (33f.)...véuovrar, ἀμφί 7 Ἐὔβοι-[αν, instead of νέμονται, | 
ἀμφί τ᾽ Ἑὔβοιαν : in ant. 2 (43f.), reralver: of δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ Epyor-low, instead of 
τιταίνει, | οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔργοισιν. In each of these three places, the hiatus bewrays 
the error.” That the same mistake occurred in the mutilated first strophe, is 
certain from the fact that the lost word ending in τῳ (χώρῳ ?) stood at the end 
of verse 5. But, in that place, there was probably no hiatus; and having 


8—2 


108 BACCHYLIDES. 


made the wrong division in the first strophe, the scribe repeated it in the 
other three. 

9. Verses g and ro of the strophe are wrongly divided by the Ms. in 37 f. 
(τεύξεται being added to v. 37), though the division is correct in gf., 19f., 
and 47 f. 

4. In verse ro of strophe 1, νασιώτιν gives -~-—~ where we find -~-— 
in the other three places (20, 38, 48). This might suggest νασιώταν (see 
comment.), though the arszs correpfta is, of course, possible. 

5. In the roth verse of ant. 1 (v. 20) the Ms. has ταχεῖαν ὁρμάν. This 
should be ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν (cp. 10, 38, 48). 


OvE X. [XI.] 
Dactylo-epitritic. 
Strophe (14 verses). 


=, SS 
πυπ,ππυ-π,Ξ 
ceo το τον beret Δ΄ ἡ τῇ 
ee ἐγ ον λον ΘΙ τ ἢ 
5S SO 
petra ὩΣ ee wy 
Si I oe 
SS rg A em 
IN -.συ-,Ξ-ὦ-ἃΞ 
LOS A na ieee. τ 
τυ - 
ππυυ,πυυπ,Ξπυ-,Ξ]| 
a ΚΒΟΣ Ng AI Nad eng σευ ἃ 
πυ-π,ππυ-,- 


IO τ τὰν “ΟυΣ, 


METRES. ODES X, X71. 109 


Notes. 


1. It is of some interest to observe in this ode the poet’s preferences with 
regard to a long or a short syllable in arsis, where either was admissible. 
(i) In v. 4 of str. 1, ἐν πολυχρύσῳ δ᾽ ᾿Ολύμπῳ, the fourth syllable is long, as it 
is also in three of the other five places (vv. 46, 88, 102). It is short only in 
v. 18 (in a proper name) and v. 60. (ii) Similarly in v. 9, κούρα Στυγὸς 
ὀρθοδίκου" σέθεν δ᾽ ἕκατι, the ninth syllable is short only there and in v. 107, 
while it is long in the other four places (18, 51, 65, 93). (iii) On the other 
hand, in v. 12, κῶμοί τε καὶ εὐφροσύναι θεότιμον ἄστυ, the ninth syllable is long 
only there (where eo is—, by synizesis) and in 110, while it is short in 26, 54, 
68, 96. (iv) Verse 2 of the epode remains integral only in v. 72, κτίζειν, πρὶν 
és ἀργαλέαν πεσεῖν ἀνάγκαν, where the ninth syllable is short ; and so it must 
have been also in 114 (where the Ms. has πόλιν ᾿Αχαιοῖς, instead of ~-~—-), 
and presumably in the mutilated v. 30 (πάτραν θ᾽ ἱκέσθαι). (v) In verse 8 of 
epode 1 (v. 36), ἄμερσαν ὑπέρτατον ἐκ χειρῶν γέρας, the ninth syllable is long, 
as also in v. 78; while it is short in v. 120. 

2. At the end of v. 1 of str. 2 (v. 43), v must be added to the ἐφόβησε of 
the Ms. (Cp. v. 115 f., where xareré-|pve should be κατεπέ-φνεν.) 

8. In verse 2 of epode 3 (v. 114) és should be inserted before ἱπποτρόφον. 
With regard to πόλιν ᾿Αχαιοῖς, see commentary. 

4. In verse 7 of epode 2 (v. 77) the second syllable of κάμον seems to be 
a syllaba anceps: see commentary. Of the two corresponding verses, one (35) 
ends with βροτῶν, and the other (119) with the corrupt mpéyo-|vou. 


Ove ΧΙ. [XII] 


Dactylo-epitritic.—Only eight verses remain, of which the 
last, τάν τ᾿ ἐν Νεμέᾳ γυιαλκέα μουνοπάλαν, is metrically identical 
with the first, ὡσεὶ κυβερνήτας σοφός, ὑμνοάνασ-, and may possibly, 
therefore, mark the beginning of the antistrophe; but this, of 
course, is by no means certain. 


Strophe. 
SSS, Su, Ξ VOT 
Ge ee. 
Ee iy wee (Gee 
I RAS 5 St NP ey 


—uU--, -u=-= 

iat: dee Poem hae ge, 

(antistr. ?) ---αἀ-  Ξ- που; ver, 
* * 


110 <= BACCHELIDES 


Ove XII. [XIII] 
Dactylo-epitritic. 
Strophe (12 verses). 


——VUy SVU, 
Y = | 
Meee, ἘΖ 


> 


easel 


ἀν os ee 
patie getty] 
--.-- -- ae 
5 Vv; eRe Se 
-οὧ-π--ῷ - 
π,πυυπ,νυ - 
SEE A wom: —— 
᾽ = ? 
vy 
eth gh ieee att τα. 
4 
16°] Via) Yi, 
SWI I 
ΧΖ 
ἘΣ Tet pee ee en AS ton ae 


Epode (9 verses). 


Y 
A VM; vv > Vv > 


-“τνυυ,-ου-, 
ws ἐϑ χενο 
I I) Sa AS Ral 
5. -)-v--,-¥-A| 
STS RD ae eg ὅλ} : 


-v-¥,-v-¥,-v¥A| 


Notes. 


1. The seventh verse of ant. 3 (v. 85) is wanting in the Ms. Some 
remains of it (now represented by the letters ραν) seem to have been pieced 
on to the sixth verse (84): see crit. n. there.—The third verse of epode 5 
(v. 159) has also been lost. The fourth verse (160) seems to have been added 
to it in the same line. 

2. The second verse of the strophe is a pherecratic, ---~~—%, Περσείδας 
épinow (48). As there, so also in 81, 102, 114, 135, 147, 168, 180, 201, the 
second syllable is long; and I cannot think that in 69 πανθαλέων presents, as 
Blass suggests, a solitary exception. πανθᾶλής occurs, no doubt, in 229: but 
πανθαλής (Doric for πανθηλής) would be parallel with εὐθαλής (see on VIII. 5). 

8. In the fourth verse of the strophe the last syllable is short only once 
(115, ἄστυ), but long in all the other instances (49, 70, 136, 148, 181, 202). 


METRES. ODES XII, XIII. III 


4. In the third verse of the epode, the first syllable is everywhere short 
(93, 126, 192, 225). This fact supports the conjecture ἀν δεθεῖσιν (Housman) 
in 59f., as against ἀνθρώποισιν (Blass). 

5. At the beginning of verse 7 of epode 2 (v. 64) κυάνεον must be —-~-, 
though in compounds with κυανο- Bacchylides has ¥. A resolution of the 
thesis would be against his rule in this place: see 97, 130, 163, 196, 229. 

6. Verse 8 of the epode ends with a long syllable in 65, 164, 197, 2303 
yet once with a short (131). 

7. Inverse g of the epode, the fourth syllable is normally long (99, 165, 
198, 231); yet once short (66, -χθέντος ἀσφαλεῖ σὺν αἴσᾳ). In 132 ἐξίκοντο 
might have either ¢ or t (cp. XV. 16). 


Ope XIII. [XIV.] 
Dactylo-epitritic. 
Strophe (7 verses). 


aa. ramctae ay σε λας τ Fae od «ὦ 
—-,-v-- 

-,υ--π, πὸ --, 
PAS) SP Og = LY NS 


5 -Ἰτ-υυ, πύυ-,-τ 
5 τ 


eh περ ρος 


Epode (8 verses). 
—] Cr wr 


σ]- συ, RCE a ᾿ χσα 


-π-υ͵]τ- πιπυυ-,τ 

“ὧ-- σ-ιὕὔἦνΉγ σους υν-- 
5 (υδ᾽πυύυπυυν- 

--ὖὦ-,- το -.-- 


᾽ 3 
PoE Ge Sg) Gb. (hn mes eee 


San aren 


Note. 


In verse 3 of strophe 1 the MS. seems to have lost τ᾽ after ἐσθλόν : and in 
verse 5 a corruption has occurred. See commentary. 


112 BACCHYLIDES 


B. ΔΙΘΥΡΑΜΒΟΙ. 


OvE XIV. [XV.] 
Dactylo-epitritic. 
Strophe (7 verses). 


Se FG ee 
y 
-“πυυ,πυυ--,Ξ-υ- 
“ — --- --- 
Ἐν πὸ Ωοὦ VM; Wisse g 
TO ee eee κεῖν: 
bo leh tear) ei does! Wee re ay 
SD eg FN NT erg NIE TK ig 
y 
OS τ ea 


? ᾽ 


Epode (7 verses). 


Se ee ΞΘ a a ne 
- --ὠὦς-ἰὐ-, --τοωο-π,- 
“πὸ Ὁ δος πε σοῦ, ὧν λων ain coed | 
St λῆς εν NS ig rt 
5 See re 
RASS) SAS AI 
—— UH, ry 
Notes. 


1. In verse 6 of ant. 1 (v. 13) the MS. has σὺν θεοῖς where -~~-— stands in 
the corresponding verses (6, 48, 55): a short syllable (ye, δέ, or τε) seems to 
be lost after σύν. 

2. In verse 7 of epode 3 (v. 63) the MS. ὥλεσεν should be ὥλεσσεν, as 
v. 42 shows. 


Ope XV. [XVI] 


The metres of this ode are complex, and the precise analysis 
is in many points doubtful. Dacty/ic measures of various lengths 
predominate, both in strophe and in epode. Mingled with these 
are paconic rhythms. The pacon primus, -v vv, appears certainly 
in verse 9 of the strophe; and almost certainly (I think) in 
verse 1, where it is followed by the kindred cretic; though the 
mutilation of that verse in the strophe, and the ambiguous 
quantity of ye before «A in the antistrophe (v. 13), differentiate 
the case from that of verse 9. The pacon guartus, συ Ὁ -, may 
be recognised at the beginning of verses 4 and 11 in the strophe, 


. METRES. ODES XIV, XV. 113 


and probably in the second part of v. 5 of the epode (v. 29). 
There are also some anapaests (or apparent anapaests). Dr W. 
Headlam, who has given special study to the metres used in 
this ode, describes the strophe as composed of three elements, 
paconic, dactylic, and logaoedic; the epode being constructed, as 
usual, of the same material in a different arrangement. By this 
complexity, and by somewhat abrupt transitions from one rhythm 
to another, Bacchylides seems here to aim at expressing agitated 
feelings, in unison with the tragic pathos of Deianeira’s fate. 
Such a metrical character was not ill-suited to a Dionysiac 
dithyramb. 
Strophe (12 verses). 

Sieg gee Al ae 

Ta pent ae Ce 

ΤΟΝ τοι τ προ τειν τας 

be FC τὸ τξ 
5-ὠβΣσσυ - υυ-Ἔὅ----- 
Rh ag ἐν ey eee eee 


Ὅν A SN Ὁ» “π 


υυπππωυυ--"Ξ | --ὖ Ξ 
πύυυ---| - 
ας ἌΣ wt 
Ὁ ὦ Ξο- ἡ 
“ οὠὦοὐς- πυνσων-- 


Epode (11 verses). 

“Δὃ-νυ-πττωυυ- 
- πως φπρὼ» ὦ 
ωυ-πυω-ππυ- 
ωΨψφωΦ ς-ῳὡν 5 

5 ωυ-“πονυ ----- 
tet © © deel © τ τ ρου σ-ν.- 
ωυ-“»υσυσ-πυνπ-πὸυ - 
Ὧν τ ee ae 
-.͵ὧοοὧ-οαὐυ- 

LO. - οὐ νυ, == 


SDI SF OF πὰ ἣν τῷ 


᾿ Notes. 
1. The question as to the metre of verse 1 is bound up with the palaeo- 
graphical data: see crit. note ad Joc. If the verse did not begin with -~~ as 
[Πυθἤου, but with --~, then two long syllables were formed by 4 letters (for 


114 BACCHYLIDES. 


which alone there is room before ov); and the fourth of these was either I, or a 
letter ending with a vertical stroke, such as N. In verse 1 of the antistr. 
(v. 13) γε before xX might, according to B.’s practice, be either short or long: 
for the statistics, see above, p. 85. 

2. Verse 3 of the strophe is a dactylic pentapody with catalexis, not a 
frequent verse, but one which occurs in Alcman, fr. 51, Pindar P. Ill. 4 
(Odpavida γόνον εὐρυμέδοντα Kpédvor), etc. 

9. Verse 5 of the strophe ends with ἀνθεμόεντι “EBpw, answering to 
evpuvepet Κηναίῳ in v. 17. The hiatus before “ESpw recalls that in 111. 64, 
ὦ μεγαίνητε ‘Tépwv, a passage which also suggests that the ¢ of ἀνθεμόεντι might 
be lengthened before the aspirate. But such a lengthening is easier to under- 
stand in thesis (111. 64) than, as here, in arsis; and moreover it is needless to 
assume it. Blass surely mars the metre by inserting ποὺ after ἀνθεμόεντι.--- 
The double spondee of v. 17 occurs in Aesch. Ag. 121 αἴλινον αἴλινον εἰπέ, 
τὸ δ᾽ εὖ νικάτω. 

4. Verse 6 (=18), composed of four dactyls and a spondee, is the same 
as that in Aesch. Zum. 360, σπευδομένα δ᾽ ἀφελεῖν τινα τάσδε μερίμνας. 

5. Verse 7 (=19) might be read either as an anapaestic dimeter, or as a 
dactylic tetrapody catalectic with anacrusis (~~). The former view is the 
simpler. 

6. The eighth verse, mutilated in the strophe, is preserved entire in the 
antistrophe, -λε κόρᾳ τ᾽ ὀβριμοδερκεῖ &fvya,—anapaest, dactyl, trochee, cretic. 
In verse 8 the last four syllables are formed by παιηόνων, where the first might 
be short, as in παϊάνιξαν (XVI. 129). Blass, to avoid the hiatus and the 
shortening of -xe., inserts ye after ὀβριμοδερκεῖ. 

7. Verse 9, ἄνθεα πεδοιχνεῖν (=21 παρθένῳ ᾿Αθάνᾳ), consists of a pacon 
primus and a spondee. In verse 11, τόσα χοροὶ Δελφῶν (= 23, τότ᾽ ἄμαχος 
δαίμων), we have a paeon guartus and a spondee. Thus the place where the 
paeonic element becomes prominent is also that which, in the antistrophe, 
marks the turning-point of tragic interest. Verse 23 introduces Deianeira’s 
resolve. 

8. Verse 12, the last of the strophe, is a choriambus followed by an 
enhoplius, cov κελάδησαν παρ᾽ ἀγακλέα ναόν. It will be noticed that both here 
and in the antistrophic verse (24), Aatavelpg πολύδακρυν ὕφανε, the fifth syllable 
coincides with the end of a word. 

9. The first verse of the epode (25), a dactylic tripody catalectic, is 
metrically the same as the ninth (33). 

10. In verse 2 of the epode (26), πύθετ᾽ ἀγγελίαν ταλαπενθέα, it seems 
most probable that the final -éa of the last word is to be scanned~-. The 
metre will then be the same as that of the 7th verse of the epode (31), φθόνος 
evpuBlas νιν ἀπώλεσεν. In 27 ᾿Ιόλαν can take Ff 

11. In verse 5 of the epode (29), ἄλοχον λιπαρὸν ποτὶ δόμον πέμποι, two 
anapaests are followed by the combination already found in the strophe 
(vv. 11 and 23), a pacon guartus and a spondee. 

12. Verse 6 of the epode (30), ἃ δύσμορος, ἃ τάλαιν᾽, οἷον ἐμήσατο is 
followed at the beginning of v. 7 by φθόνος, and the last syllable of ἐμήσατο is 
therefore long. The first ἃ is anacrusis: then we have a dactyl, and a trochaic 
dipody catalectic (twice). The movement is slow, with a slight pause after 
τάλαιν᾽, and gives a wailing effect, which is continued in the next verse. 

13. The rrth and last verse of the epode (35), δέξατο Νέσσου πάρα 
δαιμόνιον τέρας, has a general likeness to the last v. of the strophe, but ends 


METRES. ODES XV, XVI. 115 


with --΄-- instead of -- As in the strophic verses (12 and 24), the fifth 
syllable coincides with the end of a word. 


Ove XVI. [XVIL.] 


In the metre of this ode much is difficult and obscure. One 
element, which Wilamowitz regards as predominant (Gét¢t. Gelehr. 
Anz. 1898, pp. 137 ff.), is formed by iambic dipodies or 
‘diiambi.’ Some verses, such as the second of the epode (v. 48), 
τάφον δὲ ναυβάται, are simply iambic. There are also trochaic 
rhythms (as 6.5. in v. 9). But there are other elements also. 
Bacchylides uses cretics in frag. 11 (=15 Blass), οὐχ ἕδρας ἔργον 
οὐδ᾽ ἀμβολᾶς, | ἀλλὰ χρυσαίγιδος ᾿Ιτωνίας etc., where the second 
foot of the second verse is a paeon primus: and Blass asks (Praef. 
p. Liv, 3rd ed.) whether this ode is to be regarded as cretic or 
paeonic. ‘It is clearly,’ he says, ‘a paean ; it concerns the Cretan 
Minos, and the word Κρητικόν occurs in the fourth verse: but if 
cretics and paeons are to be recognised in it, at any rate they 
are strangely mingled with trochees, iambics, and even anapaests.’ 
He further observes that the first three verses of the strophe, 
between which synaphea seems to exist, can be more easily reduced 
to trochaic dipodies (ditrochaeos), such as Aristoxenus is said to 
have called κρητικοὶ κατὰ τροχαῖον (Diomedes p. 481), than to 
‘cretics’ in the ordinary sense of the word. A complete metrical 
analysis of the ode has been essayed by Housman in the C/assical 
Review, vol. x11. pp. 134 ff. (March, 1898). 

While the technical aspects of the metre present so much that 
divides the opinions of experts, a reader can feel that its general 
character is well adapted to the subject-matter. The verses suit 
a rapid and spirited narrative, fraught with excitement, startling 
incident, and reversals of fortune. 


Strophe (23 verses). 


στ A τ ie 
x= 
Fe ee A, Se ες ee ie 
Sey - 
. 
SN αι ἐκ ὩΣ Ua 
wy μεν 
5--π-πυξ’--υὐ 
ω-.- YY Ue - 
δ ED CCS NOPE BEF Se 
se 8 I 


K—VvrVMruUo 


116 BACCHYLIDES. 


I0 -“.,ῳῳὦ -οὐ-οὖῷὸοτ 
“ ὡ--οὐτο-ῶὧῶν - 
τὴωςύτωττυ - 
υ-“ τυς-ὸόυ --- 
υπυτΞ--υο- ἡ- 
15 στ-ύ-π- -ὖξ! 
-.;.οὧωων πῶ --- 


σ(υυ)--ὐ- δ | 


ὑπ ΠΑ ΞΕ Ss 
Χ 
“ωὠὡὠὐιιο | 
wy 

20 Gr νων πΞι, -ὦ-- | 

ww 

SS eS a -- 

Very C= 
ORO SS eS UU « 


Epode (20 verses). 
v “Es Sel Rt Ng μους ι-- 


ἢ 
SES Δ tat SASS 
Lo tL 


“νυ; w=. 


-- τ, υπυ-, ι-  -, --ο-, 


5 vrvvy, ι--- 
ΠΡΟ ΔΑΝ nt A 
Ley, L-J-,L v-, = 
SO eT me NS 
-ὠ-πὸῷὼ Ἢ -,τὖὸ - 

Ι1ουνυωσσυσ-ο- 

Si “νὰ τ 
υςπυππυ---ππ υυ 
Pg ey δ 
V0 σι “- 

15. πω, 

ῳ σου eel, © Ame © Decree © dice 
vou, uw, HY 
LUuY~l u-, es 

vu, Hee 

20 ὧσπν“-ὶ -ὖ-, Leu 


Notes. 


The number of places where apparent breaches of metre suggest some 
disturbance of the text is larger in this Ode than in any other. 

1. In several instances the metrical fault can be cured by some very 
slight correction; as in v. 4, by writing τάμνε for rduvev: 42, ἀμβρότου for 


METRES. ODE XVI. 117 


ἀμβρότοι᾽ : 80, ἠὔΐδενδρον for εὔδενδρον: 88, ἴσχεν for ἴσχειν : gt, ἐξόπιν, or 
ἐξόπιθε, for ἐξόπιθεν : 112, ἀμφέβαλεν for ἀμφέβαλλεν : 118, θέωσιν for θέλωσιν. 

2. The defect of a syllable sometimes occurs in one of two verses which 
ought to correspond metrically. (i) In verse 4 of ant. 2 (v. 93) a long syllable 
has been lost after ἠϊθέων. (ii) In verse 8 of str. 1 the Ms. has Μίνω where we 
expect -~-. (iii) The same v. of str. 2 (74) ends with Θησεῦ, τάδε, instead of 
--~~~. (iv) In v. 14 of ant. 1 (37), 7é(F)oe δόσαν ἰόπλοκοι, a short syllable is 
wanting at the end. 

98. Conversely, excess of a syllable appears (i) in v. 8 of ant. 2 (97), φέρον 
δὲ δελφῖνες ἐναλι- ναιέται, where metre requires ἁλι- ναιέται : and (ii) in v. το of 
ant. 2 (108), -πὸον κέαρ ὑγροῖσιν ἐν ποσίν, where metre requires ὑγροῖσι ποσσίν. 

4. There are other and more complex cases of defective responsion where 
the most probable remedy is afforded by ¢ransfosition. (i) In verses 11 and 
12 of ant. 2 (100f.), where the Ms. has ἔμολέν τε θεῶν | μέγαρον, two faults are 
removed by writing μέγαρόν re θεῶν | μόλεν. (ii) In vv. 13f. of ant. 2 (ro2f.), 
the Ms. has ἔδεισε Nypéos ὀλ- βίου, where we require ~--~-—~-— | ~-: this is 
obtained by writing ἔδεισ᾽ ὀλβίοιο Nx-\péos. 

These two instances, in which the probability of the transposition ap- 
proaches to certainty, should be carefully noted as tending to prove that a 
displacement of verses was possible in this papyrus; not necessarily through 
an error of the scribe, but perhaps because, in some earlier MS., a verse had 
been omitted, and then re-inserted in a wrong place. We should remember 
this in considering two other places. (iii) In vv. 20f. of ant. 2 (109 f.) the Ms. 
has εἶδέν (made from ἴδεν) re πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν | σεμνὰν βοῶπιν ἐρατοῖ-, 
where, instead of σεμνάν, metre requires either ~~ or -- Housman is surely 
right in making v. 20 begin with σεμνάν, and v. 21 with ide. (iv) In wv. 16f. 
of epode 1 (62f.) the Ms. has δικὼν θράσει σῶμα πατρὸς és δόμους | ἔνεγκε 
κόσμον βαθείας ἁλός" where a short syllable is wanting after θράσει. I agree 
with Blass in transposing the verses, and adding ἐκ before βαθείας. 

For a fuller discussion of all the passages indicated in notes 2—4, the 
reader is referred to the commentary. 

5. Verses 6 and 7 of the strophe are wrongly divided by the Ms. in ant. 2 
(95 f., δάκρυ | xéov instead of δά-κρυ xéov), though rightly in the other three 
places (6f., 29f., 72f.). 

6. In his third edition (1904) Blass, referring to Hermes XXXVI. 284 f., 
makes a new division of verses 5—6 of the strophe, thus :—(r) str. 1: τηλαυγέϊ 
γὰρ ἐν φάρεϊ βορήϊαι | πίτνον αὖραι κλυτᾶς | ἕκατι κιτ.λ. (2) ant. 1 (28—30) : 
ἔλθῃ" σὺ δὲ βαρεῖαν κάτεχε μῆτιν, εἰ | καί σε κεδνὰ τέκεν | λέχει κιτιλ. Note 
here that the new division of εἰ καὶ between two verses is objectionable. This 
awkwardness becomes still more marked if (as is desirable) a colon or full stop, 
and not merely a comma, is placed after μῆτιν. (3) str. 2 (71—73): ἄστραψέ θ᾽" 
ὁ δὲ θυμάρμενον ἰδὼν τέρας | χέρας πέτασσε κλυτὰν | és αἰθέρα κιτ.λ. In the MS. 
v. 72 is ἰδὼν τέρας χεῖρας πέτασσε: where the simple correction, πέτασε χεῖρας 
(see comm.), restores the metre. The new division dispenses with the 
transposition (though requiring χέρας instead of xetpas): but it introduces 
a new discrepancy, viz.~—~— (χέρας πέτασσ-) instead of the -~— found in 
all the corresponding places (6, 29, 95). (4) ant. 2 (94—96) ἥρως θόρεν πόντονδε, 
κατὰ λειρίων | 7 ὀμμάτων δάκρυ xéov | βαρεῖαν κ.τ.λ. 

It seems to me that the division of these verses in the MS. (with the 
exception of 95 f., on which see n. 5) is, on the whole, more probable than 
the new division now made by Blass. One fact especially should be observed. 


118 BACCHYLIDES. 


As Maas has noted (see above, p. 96), the general tendency of the Alexandrian 
κωλιστής was to avoid, as far as possible, the division of a word between two 
verses. Where, therefore, the MS. so divides a word, there is a presumption 
that such division is authentic. But the effect of the new arrangement is to 
produce κάτεχε where the Ms. (28f.) has κάτεϊχε : and κατά where the Ms. 
(94f.) has xara. 


Ove XVII. 
Logaoedic. 
Strophe (15 verses). 
NAL AATEC Ct ee tr eng ae 
You yaya yn, 
Ig Ig I A τ δ ΤῸΝ 
-,πυ,ν π,υ π,ρυ-, - 
5 oy my re 
Soe ow Sym 
Ὁ» uy -πῖὰ,Ἐ- 
Ym, πυ vv | 
baie Saas tance Sy Wot oe ene 
10 =<, Ξ, 5} 
We ORGS re SED 
~,-ysy »¥—-,4¥-,¥—| 
alee ει Soci od 
πυ, πὸ, πὸ, ἘΞ 


Notes. 


1. The Ms. text shows many corruptions of metre, but they are such as 
can easily be removed. In v. 9, δ᾽ ἕκατι has been corrected to ἀέκατι : τό, 
ἦλθε to ἦλθεν : 24, Kpeuvdvos to Κρεμμυῶνος : 28, ἐξέβαλλεν to ἐξέβαλεν : 
35, ὅπλοισιν to ὀπάοσιν : 40, καρτερὸν to κρατερόν : 51, κρατὸς ὕπερ to κρατὸς 
πέρι. Ὑ 

2. In 52 ἴ. the transposition στέρνοις τε.. «χιτῶνα (instead of the MS. χιτῶνα 
...oTépvos τ᾽) is required, not by metre, but by the place of re: see com- 
mentary. 


Ope XVIII. [XIX.] 


The metre does not conform to any well-known type, but 
blends certain rhythms as the poet’s fancy prompts. In the first 
fourteen verses of the strophe, iambic dimeters alternate with 
short dactylic measures. In verses 15, 16 and 18 the rhythm 
becomes trochaic,—v. 18 being of a logaoedic character; while 
v. 17 is an iambic trimeter with an anapaest for the second foot. 


METRES. ODES XVII, XVIII. 119 


In the epode the s. has lost the ending of every verse except 
the first (37, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν). Blass, indeed, thinks that the words 
τίκτε Διόνυσον (50), where he writes Δῖον υἱόν, form a complete 
verse ; but this seems improbable. The endings of at least four 
verses in the epode (46—49) can, however, be restored without 
much difficulty. The remains of the epode suffice to show that 
there, as in the strophe, iambic rhythms were combined with 
trochaic. The tenth verse of the epode (46) was clearly a 
prosodiacus, ὅθεν καὶ “Ayavopidas, like the sixth verse of the 
strophe, φερεστέφανοι Χάριτες. 

In this ode the iambics are pure. The only spondee in an 
iambic verse is the proper name “Id in 41. 


Strophe (18 verses). 
SES Se ἃ Reh (χε Vv 
ray. “> Sa eg 


Ww Ss ey ὦ 
Cee | 
5 ὑττυυ, --ὸ (υῦ)--, 7 
πον τς Shae IS ea 
Ns vo 
ST Cg NAS a 
Soe A can OM το ὦ 
Io -v-,v-l| 
oe INS ι-υ-, vet 
Wir =e vou | 


RP ig ρος ὦ 
πῇ 
δ ἢ ὌΝ Daag 
15 υσυξΞξ-υυ-πυπυπυ 
Soe ἘΞ 
περᾷ 
oe salah 9 Sak κοὐ σε © Meth ὦ Κα 
πα eh Ne ae Se Nae 
Epode (15 verses). 


ω-ὖυ -- 


υωυυ-τ-υςσ :- tt ee 
ἘΣ σε ὦ ἐπ ΤῸ 
CFI Sep Nes ὦ 8 


idem oalion 


120 BACCHYLIDES. 


Ιο υπυύυπυΐν - 


Pe eT νος ΚΠ 
SEI, oe 
Se ahs oa 
Sree 
15 Ct © Al © © ee ee ee ee « . 
Notes. 


1. In the fifth verse of the ant. (23), ἄκοιτον dimvov édv-\ra (=5 ἰοβλέφαροί 
τε καί), there is synizesis of eo, unless edv-|ra should be read. 

2. Inv. 15 of the strophe, ἦεν seems a probable correction of the Ms. τί 
jv: the metre clearly indicates a trochee. Blass keeps τί ἦν, but suggests 
“Apyos nv ποθ᾽ ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον λιποῦσα : with some sacrifice of euphony. 

3. In v. 17 εὐρυσθενέος is scanned --~~— , not -—~-, as is indicated by 
the antistrophic words ἢ Πιερίδες (v. 35). 


Ope XIX. [XX.] 


The first eleven verses are partly preserved. All begin with 
“— Jv, and all are mutilated at the end. The rhythm is the 
προσοδιακός, ~—-YVu-—vv-, or the ἐνόπλιος with anacrusis, 
“-UYuu-vuv--. Verse 8, commencing with the words ἀναξίαλος 
Ποσει[δάν, differs from the rest in that the initial Y-vv is 
followed, not by —vv-, but by —v-. This is a form of 
prosodiacus used by Aristophanes (Av. 1371 ff.) in the nuptial 
strain, Ἥρᾳ zor ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ (see Introd. to Ode xix). 


-“-ύυωυσπυν.-- 
Sede © LS Me © Ok © - 
--σ υύνπνω --- 
“σνυτπτων- -- 

5 μςσυν-“ ὧυ--.- 
-“ττύυ-πωνπ“--- 
ἡ υυπυ-- 
ωτυυ-υ - - 
Stith OA © ieee ot -- 

το τ Ξε ees 


ne IRN) ὩΣ “- ον 


Notes. 

1. Verse 1 may have ended either with —~~— (edpuvxépw), or with -~~—— 
(evpvayvig); but the former is more probable. Verses 2 and g presumably 
ended with -~~-. In 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, the ending seems to have 
been -—~~-—- ; 

2. In verse 8 the werds ἀναξίαλος ἸΠοσειδάν may have been followed by 
vee +— (2g. ὅτε δίφρον dmrdacas). In v. το, Πλευρῶν᾽ és ἐὐκτιμέναν may 
have been followed by ~~ -~~-—- (e.g. ἐπόρευσε mapal). These, at least, are 
possibilities suggested by a consideration of the whole context. 


THE PAPYRUS. on” 


VI. THE PAPYRUS. 


The papyrus of Bacchylides (Brit. Mus. Pap. DCCX XXIII) 
was found in Egypt by natives; the place of discovery is 
uncertain. It was brought to the British Museum towards 
the end of 1896, in the condition which Dr F. G. Kenyon 
thus describes! :— 


‘When it reached England the manuscript consisted of about 
200 torn fragments. The largest of these measured 20 inches in 
length, and contained four and a half columns of writing; there 
were fourteen pieces of some considerable size, containing one 
or more columns; while the rest were small fragments ranging 
from pieces measuring a few inches in either direction to scraps 
containing barely one or two letters. For the most part the 
fractures were recent, and were probably due to the Egyptian 
discoverers ; but in a few places the completely different colours 
of adjoining fragments show that the fracture must be of old 
standing. If the manuscript was deposited in a tomb (as is 
a priori probable, though no authentic information on the point 
is forthcoming), this might be due to ancient plunderers in search 
of treasure ; but the matter is not one of great importance, except 
as indicating that the modern discoverers are not solely to blame 
for the present condition of this precious manuscript.’ 


That the poems were those of Bacchylides, appeared 
from the occurrence in the papyrus of some verses known 
to be his*. The patient skill of Dr Kenyon accomplished 
the difficult task of arranging the larger part of the frag- 
ments in their proper order, and thus reconstructing the 
body of the manuscript from its mutilated members. 

In this papyrus a column of writing never contains 
more than 36 lines, nor less than 32; the usual number 
is 35 or 34. The average length of a column, from the 
topmost line of writing to the lowest, is 7 inches, or a 
fraction more: the width of a column,—measured from 
the beginning of the text on the left to the beginning 


1 Introduction to Bacchylides, p. 2 See introduction to the Frag- 
XV. ments in this volume. 


The 
columns. 


re BACCHYLIDES. 


The three 


sections of 


the MS. 


of the text in the next column on the right,—varies from 
about 5 to 54 inches. Only a very few verses reach (or 
slightly exceed) the length of 5 inches (see, e¢., Ix. 48 
ἄνδρα... εἶμεν, col. 18,1. 6 from the foot): the average length 
ranges from about 3 to 44 inches. 

The reconstructed papyrus is in three parts or sections. 

I. The first section (9 feet in length) contains 
columns I—xXxXII. Column I begins in the latter portion 
of Ode 1, with the mutilated first verse of a strophe 
(πόλιν... βαθυδει-), which was perhaps the seventh strophe 
of the poem. Column XxII breaks off after verse 8 of 
Ode XI (τάν τ᾽ ἐν Νεμέᾳ γυιαλκέα μουνοπάλαν). Between 
the end of this first section and the beginning of the next, 
there has been a loss of at least one column, and probably 
of more. © 

II. The second section (2 feet 3 inches in length) 
contains columns XXIV—XXIX, preceded by a few minute 
traces of the lost column XxIII. Column XXIV begins with 
the eleventh verse of a strophe of Ode XII (ὕβριος ὑψινόου). 
If, as is probable, that strophe was the second, this verse 
was the 44th of the poem. Column ΧΧΙΧ breaks off after 
v. 23 of Ode XIII (ὃς φιλοξείνου τε καὶ ὀρθοδίκου). The 
scale of the exordium might suggest that Ode XIII was 
on a somewhat large plan; in that case, more than one 
other column would have been required to complete it. 
Nor is it at all certain that the thirteenth epinikion was 
the last poem of that class. It is therefore impossible to 
conjecture how much has been lost between the end of 
this section and the beginning of the next. 

III. The third section (3 feet 6 inches in length) 
consists of columns XXX—XXXIX. Column ΧΧΧ is repre- 
sented only by a fragment of the upper portion, belonging 
to the exordium of Ode XIV, the first of the ‘dithyrambs.’ 
The title ᾿Αντηνορίδαι ἢ “EXévns ἀπαίτησις is written at 
the top of the column, and not (as usual) in the margin. 
This circumstance, with the fact that the initial of the 
title is A, suggests that a new division of the volume began 
here. Column ΧΧΧΙΧ (of which the right-hand part is torn 


THE RECONSTRUCTED PAPYRUS. 123 


off) ends with v. 11 of Ode ΧΙΧ, Ἴδας. It is fairly certain 
that, in the complete papyrus, other dithyrambs followed 
the /das. - 

After the reconstruction of the MS. in these three 
principal sections, there remained about 40 fragments, 
nearly all minute, for which no place had been found. 
All these have now had places assigned to them, chiefly 
by Prof. Blass; but with varying degrees of probability. 

Prof. Blass supposes that the column numbered by 
Kenyon as the first was originally the fifth. It was pre- 
ceded by four columns which contained the beginning 
and the middle part of Ode I. He has arranged a large 
number of small fragments in the places which he supposes 
them to have held in these four columns, and in many 
cases has added conjectural supplements. Even with the 
supplements, a continuous sense is seldom effected; but 
we obtain what might be called a hypothetical skeleton 
of the four lost columns. I give this reconstruction in an 
Appendix to Odel. It reflects much credit on the eminent 
critic’s ingenuity and industry. But the element of con- 
jecture involved is so extremely large as to render it 
questionable whether the skeleton of these four columns 
should be printed as part of the ascertained text. 

Column I of Kenyon is designated by Blass thus ν (1); 
and so on up to Kenyon’s twenty-ninth column, designated 
as XXXIII(XXIX). At this point a further difference comes in. 
A small fragment, giving morsels of 4 verses (XIII. 40—43), 
is regarded by Blass as representing a lost column, XXXIV, 
which he inserts between XXXIII (Kenyon’s XXIX) and 
XXXv (Kenyon’s Xxx). Hence, from that point to the end, 
the difference between the two numberings is no longer 
four, but five; the last column, Kenyon’s ΧΧΧΙΧ, being 
Blass’s XLIv. In this edition I retain Kenyon’s numbering 
of the columns, which is also that used in the autotype 
facsimile of the papyrus (1897). 


The lost 


part of 


Ode I. 


Number- 
ing of the 
columns. 


The thirteen epinikia are not arranged, as those of Arrange- 


‘ ‘ _ ment of 
Simonides were, according to the class of the contest’; jjronizs. 


1 See p. 37, ἢ. 4. 
G2 


L. Epini- 
kia. 


IT. Dithy- 
rambs. 


124 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


nor, like those of Pindar, according to the festivals. Nor 
do they stand in the alphabetical sequence of the victors’ 
names, or of their cities. Finally, the order is not chrono- 
logical: the few dates which can be fixed suffice to prove 
that. The first two Odes, for Argeius, may, indeed, have 
been among the poet’s earliest compositions (see p. 60). 
But Ode II belongs to 468 ; Iv, to 470; V, to 476; vI and 
VII, to 452; XII (probably) to 481 or 479. As to Ode xIII, 
its place is doubtless due to the fact that it pertains to a 
minor festival. It may have been followed by other poems 
relating to local games; but not (we may presume) by 
any which concerned Olympia or Delphi, Nemea or the 
Isthmus. Perhaps we now possess the greater part of the 
epinikia written by Bacchylides. Among the fragments of 
his epinikia quoted by ancient writers, there is only one 
(fr. 1) which does not occur in the papyrus:—@s δ᾽ ἅπαξ 
εἰπεῖν, φρένα καὶ πυκινὰν | κέρδος ἀνθρώπων βιᾶται. That 
fragment is excluded by metre from every extant strophe 
and epode of the recovered epinikia: but it may possibly 
have stood (as Blass suggests) in one of the lost epodes of 
Ode xI. There is no reason to suppose that in antiquity 
this class of the poet’s works formed more than one book. 
Stobaeus quotes simply from Βακχυλίδου ᾿Ἐπινίκων. 

The six ‘dithyrambs,’ contained in the third section of 
the MS., are arranged in the alphabetical order of initials 
(but not of second letters also):—Avtnvopidar ἢ “Ἑλένης 
ἀπαίτησις, Ἡρακλῆς, Hideor ἢ Θησεύς, Θησεύς, Ie, “Idas. 
In the book of ‘ dithyrambs,’ when entire, some other pieces 
must have followed the Ἴδας in alphabetical order. There 
was probably a Κασσάνδρα (fr. 46), and a Λαοκόων (fr. 51). 
The story of Philoctetes being brought from Lemnos to 
Troy was told in a dithyramb of which that hero’s name 
was doubtless the title (fr. 39). If the poem which related 
Europa’s story (fr. 47) was a dithyramb, Εὐρώπη, it should 
have come between Odes XIV and XV: unless, indeed, the 
original title of XIV was simply ᾿Ελένης ἀπαίτησις, in which 
case Εὐρώπη might have stood before it, as ‘Iw before “Iéas. 
But the fact already noticed, that the title of XIV is written 
at the head of col. XXX, makes this improbable. 


ORDER OF CONTENTS.—DATE. 125 


The character of the handwriting in the papyrus will Cfaracter 
be seen from the specimens reproduced in the plates given sans 
below. It is a fine uncial, firm, clear, regular, and of a fairly 
large size. The size is not, however, quite uniform through- 
out. In some places (as ¢g. in col. ΧΧΧΙ) the writing 
becomes slightly smaller, as if the scribe was desirous of 
economizing his space. On the whole, the Ms. is among 
the most beautiful examples of Greek writing on papyrus. 

As the calligraphy indicates, it was probably designed for 
sale, or for a public library. 

The only evidence as to the age of the MS. is that Age of the 
afforded by the handwriting. The term ‘Ptolemaic, as 
applied to literary papyri written in a formal book-hand, Piolewats 
denotes that the hand is such as prevailed in the Greek 27?” 
book-world at large during the period when the Ptolemies 
ruled in Egypt!; ze. from the beginning of the third century 
to about the middle of the first century B.c. This style 7%. 
was modified in the course of the transition to the first pines 
century of our era, when the ‘Roman’ period in Greek 
literary handwriting begins. 

Now the Bacchylides papyrus has some forms of letters Character- 
which are distinctly Ptolemaic: but it also exhibits some ae oe 
traits which indicate that a transition to the Roman style is deca 
at hand. The A is Ptolemaic; it is angular, without any 
trace of a curve, and is written with two strokes of the 
pen. The M is broad, with a shallow dip, and is, so far, 
Ptolemaic; but the dip is usually curved. The &, the 
most characteristic letter of all, is thoroughly Ptolemaic, 
being formed with exceptionally long strokes at top and 
bottom, and a mere dot in the middle. These are the 
three most significant letters. But some others also are 
noteworthy. E is thin, the central stroke projecting 
slightly beyond the short strokes above and below it. 

@ is thin. O is very small. IL is remarkably broad. 
The curve at the top of T is much shallower than in the 
Roman period. All these features occur in papyri of the 
Ptolemaic age. On the other hand, the form of A, in 


1 Kenyon, Palacography of Greek Papyri, pp. 72 f. 


Probable 
date. 


Other Ἶ 
papyri of 
the same 
period. 


Condition 
of the text. 


126 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


which the right-hand stroke runs up a little beyond the 
other, shows the incipient influence of Roman style. In 
the narrow C, the upper part is sometimes separated from 
the rest, a peculiarity found also in the Harris Ms. of /iad 
XVIII (Brit. Mus. Pap. CVII), a papyrus of the first century’. 

Guided chiefly by these or like indications, Dr Kenyon 
assigns the Bacchylides papyrus to the first century B.C., 
when the Ptolemaic style was beginning to pass into the 
Roman. In confirmation of this approximate date, he 
refers to some other literary papyri of the same period. 
(1) Some of the Herculaneum rolls (all of which must be 
earlier than 79 A.D.) contain writings of the Epicurean 
Philodemus, a contemporary of Cicero, and may probably 
be referred to the middle or latter part of the first century 
B.C. These papyri show the Ptolemaic style in some test- 
letters, such as A, M, &. (2) Another papyrus contains 
Hypereides Jn Philippidem, and also (but in a different 
hand) the third Epistle of Demosthenes (Brit. Mus. Papp. 
CXXXIII, CXXXIV). In the work of both these hands, some 
letters, as A, M, and &, have Ptolemaic forms, akin to 
those in the Ms. of Bacchylides: and both the hands belong 
to the period of transition from the Ptolemaic style to the 
Roman’, 

If the approximate date thus obtained be correct, the 
papyrus of Bacchylides was written about four centuries 
after the poet’s death. In order to estimate the character 


1 Kenyon, of. cit. p. 76: cp. p.85. to the first century. (2) They also 


2 Messrs Grenfell and Hunt (Oxy- 
rhynchus Papyri τ. 53) would refer 
the Bacchylides papyrus to the first 
or second century of ourera. (1) They 
compare a papyrus of Demosthenes, 
which they would place in the early 
part of the second century. Dr 
Kenyon, however, observes (Pa/ae- 
ography of Greek Papyri, p. 76, n. 1) 
that the forms of some characteristic 
letters in the Bacchylides, such as M, 
=, YT, Q, differ from those in the 
Demosthenes. He would refer the 
Demosthenes not to the second, but 


compare the M and TY of the Bacchy- 
lides with those found in papyrus 
fragments of Thucydides and Aris- 
toxenus which belong to the Roman 
period. But Dr Kenyon observes 
that, in these fragments, M is less 
broad, and also more deeply indented, 
than in the Bacchylides; while in the 
case of f the resemblance is not close. 
‘On the whole,’ he concludes, ‘the 
Oxyrhynchus papyri, which are all 
of the Roman period, seem to me to 
confirm the date here assigned to the 
Bacchylides.’ 


THE FIRST HAND. 127 


of the manuscript, the following subjects must be con- 
sidered. I. The manner in which the scribe performed 
his task of transcription, and the classes of error which 
his work exhibits. II. The nature and extent of the 
corrections made by later hands. III. The condition in 
which the text was left by the latest corrector. IV. The 
signs used in the papyrus. 


I. The hand of the scribe, A. 


The first fact to be noted is the number of the instances 
which prove that the scribe habitually worked in a mechani- 
cal manner, merely transcribing the letters which he seemed 
to see before him, without regard for the sense. Such Zvrors_ 
instances are frequent throughout, and fall under two pr 
classes: (4) those in which the right reading is replaced by sense. 
a word, or words, plainly unsuitable to the context; and 
(4) those in which it is replaced by an unmeaning series of 
letters. Some of these errors also violate metre. Thus :— 

(4) Ill. 78 A wrote evray for εὖντα. V. 23 φοιβωι for 

φόβῳ: 106 és for ὅς: 117 ἄγγελον for ’AyéXaov: 170 
τονκε for τὸν dé. VIII. 6 ὅτι for ὅθι: 36 τάλας for πάλας: 
41 μάθε for ἦλθεν. IX. 27 Εὐβοι( ων for εὐβούλων. X. 54 
ὄμμα for νόημα: 94 κατακαρδίαν for κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν: 120 
ἐπὶ for ἐπεί. XVI. 119 λᾶα for νᾶα. XVII. 6 ορει for spr’. 
One instance of this class is so characteristic that it 
deserves to be signalised. In XII. 87 (where a maiden is 
compared to ‘a joyous fawn’), instead of νεβρός, A wrote 
νεκρός. 

(4) 111. 15 epa for ἱερά: 48 ἁβροβαώταν for ἁβροβάταν. 
VIII. 12 παρμεμορωι συν for ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ τόν. IX. 14 
pavoov for μανῦον: 47 βρισενομεν for βρίσει. τὸ μέν: 20. 
ἐσέλων for ἐσθλὸν (or ἐσθλῶν). ΧΙ]. 127 αντασανυμ- for 
ἀντάσ(ας) ἀνατ-. XIV. 54 δικαληθηαν for Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν. 
XVII. 2 αβροβικων ... ἵερωνων for ἁβροβίων ... lever. 
XVIII. #2 ενθενι for ἔνθα νιν. XIX. 8 πασι- for ποσίε)ι- 
(Ποσειδαν). 


Errors 
destructive 
of metre. 


128 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


Next, A made a number of errors which, though they 
do not always mar the sense, prove that the scribe was 
either ignorant or regardless of metre. Thus: III. 47 
πρόσθεν δ᾽ for πρόσθε δ᾽: 48 ἔπεμψε for ἀνέπεμψε (ἀν- lost 
after ἀγαθέαν). V. 15 τοὺς for οὕς: 31 μοι for ἐμοί: 78 
προσέειπεν for προσεῖπεν: 121 ὥὦλεσεν for ὥλεσε: 154 
προλιπὼν for προλείπων: 169 θέλων for ἐθέλων. VI. 3 
᾿Αλφειοῦ for ᾿Αλφεοῦ (—-). VIII. 45 πολυζήλωτ᾽ ἄναξ for 
πολυζήλωτε (ρ)άναξ. X. 24 καὶ ἐπὶ ζἕαθέοις for καὶ ἐν 
ζαθέοις: 54 στήθεσιν for στήθεσσι. XII. 62 παύροισι for 
παύροις: 110 ὁπότε for ὁππότε. XIV. 56 σύνδικον for 
σύνοικον. XVI. ΟἹ βορεους ἐξόπιθεν for βορεὰς ἐξόπιν (or 
ἐξόπιθε): 118 θέλωσιν for θέωσιν (—-). XVII. 40 καρτερὸν 
for κρατερόν: 41 ἔχεν for ἔσχεν. 

It appears, then, that the scribe was habitually regard- 
less both of sense and of metre. The particular forms 
of error found in his work may be classed under the 
following heads. 


1. (i) Case-endings of nouns. 1. 48 ἐπιμοίρων by error 
for -ov. V. 23 μεγάλαις for -as. VIII. 46 ἔγγονοι for -ων. 
ΧΙ. 118 πεδίον for -@. XII. 18 ἔρδοντι for -a. XIV, 12 
τυχόντας for -es. XVII. 13 ἀλκίμου for -ων. 

(ii) Dialectic or poetical forms. 1. 60 νούσων by error 
for νόσων. V. 49 φιλοξένῳ for φιλοξείνῳ: 137 κόρα for 
κούρα. XVI. 42 ἀμβρότοι᾽ for ἀμβρότου : 80 εὔδενδρον for 
nvdevdpov. 

2. (i) Moods and tenses of verbs. 1. 65 evpapet by 
error for εὐμαρεῖν. V. 16 αἰνεῖ for αἰνεῖν: 35 ὑμνεῖ for ὑμνεῖν. 
154 προλιπὼν for προλείπων. XVI.112 ἀμφέβαλλον for ἀμφέ- 
βαλον. XVII. 28 ἐξέβαλλεν for ἐξέβαλεν. 41 ἔχεν for ἔσχεν. 

(ii) Paragogic v wrongly added: V. 121 ὥλεσεν. XVI. 
3 τάμνεν. 109 ἐδ᾽ν (ἴδεν). 

3. Errors in spelling’. 

(i) εἰ instead of « occurs in Adyeivas (XI. 6): δεινῆντο 


1 From the spelling inthe papyrus ¢, or « for εἰ, is comparatively rare in 
Prof. Blass has drawn an inference it. Such iotacism became extremely 
as to its date. The iotacism of εἰ for common in the first century of our era; 


THE FIRST HAND. 


129 


(XVI. 107, δινῆντο A??): ἐκείνησεν (IX. 10): θεῖνα (XII. 149, 
in accordance with the view of Aristarchus, who derived 
θείς from Oeivw): νεῖν (Ξε νιν, XVI. 91): Φερένεικος (V. 184, 
though Φερένικος in 37): ὠρείνατο (XII. 112). 

(ii) « instead of εἰ occurs. in ἐριψυπύχαν (V. 56, made 
by a corrector, from épenp-: though in XII. 167 we find 
ἐρειψ-}): ἤριπον (= ἤρειπον, X. 68, unless this was an error of 
tense): στίχειν (XVII. 36). The « of Ποσειδάν is preserved 
in XVI. 59f. and 79; but becomes . in IX. 19, XIII. 20, 
VI; 36; XIX. 8. 

(iii) Other errors in single letters. 
VIII. 16 OidXevdas for ᾿Οἰκλείδας. 
ἠλύκταζον. XVI. τό ἀναξιβρέντας. 
for χαλκεοκτύπου. 

(iv) Non-assimilation of consonants. ν instead of γ: 
V. 69 ἐνχεσπάλου, VIII. 2 πεισίνβροτον, 33 μεχανφύλλου. 
-r instead of θ᾽: VIII. 15 ὅτ᾽ ἵππιον. 


V. 164 «pn for χρή. 
X. 93 ἠλύκταξον for 
XVII. 59 χαλκενκτύπου 


4. Omission of letters. 

(i) Single letters omitted. (4) The first letter of 
a word. III. 68, the a of πιαίνεται: V. 22, the π᾿ of πτάσ- 
σοντι: IX. 39, the y of yap: VIII. 25, the y of γε. (0) A 
letter in the middle of a word. Χ. 66, the first « of ᾿Ακρισίῳ: 
XVI. 116, the « of δόλιος: XVI. 35, the « of στρατίαν: 
XVII. 26, the first o in Κερκυόνος : XVII. 24, one w in Κρεμ- 
μυῶνος: 76.56 one win ἔμμεν: X. 35 the τ of πολύπλαγκτοι: 
XVI. 124, the first « of γυίοις, and the second a of ἀγλαό-. 

(ii) In some places, a syllable, or a small group of 


letters, has been omitted. ΧΙ. 
XV. 12 ἀκλέα for ἀγακλέα. 


176 ἀλαμπέσι, written ἀλαεπι. 


but an improvement began towards 
the end of that century, and was 
carried still further, under the influence 
of Herodian, in the second half of the 
second century. Hence Prof. Blass, 
in the 1st edition of his Bacchylides 
(pp. vit f.), was disposed to place 
the papyrus in the latter part of the 
first century, after the improvement 
had begun. Now, however (3rd ed. 
pp- vit f., as already in the 2nd), 


I. 73 f.: the λει of λείπει. 


he is content to refer the papyrus to 
a period defore the tendency to greater 
iotacism had set in; and so acquiesces 
in Dr Kenyon’s approximate date, 
viz. the first century B.c. In the 
Palaeography of Greek Papyri (p- 77; 
note) Dr Kenyon observes that, in 
the absence of fuller manuscript 
evidence, orthography cannot safely 
be accepted as the main guide to the 
date of a MS. 


130 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


5. Words wrongly transposed. 

IX. 20 ταχεῖαν ὁρμὰν by error for ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν : XIV. 47 
ἦρχεν λόγων for λόγων dpyev: XVI. 100f. ἔμολέν Te .. μέγαρον, 
for péyapov τε.. μόλεν : 16. 102 f. ἔδεισε Νηρέος ὀλβίου for 
ἔδεισ᾽ ὀλβίοιο Νηρέος : XVII. 52 χιτῶνα... στέρνοις τ᾽ for 
στέρνοις τε.. χιτῶνα. (Other probable instances occur in 
XVI. 62 f. and 1o9f., where see commentary.) 


6. Omission of words. 

ΠΙ. 63 ye after ὅσοι. V. 129 οὐ γάρ: 183 és after 
Pepevixos. XIV. 55 ἀκόλουθον. XVII. 39 (perhaps) τε 
after ὅς. 


7. Errors due to confusion of similar letters. 

(i) Instances of an ordinary kind.—A confused with 
A or A: EI with H: H with M (the Ptolemaic M having 
a shallow curve, while the cross-stroke of H is often placed 
high, and slightly curved). 

XVII. 35 ΣΥΝΟΠΛΟΙΣΙΝ for ΣΥΝΟΠΆΟΣΙΝ (4 for a: then 1 added 
after 0). 

V. 117 arreaon for arEaaon (, dropped after a: then a 
second r added), 

VIII. 41 MAE for HAeE (m for H: a for A), 

X. 54 EMBAAEN OMMA for EMBAAEN NouMA (ἢ Of Nonma changed 
to m: then the second n dropped). 

XIV. 54 ΔΙΚΑΛΗΘΗΑΝ for arkan ΊΘΕΙΑΝ (νι became au, and 
x1 became nu). 

(ii) Instances of a rarer kind. 

IX. 47 BPIZENOMEN for ΒΡΙΣΕΙ Τὸ MEN. Here rr became Ν. 

XIV. 56 synarkon for σύνοικον. Here o is replaced by a. 
This was possible, owing to the irregular manner in which 
the small Ptolemaic o was sometimes formed. 

(iii) Instances which appear probable, but are not 
certain. 

In VIII. 13 azargronra seems to have come from 
aoteyonta (a passed into ca, and τ into τ). 

In XII. 95 maize (ΝΟΥ) may have come from marzetnoy: if 
so, r became 1. 

[In ΙΧ. 23 ame may have been a corruption of AyTE. 


THE FIRST HAND. 131 


With the Ptolemaic forms of y and z, this is conceivable: 
see p. 125.] 


8. Omession of verses or parts of verses. 

The instances fall into three classes. 

(i) Those in which whole verses, omitted by the 
scribe, have been supplied by a later hand. 

(a) X. 106 τοῦ δ᾽ ἔκλυ᾽ ἀριστοπάτρα. Added by the 
later corrector A’ at the top of col. XXII. 

(ὁ) XVII. 55, 56,57 στίλβειν.. ἀθυρμάτων. Added by 
A’ at the top of col. xxxvill. See Plate I below. 

(¢) XVII. 16 νέον ἦλθεν δολιχὰν ἀμείψας. This, the 
last line in col. XXXVI, has been added by a later hand 
(probably distinct from A*), but with the unmetrical ἦλθε 
instead of ἦλθεν. 

(2) XVIIl 22 χρυσόπεπλος Ἥρα. Added by A® at 
the fcot of col. XXXVIII. 

(ii) In one instance the first words of a verse were 
written by the scribe, and the rest supplied by a later hand. 
This is X. 23, κείνῳ ye σὺν ἄματι πρὸς γαίᾳ πεσόντας Only 
the words κείνῳ ye were written by A: the rest were added 
by the hand mentioned above as supplying XVII. 16. 

(iii) Lastly there are instances in which a verse, or 
part of a verse omitted by the scribe, has not been 
supplied by any later hand. 

(2) After v. 84 of XII (καί τις ὑψαυχὴς κόρα) a verse 
has been lost. The letters pav, which appear in the papyrus 
at the end of v. 84, being separated from κόρα by a space 
equivalent to some 7 letters, seem to have been the last 
letters of the lost verse. 

(6) In XVII. 48 only the first two words, ξίφος ἔχειν, 
remain; the rest of the verse (“ὦ --οὧο-- σὺ) is wanting. 
Here there may have been a defect, not only in the 
archetype of the Ms. from which our papyrus was copied, 
but also in that of the copy or copies used by the 
correctors. 

(A verse, the last in col. 19, has been lost after v. 30 of 
Ode x.: but this is due to mutilation of the papyrus.) 


132 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


9. Incorrect division of verses. See above, pp. 95 f. It 
is doubtful how far the scribe is responsible, if he is 
responsible at all, for the errors of this kind which occur 
in the papyrus. They may have been due to Alexandrian 
κωλισταί of an earlier date. 

Corrections made by the scribe himself (A'). The 
limits of such corrections are very narrow. 1. The most 
frequent case is that in which the scribe corrects an error 
of his own in the ending of a word. Thus he deletes the 
incorrect final « in 11. 14 Πανθείδαι: V. 46 Βορέαι: X. I 
Nixau(?): 86 μέριμναι. He corrects I. 51 ἀνθρώποις to -ων: 
X. 69 παῖδες to -as, 83 κυανοπλόκαμος to τοι: III. 50 
ἔβαλλεν to -ov: XVII. 10 cevovte to σεύοντ᾽, 18 λέγειν to 
λέγει. : 
2. He sometimes adds (either in the text or above the 
line) a letter which he had omitted: as I. 39 the initial ὁ of 
iatopia: XVI. 1 the « adscript after ὦ in xvavorpwpa: 
XVII. ὃ the o of λῃσταί. Or he deletes a letter which he 
had wrongly added, as V. 129 the second a in ᾿Αφαρηατα. 

3. Here and there he amends some graver mistake: 
thus in I. 56 he corrects ἘΛΑΚῈΝ tO EAAXEN: III, 12 ΓΈΝΟΣ to 
ΤΈΡΑΣ: 20. 13 f. mzeaan to MEAAM, and eapEIN tO ®aPEI: in 
V. 134 A@ANATON tO @ANATON. 

The scribe’s corrections of his own errors are merely 
sporadic and casual. They seem to have been made zxzter 
scribendum, at the moment when he happened to observe a 
mistake. On the other hand, the numerous errors of every 
kind, many of them gross, which he left uncorrected show 
that he did not attempt a systematic revision of his work 
by comparing it with the archetype. There are several 
cases in which it is doubtful whether a correction is to be 
attributed to the scribe or to a later hand. Two of these 
are cases of false correction: V. 56 where the correct 
ἐρειψιπύλαν was written at first, but the second ε was 
afterwards deleted: X. 20 where παγξένῳ was first written, 
and then altered (against metre) to παγξείνῳ. In XVII. 53, 
where στέρνοις had been rightly written, it seems to have 
been the scribe himself who incorrectly changed it to 
στέρνοισι. 


THE CORRECTORS. 133 


» II. The correctors, A’? and A’. 


The hand of the earlier corrector, denoted by A?, seems 
to be contemporary with the papyrus, ze. of the first 
century B.C. It might even be asked whether this hand 
is not that of the scribe himself: but it is probably distinct 
from his. A specimen of it may be seen in col. XXXVIII. 
(Plate I below), where this hand has written the title of 
Ode XVIII in the left-hand margin, Ἰὼ ᾿Αθηναίοις. It will 
be noticed that the difference between this hand and the 
writing in the text is not merely that the former is smaller. 
The writing of the text suggests a professional scribe, 
whose calligraphy is of a formal and somewhat mechanical 
type. The finer hand of the marginal title is more sug- 
gestive of a scholar. 

The hand of the later corrector, denoted by A’, is a 
Roman cursive, probably not earlier than the second 
century. It is by this hand that the three verses, στίλβειν 
«ἀθυρμάτων, have been written at the top of col. XXXVIII 
(see Plate I). 

The work of A*®.—1. He corrected some small errors 
of an obvious kind. Thus he sometimes supplied letters 
which the scribe had omitted, as in I. 55 the first « of 
ὑγιείας, in 73 the λει Of λείπει, in V. 22 the π᾿ of πτάσσοντι. 
He also corrected a few (but very few) of the scribe’s 
grosser errors, as by changing εὐμαρεῖ in I. 65 to εὐμαρεῖν : 
ἐπὶ in X. 24 to ἐν: νεκρὸς in XII. 87 to νεβρός : πασι- in 
XIX. ὃ to ποσι-. 

In one instance, on the other hand, he seems to be 
responsible for a false correction,—[lop@aovida in V. 70, 
where A had correctly written Πορθανίδα. On the whole, 
his work as a corrector seems to have been very limited, 
and not of much moment. 

2. He added, in the left-hand margin, the “¢les of 
Odes II, XVIII, and ΧΙΧ. 

The work of A*® was far more considerable than that 
of his predecessor. Even he, indeed, did not undertake 
a thorough or systematic revision. But he left the text, as 


134 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


a whole, in a much better condition than that in which he 
found it. . 

1. He corrected a large number of small and evident 
errors in spelling (as when one or more letters of a word 
had been omitted),—wrong case-endings, such corruptions 
as ems for ἐπεί (X. 120), εἴς. 

2. A more distinctive merit was that he restored the 
right word or words in a number of places where the 
scribe had written nonsense. Thus he restored in VIII. 2 
ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, τόν : 36 πάλας: 41 ἤλθε[ν : IX. 27 εὐβούϊλων: 
38 ἐπιστᾶμαι: 47 βρίσει. τὸ μέν : XII. 127 ἀντάσας ἀνατ-: 
XIV. 54 Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν: 56 σύνοικον: XV. 12 ἀγακλέα : XVI. 
QI βορεάς : XVII. 2 ἁβροβίων... Ἰώνων. 

3. He added some words which had been omitted ; as 
V. 129 ov yap: ΧΙν. 6 7 after Μενελάῳ : 55 ἀκόλουθον. 

4. He also supplied some missing verses (five in all): 
see above, I. 8 (i). 

5. But he was as ignorant or regardless of metre as 
the scribe himself, and made several false corrections, which 
metre refutes. Thus in Ill. 47, τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ ἐχθρὰ φίλα, 
he wished to insert νῦν after ἐχθρά. In V. 179 he altered 
the correct Ὀλύμπιον to Ολυμπίων : in XII. 53 ὀπίσσω to 
ὀπίσω: and 2b. 152 ἔρευθε to ἐρεύθετο. 

He wished to double the v in civeyéws (V. 113): to 
alter the Doric θατήρων (IX. 23) to θεατήρων : and to insert 
p after the first o of ὀβριμοσπόρου (XVIII. 32). 

6. The ¢ztles of many Odes were added in the left-hand 
margin by A*. To him are probably due the titles of III 
and IV: and certainly those of VI, VII, VIII, X, XI, XIII, XIV 
(this at the top of the column), XV, XVI, XVII. He neglected, 
however, to supply the title of Ode v. With regard to 
Odes I, IX, XII, and XV, the mutilations of the papyrus leave 
it uncertain whether the titles were given.—It may be noted 
that, in the title of ΧΙ, A® writes Τισίαι instead of the 
correct Τεισίαι. 

The fact that A*® could supply words and verses omitted 
by A proves that he had access to some copy or copies 
other than our papyrus. But there is nothing to show that 


THE CORRECTORS. 135 


he possessed a MS. of which the text was better than that 
of the archetype from which our papyrus was copied. 


III. The text as left by the latest corrector. 


We have now seen the characteristics of the work done 
by the original scribe, and also the limits to the subsequent 
work of correction. As left by the latest of the ancient 
correctors (perhaps in the second century), the MS. still 
contained (1) many mis-spelt words, (2) many errors 
destructive of the sense, and (3) many flagrant breaches 
of metre. The following are examples: 

1. Mis-spelt forms of words. ΜΝ. 71 ᾿Αλκμήϊος, 146 f. 
ἐξαναρίζων : X. 66 ᾿Ακρσίῳ, 93 ἠλύκταξον: XVI. 66 ἀναξι- 
Bpévras, 91 vew (=vev), 124 γύοις (ΞΞ: γυίοις): XVII. 36 
στίχειν: XVII. 3 ΠΕειερίδων. 

2. Errors destructive of the sense (with or without 
violations of metre also). V. 35 ὑμνεῖ (for ὑμνεῖν), 106 és 
(for ὅς), 117 ἄγγελον (for ᾿Αγέλαον): IX. 47 ecedwy (for 
ἐσθλόν or ἐσθλῶν): X. 54 ἔμβαλεν ὄμμα (for ἔμβαλεν νόημα), 
94 κατακαρδίαν (for κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν), 119 f. πρόγοϊνοι 
ἑσσάμενοι. 

3. Where violations of metre did not evidently mar 
the sense, the correctors passed them over. In a few 
instances they happened to heal a breach of metre, as (¢.g.) 
by restoring ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ in VIII. 2: Spices τὸ μέν in 
IX. 47: ἐν (for ἐπί) in X. 24: σύνοικον in XIV. 56: ἀγακλέα 
in XV. 12. But, allowing for such exceptions, it may be 
said that nearly all the unmetrical readings contained in 
the text, as written by the scribe, remained in it after A’ 
had done his work. Indeed, as we have seen, some new 
breaches of metre were introduced, or suggested, by the 
correctors. 


IV. The signs used in the papyrus. 


I. Accents.—The Bacchylides papyrus is the earliest 
extant in which accents are used; and there is no other 
papyrus in which the use made of them is so large’. That 


1 Kenyon, Palacography of Greek Papyri, Ρ. 28. 


136 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


which comes next to the Bacchylides in this respect is 
a papyrus which may probably be referred to the latter 
part of the first century, the fragment of Alcman in the 
Louvre. On the other hand there are no accents in the 
Petrie papyri of the third century B.C., nor in the Louvre 
Hypereides of the second century B.C. During the period 
of Greek literary writing on papyrus (which goes down to 
about A.D. 300), accents, when used at all, were intended 
as aids to the reader, especially in those poetical texts 
which presented difficulties of dialect, vocabulary, or metre. 
Accents in Greek papyri of prose-writers’ are very rare. 

In the Bacchylides papyrus accents are given to a very 
large number of words, but by no means to all. The longer 
words, and especially compounds, are usually accented. 
A preposition is very seldom accented, unless for some 
special reason, as when it follows its case (XVII. 51 xpatos 
ὕπερ): and this is true also of articles, pronouns, and 
adverbs*. The following points should be noted. 

1. In the Bacchylides papyrus an oxytone word never 
has the acute accent on the last syllable, but receives the 
grave accent on the preceding syllable or syllables: thus zravte 
(XII. 231), Oaarov (X. 14), Kepadveyyxes (VII. 48), πολὺκρὰτες 
(vill. 15). The theory was that every syllable has an 
accent, but that in each word only one syllable can have 
the acute accent; if the word is of more than one syllable, 
the other syllable or syllables have the grave accent. 
According to this theory, the strictly correct mode of 
accenting would be (e¢,g.) πὰντί, woAdKparés. The practice 
which ultimately prevailed was to write the acute accent, 
and to omit the grave*. 


? As in Oxyrhynch. pap. 25 and 
231 (Demosthenes), and 229 (Plato). 

2 See the photographs facing pp. 
144—146. 

3 Dr Kenyon (Palacography of 
Greek Papyri, p. 30) notes that traces 
of the practice observed in the 
Bacchylides occur in the Harris 
papyrus of //ad xviit (Brit. Mus. 
Pap. ΟΥ̓́, probably of the first 
century), and in the Bankes papyrus 
of 7/7, xxiv (Brit. Mus. Pap. cxIv, 


prob. of the second century), e.g. ἔλων, 
φρὲσιν : also in a proparoxytone word, 
ἐπὲσσεύοντο. (The latter may be com- 
pared with the peculiar case of éva- 
λὶναιέται in Bacch. XVI. 97, where a 
further has the rough breathing.) In 
an oxytone word of more than three 
syllables, the Bacchylides papyrus 
usually has the grave accent only on 
the second and third syllables from 
the end. 


ACCENTS AND BREATHINGS. 137 


2. In the case of a perispomenon word (24. one which 
takes the circumflex on the last syllable), the practice of 
the papyrus is inconstant. Sometimes such a word is 
treated like an oxytone: thus βλῆχρας (X. 65), ὀβριμὸδὲρκει 
(XV. 20): on the other hand, we find πεδοιχνεῖν (XV. 9). 
Even a properispomenon word can have grave accents on 
syllables preceding that which takes the circumflex ; as in 
TerevTabeica (I. 72 = 182 Blass). 

3. The papyrus sometimes adds the acute accent on 
the last syllable of a word when an enclitic follows, as 
ἀεισάν ποτ᾽ (VI. 6). 

4. An acute accent falling on a diphthong is always 
placed on the first vowel, and not (as in later usage) on the 
second: 6.5. μαινοιτ᾽ (XII. 119), dvAvoy (XVII. 53), γέυσαντο 
(vill. 46). A circumflex on a diphthong is generally so 
written as to cover both vowels, instead of being placed 
(as now) on the second. 

5. Noteworthy accents on particular words.—dqoifav 
(XI 139), Ze. φοιβάν, instead of φοίβαν: πολεμαίγιδος 
(XVI. 7): τριέτει (VIL 23). I follow the papyrus in the 
accentuation of these three words, though with some doubt 
as to φοιβάν. Blass follows it in regard to the first two 
words; but writes rpvere? (with the Attic accent). 

In VIII. 32 ῥιπτῶν should be either ῥίπτων or ῥιπτέων, 
to judge by the practice of the papyrus itself (see above, 
Ρ. 83). 

6. There are some false accents in the papyrus: ἐπεῖ 
(III. 23): μολῶν (III. 30; see Appendix): παράπληγι (X. 45); 
δινῆντο (XVI. 107). To these διχομηνίδος (VIII. 29) must 
surely be added; though Blass retains it in his text. 
Editors of Pindar are agreed in giving διχόμηνις (O. III. 19). 
ΟΠ ἢ. Breathings.—The signs + and 4 (the two halves 
of the letter H, originally used as an aspirate) sometimes 
occur in the Bacchylides papyrus to denote the rough and 
the smooth breathing respectively; as they do sometimes 
in the British Museum papyrus of the Odyssey (Pap. CCLXXI, 
written early in the first century). But the more usual 
signs, both in these two papyri and in others, are + or -, 


7. B. Io 


138 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


+ or — The rounded comma-like breathings are not 
found in papyri'. 

The breathings are not seldom omitted in our papyrus. 
But the rough breathing is added to ὁ, ἃ, etc.; ὅς, ὅν, etc.: 
οἱ (=avT@); Gre: ὅτι: ὧδε: ὡς: Gua: ἵνα. It is omitted in 
Vv. 110 θ᾽ οστις, perhaps because θ᾽ implies it, and (without 
that reason) in 111. 87 δ᾽ 0 ypucos. It is added to ἁμετέρας 
in XI. 3; but not in V. 144, V. 90, or XVII. 5. There is no 
breathing on the ambiguous ἡ (probably 4) in v.9. Among 
words to which the smooth breathing is added are, 7 in 
XV. 6, ἄμμι, ὄρουσε, ὄφρα. The use of breathings, like that 
of accents, is sporadic and inconstant. 

Ill. Diaeresis.—The marks of diaeresis (two dots) are 
usually placed in the papyrus over initial . or v as ἴσχουσι 
(Vv. 24), ὕδωρ (III. 86): and on . sometimes when it is not 
initial, as eoidovtes (XII. 139). The proper use of these 
marks is to show that the vowel above which they stand 
does not form a diphthong with the vowel before it: as in 
ταὔσιον (V. 81). Owing, however, to the practice with 
regard tox, that distinction is sometimes effaced. Thus in 
XVI. 38 νηρηΐδες, the marks of diaeresis serve their proper 
purpose, the scansion being -—v ©: but in XII. 123 the dots 
appear also over the ε of νηρῆϊδος, though (as the accent 
shows) the scansion there is -- --τοο (Νηρῇδος). 

Iv. Apostrophe.—The apostrophe (’), marking the 
place of an elided vowel, is generally added; but it is 
sometimes omitted, as in VIII. 47 διευρέιας (δι᾽ εὐρείας). 

The apostrophe is not used where crasis occurs, as in 
Kape (XVI. 33), κήυτυκτον (XVII. 50). 

ν. Marks on long and short syllables.—1. The 
mark -, indicating a long syllable, is placed in the 
papyrus: (i) on long a in the case-endings of nouns 
and pronouns: in the last syllable of an adverb such as 
παντᾶι, and in the ending of 2nd or 3rd pers. sing. of a 
verb (as κυβερνᾶι). (ii) On any long vowel where the 
grammarians deemed such guidance needful, however 


1 Kenyon, Palacography of Greek Papyri, p. 30. 


OTHER SIGNS USED IN IT. 139 


superfluous it may seem (as eg. in V. 52 ἐπιζήλωι): so 
θωρᾶκα, καρυξ, κῦδος, vaov, σἄπεται, etc. 

Yet there is no mark on the last syllable of ἀληθεία 
in XII. 204, nor on the first of καλῶς 76. 206, though in 
each case the ὦ is specially noteworthy. 

2. (i) The mark v, indicating a short syllable is placed 
on a in the ending -a of a nominative plural, in order to 
distinguish it from the ending a of the dative singular. 
Thus: XVI. 6 Bopnia, 97 f. évadwarétar, 107 ταινίᾶι: 
XIX. 2 EavOde (but V. 92 EavOar dative). 

(ii) The same mark is very often placed on a short a, ὁ, 
or v, even where no doubt as to the quantity was possible ; 
as eg. on the « of ἁλίου and μυρίας: on the v of the 
penultimate in ἰσχύϊ, Δαϊπύλου, εὐφροσύναι. 

Conversely, this mark is absent in XVI. 92 from the 
penultimate syllable of "A@avaiwy, and 726. 129 from the 
first of παιάνιξαν, though the ai is exceptional. 

VI. Hyphen.—The ὑφέν, ~, is placed in the papyrus 
under a compound adjective, at the point of juncture 
between its two elements, to show that these form a single 
word. This is not confined to cases where a doubt is 
possible, such as that of ἀρηϊφίλου (ν. 166), which could 


be read as two words. The mark is applied to com- 
pound adjectives generally, as (¢g.) δαμασίππου (III. 23), 


εὐρυάνακτος (V. 19), λυγύφθογγοι (2b. 23), and passim. But 


the practice is inconstant: eg., the hyphen is added to 
- πολύπλαγκτον (X. 35), but not to πολυζήλωτ᾽ (VI. 45): 


to ἀναξιμόλπου (VI. 10), but not to ἀναξιβρόντας (XVI. 66). 


Among several compounds which do not receive the 
hyphen are evpuBia (XV. 31), διωξίπποι (VII. 44), θεό- 
πομπὸν (XVI. 132), θεότιμον (X. 12), Πυθιόνικον (2b. 13), 
τοξόκλυτος (2b. 39). 

A peculiar instance occurs in XII. 199 (εἰ μή Teva θερσιε- 
ans). A mark resembling a very small circle has been 
placed after the letters TIN, perhaps to indicate that the 
words should be read as tw’ ἀθερσιεπής. 

VII. Diastole.—The διαστολή, a comma, occurs once, 

; 1o—2 


140 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 


viz. in XVI. 102, έδεισε, vnpeos (to guard against ν being 
joined to ἔδεισε). . 

Vill. Punctuation.—The only point used in the Bac- 
chylides papyrus is a single dot, placed level with the 
tops of the letters, or slightly above them’. This point 
serves to mark pauses of various lengths, doing duty 
sometimes for a full stop, sometimes for a colon, a semi- 
colon, or a comma. There is no distinctive note of 
interrogation (such as the later ;). The punctuation is, 
on the whole, fairly full and regular; but it is not complete. 
A necessary point is sometimes omitted: as (eg.) in I. 48 
(= 158 Bl.), 58, 61, 67: V. 169, 172: XVI. 129. At the end 
of an ode a point was not practically required; and in that 
place it is more often omitted. It stands, however, at the 
end of IV, and of x. 

The authority of the punctuation in the papyrus cannot 
be deemed great. In I. 70 (=180 Bl.), for instance, the 
point after λάχεν has little weight as an argument against 
reading τιμάν rather than τί μάν ; 

IX. Paragraphus and Coronis.—In lyric texts the 
Alexandrian practice was to place (1) the paragraphus, a 
straight line, below the last verse of a strophe or anti- 
strophe ; and (2) the coronis with paragraphus, ) , below 
the last verse of an epode, to mark the end of a system. 
The same symbol could stand at the end of an ode; but 
the end of an ode composed in systems was more properly 
marked by an asterisk, +:, with or without the addition 
of ) ; 

The use of these signs in the Bacchylides papyrus will 
appear from the following statement ; in which, for brevity, 
the word ‘coronis’ denotes ‘coronis with paragraphus., 

I. (1) Excluding places where mutilation leaves it 
doubtful whether the sign stood there, there remain 64 
places where the paragraphus ought to appear as marking 


1 In one place (xiv. 47, after J#trod. p. xxi). In VIII. 83 a point 
δικαίαν) the point is placed on alevel after τυχὸν is so placed, but that 
with the bottom of the letters; per- seems to be an error, as there is no 
haps by a slip of the pen (Kenyon, _ break in the sense. 


PARAGRAPHUS AND CORONIS. 141 


the end of a strophe or of an antistrophe. The paragraphus 
(or its equivalent) is written in only 24 of these places, 
while it is omitted in 40. (2) Similarly there are 31 places 
in which the coronzs ought to appear. It (or its equivalent) 
is present in 30 of these, being absent only after v. 26 of 
Ode VIII. 

That is, the papyrus seldom fails to mark the end of a 
system or of an ode. But, far more often than not, it 
neglects to mark the end of a strophe or antistrophe. 

ul. Errors in the use of the signs. (i) Interchange of 
paragraphus and coronts.—A coronis stands for a paragraphus 
in V. 175: a paragraphus for a coronis, in 1X. 28 and XII. 99 
(but not, I think, in 111. 14). (ii) Misplacement of either 
sign—The paragraphus which ought to follow v. 64 of 
Ode ΠΙ is wrongly placed after v.63. In Ode I a coronis 
is rightly placed after v. 51 (=161 BI.), but incorrectly 
repeated after 52. In Ode Ix the coronzs is wrongly placed 
after 55, but is repeated after 56. 

1. Notes on particular points—1. At the end of Odes 
VI and VII, but of no other, the asterisk is added to the 
coronis. Ode VI is ‘monostrophic’ (written in strophes 
without epode), and therefore, according to Hephaestion 
Περὶ ποιήματος c. X, should have been followed by a coronis 
only}. 

2. The following facts will illustrate the curiously 
inconstant practice of the papyrus with regard to the 
paragraphus. 

In Ode 111 the paragraphus follows vv. ὃ, 50, 60, 63 
(instead of 64), 92: but not 18, 22, 32, 46, 78, 88. (Muti- 
lated: the places after vv. 4, 36, 74.) In V it follows 30, 
and (in the form of coronis) 175: but not 15, 70, 95, 110, 
135, 150, 190. (Mutilated: the place after 55.) In VIII it 
follows 44 and 87: but not 9, 18, 35. (Mutilated: the 
places after 61, 70, 96.) In x it occurs nowhere: in XII, 
only as a substitute for the coronis after 99. In XV, XVI’, 
XVII it is nowhere omitted. 


1 Blass, Praef. p. xiv. XVI. 1123; but a trace of it remains 
* Kenyon (p. 171) and Blass* (p. there. 
143) do not, indeed, indicate it after 


τα τς ἊΣ ἘῸΝ 
τα eh te ah, 


Sharks 
ee ae 


ee 


a 


et ὺΥ δὶ αἱ 
ere | -ἴ 


ae 
ieee 
a” Seth 


AUTOTYPE PLATES. 143 


Three autotype plates are subjoined. Plate I gives the 
first 29 verses of Col. XxxvilI of the papyrus (a column 
which contains 34 verses in all), besides three verses which 
have been added at the top. It is a good page for repro- 
duction, as showing additions made both by the earlier 
corrector (A*) and by the later (5). Plates I1 and III give 
a series of eight shorter passages. I have selected these 
partly on palaeographical grounds, as illustrating charac- 
teristic traits of the papyrus, but chiefly in view of their 
interest for the textual criticism. 


1 The choice of this column was’ British Museum. As the plate given 
suggested to me by Dr Kenyon, who here is slightly wider than his, it in- 
has himself reproduced it in Pal/aeo- cludes IAACAAKEAAIM in its right 
graphy of Greek Papyri(p. 76). His margin, and in its left margin a few 
plate and mine were independently letters from the ends of the longer 
taken from the original papyrusinthe verses in Col, XXXVII. 


144 AUTOTYPE PLATE J. 


PLATE I. 
Col. xxxvu1.—Ode xvil. 50—6o0, and ΧΥΠΙ. 1---21. 


55 Ἴ στιλβειναπολαμνιαν 
φοινισσανφλογαπαιδαδ᾽ εμεν 
πρωθηβον" ἀαρηϊωνδ᾽ αθυρματων 

50 κήυτυκτονκυνεανλακαι 
νανκρὰτοσύπερπυρσοχάιτου" 
χιτωναπορφυρεον 
στερνοισιτ᾽ αμφικαιόυλιον 

V θεσσαλανχλαμυδ᾽- ομματωνδε 
μεμνασθαιπολεμουτεκαι 

αλκεοκτυπουμαχασ 


60 διζησθαιδεφιλαγλάουσαθανασ 
NE 2a 


, 
lw παρεστιμυρϊακελευθοσ 


ΔΘΗΝΔΙΟΙΟ αμβροσΐωνμελεων 


ὀσανπαραπειερίδωνλά 
χηισιδωραμουσᾶν 
5 ἰοβλέφαρόιτεκαι 
φερεστέφανοιχαριτεσ 
βάλωσιναμφιτιμαν 
υμνοισιν" υφαινενυνεν 
ταισπολυηράτοιστικαινον 
10 ολβϊαισαθαναισ 
ευάινετεκηϊαμέριμνα" 
πρεπεισεφερτατανΐίμεν 
οδονπαρακαλλιοπασλα 
χοισανεξοχονγερασ- 
[5 τιηναργοσοθ᾽ ιππιονλιπουσα 
φευγεχρυσέᾶβουσ laac 
ευρυσθενεοσφραδαισιφερτάτουδιοσ AAEM 
ἱναχουροδοδάκτυλοσκορα ‘ 
ὅτ᾽ αργονομμασιβλεποντα 
20 παντοθενακαμάτοισ 
Y μεγιστοάνασσακελευσεν 


Notes.—1. The three verses at the top of the column are vv. 55—57 of 
Ode xviI, which had been omitted by the scribe, and were added there by the 
second corrector, A*, in a hand of the Roman period, perhaps of the second 
century.—2. Below v. 60 is seen the coronis with paragraphus, ἘΞ. marking 
the end of Ode xv11.—3. The title of Ode xviii, Ἰὼ ᾿Αθηναίοις, in the left- 
hand margin, is in a hand (?) which was probably contemporary with that of 
the scribe. So also is the title of Χιχ, Ἴδας Λακεδαιμ[ονίοις, written in the left- 
hand margin of the next column, and partly seen to the right of xv11I. 16.—4. 
In XVIII. 9 the scribe wrote καινόν : but e has been added (by A*) above 1, 
indicating κλεινόν.---5. In v. 15 οτιίππειον has been corrected (probably by A’) 
to ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον.---ὅ. After v. 21, μεγιστόανασσα etc., the verse xpuo bremhos” Hpa 
was omitted by the scribe, but added by A® in the lower margin, which does 
not come into the photograph. The marginal sign pepets v. 21 calls attention 
to this. 


Δ ΕΗ 


‘ 
a 
> 
bad 
Ω 
Ζ 
< 
fo} 
° 
° 
Pe) 
> 
cad 
ω 
a 
° 

I 
> 
cas 
* 
ba 
z 
= 
5 
al 
fe) 
3) 


PLATE Il. 


1. COL. 1—ODE |. 32-36. 


AUTOTYPE PLATE I. 145 


PLATE II. 


1. Col. 1.—Ode 1. 32—36. 


apyelo....... λεοντοσ 
Ovpo..... οποτε 

Ὑβέδν πένθ, οἷς BoXoipaxac: 
WOGGt . sss φρο. . ατριων 
FMS ag (hs hd Τα τῆς αλων 


2. Col. 1v.—QOde ul. 71—77. 


ate pas '΄κωντεμερο[........ 
de τα αν ἐλθέμεν τὶ 
. vorepapepoval 
aki aie σκοπεισβραχί 
. «εσσαδ᾽ ελπισυπί 
. εριων΄οδ᾽ avag| 
igre beats ΄λοσειπεφερη 


Φ΄. οἴ δ᾽ Φ΄ Ges 


3. Col. x1v.—Ode vu. 12—19. 


αθλησαν. παρχεμορωι" τονξανθοδερκησ 
πεφν᾽ ασαγέυονταδρακωνυπέροπλοσ 
σᾶμαμελλ.. ντοσφονου" 
ὡμοιραπολὺκρὰτεσ᾽ ὀυνιν 

me? οἰκλειδασπαλιν 
στειχεινεσευάνδρουσαγΐ 
ελπισανθρωπωνυφαιρί 

ακαιτοτ᾽ αδραστονταλ 


4. Col. xvi.—Ode 1x. 6—-11. 


a jov-orexpu| 

0... . ἰοφθαλμοι σιν 
π . ᾳαναπράκταν 

a. 


«Qs LKOLVUVKACLYVNTAC AKOTA 
a 4 
γασιῷτινεκεινησενλιγύφθογγονμελισσαν 
ih ἐξ 
. εἰρεσϊν᾽ αθανατονμουσᾶναγαλμα 


Notes.—1. Col. 1.—Ode 1. 32—36. In v. 34 the letter A has been deleted 
before X.—2. Col. tv.—Ode 111. 71—77. Verse 71 was lomdé]xwv τε pépo[s 
ἔχοντα Μουσᾶν. (The letters a Μουσᾶν are supplied by two other fragments.) 
In v. 72 a corrector has wished to substitute « for πὶ (kore for ποτε). A separate 
fragment supplies the last letters of this v., which were ὧν, probably preceded 
by u.—8. Col. x1v.—Ode vill. 12—19. In v. 12 A®has written X above M, 
and .TO above CY. In the transcript the point after αθλησαν means that a letter 
(E) is lost. In v. 16 A® corrected the first ἃ of οἴλλειδασ to x. Inv. 19 45 
has written ἁ καὶ above AH.—4. Col. xvi1.—Ode Ix. 6—11. In the ms. 
v. 6 began with ξυνόν, as words which ought to have stood before it (παντὶ. 
xapw?) had been wrongly added to the end of v. 5. See critical notes and 
commentary. 


146 AUTOTYPE PLATE I1/1. 


PLATE III, 
5. Col. xvi1.—Ode 1x, 22—28. 
Genesio See πνεωνάελλαν 
Ai Sea τοῖν δ᾽ αυτεθεατήρωνελαιωι 
CRE 5 8K νεμπίτνωνομιλον 
TETP +o oes νεπει 
KO cake uae μονϊσθμιονικαν 
δύσιν τς dacs ἄρυξανευβου 
ΔΜ eee ὠνπροφαται" 


6. Col. xxv.—Ode xu. 84 f. 


καιτισυφαυχησκο...... +s pav 
ποδεσσιταρφέωΪ 


7. Col. xxvi.—Ode xu. 124---129. 


wor ενκυανανθέϊθ 
trovt|wiBop|éacvmoKu 
μασι νδ᾽αἴζει 

νυκτ᾿ οσαντασασανατεῖ 
ληξενδεσυνφαεσιμ 


αοἱ" στορεσενδετεποί 


8. Col. xxx1.-Ode “xv: r—8; 


A Ree a επει 
. ad ἐπεμψενεμοιχρυσεαν 
Wide... pov.. . vpavial 
ee ἐν ἀτωνγέμουσανυμνων 
Nines vat. p. πανθεμοεντιεβρωι 
“ioe we ee γαλλεταιήδολιχάυχενικυΐ 


. Seiad . ἐενατερπομενοσ 
Se Steele δικηιπαιηονων 


Notes.—5. Col. xvi11.—Ode ΙΧ. 22—28. Inv. 23 the scribe wrote AIZE. 
A? has changed ἴ to T, transfixed %, and written T above it, thus making αὖτε. 
The € above θα (indicating Gearhper) 3 is also from A’. At the end of v. 27 the 
scribe wrote (ε)υβοι : the I was corrected to T by A*, who also wrote A above 
the line at the beginning of v. 28.—6. Col. xxv.—Ode x11. 84f. Inv. 84 
the I of KAI was added by acorrector (A??). Above the second A of vyavxas 
A’ wrote H. Between v. 84 and the verse beginning with πόδεσσι a verse has 
been lost. The letters pay, seen to the right of 84, were probably the last of the 
missing verse, remains of which had been tacked on to v. 84.—7. Col. Xxv1.— 
Ode XII. 124—129. In v. 127 the scribe wrote ANTACANYTM. 445 has added 
as above the line after AC, making ἀντάσας : has changed YT into A (dva—): and 
has written TE above M.—8. Col. xxx1.—Ode xv. 1—8. Inv. 1 the letter 
before OT was either I, N, or (though this is less probable) M. Note that the 
A of OAKAA’ (the first word of ν. 2), comes beneath I, and extends a little to 
the right of it. The number of letters which preceded I in verse 1 was probably 
not more than three. (If the letter before OT was not I, but N or M, there 
would not have been room before it for more than two letters.)—For the rest 
of this passage, see critical notes and commentary. 


Piate Ill 


5. COL. XVIII—ODE ΙΧ. 22-28. 


THE TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 147 


VII. THE TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


The following is the text as it stands when the smaller 
fragments, which had become detached from the continuous 
portions of the papyrus, have been fitted into their places. 
Hence this text contains, in many verses, some letters or 
words which appear only in the plates of fragments at the 
end of the Autotype Facsimile published in 1897, since, at 
that time, those fragments were still unplaced’. 

The object is to exhibit the text of the papyrus as it 
was left by the ancient correctors, before any modern hand 
had touched it. 


1. A vertical line, | , denotes that the letters or words fol- 
lowing it are supplied by a separate fragment. See, ¢g., vv. 3—5. 


2. A dot on the line denotes a lost letter. 
3. A letter which has a dot under it is doubtful. 


4. The sign | denotes that a lacuna precedes, and the sign [ 
that a lacuna follows. 


5. The marks —--—-, in a verse of which some part remains, 
denote the loss of a considerable but uncertain number of letters 
(as in 111. 41). When those marks occupy a whole line, they 
denote that a verse is lost (as after x. 30). 


6. Asterisks, * * * *, denote a loss of several verses. 


7. The metrical divisions (strophe, antistrophe, epode) are 
shown in the margin. These indications make it easy to verify 
the use or omission in the Ms. of paragraphus and coronis. 


1 The only fragments which do in Egypt by Mr B. P. Grenfell, and 
not appear at all in the Facsimile are were received just after the photo- 
parts of 111. 8—ro and of vill. [1x.] graphs had been taken (Kenyon, 
82—84, which wereseparatelyacquired Jntrod. Ὁ. xvi). 


148 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


8. Verses omitted by the scribe, and added by a corrector at 
the head or at the foot of a column, are printed in uncial type. 
See x. 106; XVII. 16, 55-57; XVIII. 22. That type is used also 
in x. 23, where only the first two words were written by the 
scribe. 


9. The title printed here at the head of an Ode (as Tox avrwx 
at the head of Ode 11) is that which is given in the papyrus. In 
the papyrus, however, such a title is written in the left-hand 
margin; except in the case of Ode χιν, where it is written at the 
head of the column. 


ον CTPITATAIME| 
.. EPAIMINQCAP... |C 


.. YOENAIOAOTIP ... |NOIC[ 
5 .AYCITTENTHKONT. |CYN 
. ΡΗΤΩΝΟΛΛΙΛΩΙ. 


στρ. «ς΄. .ἸΟΟΕΥΚΛΕΙΟΥΔΕΕ 


. ΑΤΙΒΑΘΥΖΩΝΟΝΚΟΡΙΑΝ 
. ESIQEANAAMACEN 


. ΑΙἸΟΙΛΙΤΤΕΝΗΛΛΙΟΥΛΑΙΩΝ 
το. NAPACAPHI@IAOYC 
. CINTTIOAYKPHMNON|XOONA 


. EIMACATTOTTIAEDND .. |T EC 
KNOXLCCONIMEPTAN ... AIN 


ἀντ. ς΄. . ACIAEYCEYPQOTIIAL 


15... AEKATQIA’ EYE... |ON 
PS eo Κ᾿ EYTTAOK[ 


ἐπ. ς΄. > * od * 


στρ. ζ΄. Coll TIOA.....-. NBAOY 
30 AEIEAOI!.... CMENTENOC 
ETTAE....... POXEIP 


APTEIO....... AEONTOC 


35 


avr. ζ΄. 


40 


στρ. η΄. 


55 


ἀντ. η. 60 


Col. 2 
65 


70 


@YMO...... OTTOTE 
XPEl..... BOAOIMAXAC: 
voce! ....: PO... ATPION 
TOV... Αἰ έσοι ΑΛΩΝ 
ΤΟΟΑΤΤΑΙΝΙ 
TO=OCAITIO......... N 


ΑΛΛΦΙΤ᾽ ΙΑΤΙΟΓ 

ΞΕΙΝΩΝΤΕ -. ΛΑΝΟΡΙ .-. ΑἹ" 
.«ὙΔΕΛΑΧΩΝ.. APITON 
ΠΟΛΛΟΙΟΤΕΘ .. ΛΑΑΟΘΕΙΟΒΡΟΤΩΝ 
AIO.N’ EAYCEN. ΕΝΤΕΙ͂ΤΑΙ 


AACMETAINH . OYCAITTON: 


. QNENAOIK.. NIAAC 
YYIZYFOCIC..1ONIKON 

OHKENANT... PFECIANAITIAPONT? AA 
AQNCTE®AN .. ETTIMOIPON 
ΦΑΛΛΙΚΑΙΦΑΘΩ .. FICTON 
ΚΥΔΟΟΘΕΧΕΙΝΑΡΕΤΑΝΊΠΛΟΥ 
TOCAEKAIAEIAOICINANOPATONOMIAE! 


EQEAEIA’ AYE=EIN®PENAC 


ANAPOC‘OA’ EYEPAQNOEOYC 
EATTIAIKYAPOTEPAI 
CAINEIKEAP‘EIA’ YTIEIAC 
ONATOCEQNEAAXEN 
ΖΩΕΙΝΤ᾽ ATTOIKEIONEXE! 
TIPATOICEPIZEITIANTITO! 
TEPYICANOPOTIONBINI 


ETTETAINOCOINFENOY 
οὐ NITENIACT? AMAXANOY 
ICONOT’ ΑΦΝΕΟΟΙ 
MEIPEIMEFAAQN-‘OTEMEIQL 
TTAY POTEPOQNTOAETIAN 
TONEYMAPEINOYAENFAYKY 
ONATOICIN‘AAN’ AIEITAPEY 


FONTAAIZHNTAIKIXEIN 


ONTINAKOY®@OTATAI 
OYMONAONEOYCIMEPIMNAI 
OCCONANZQHIXPONONTONAEAAXEN'TI 


150 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


MAN‘APETAA’ ETTIMOXOOC 
ΕΣ ΛΕΥΤΑΘΕΙΟΑΔ᾽ OPONC 


a a ΤῊ AIEYTEOANHIAEI 
ee ZHAQTONEYKAEIACA... MA 


ΤΙ: 
Τωι αυτωι 
στρ. Are CEMNOAOTEIPA®HMAT 
EGK ste ΕΡΑΝΧΑΡΙΤΩ 


ΝΥΛΛ.. ¢EPOYC’ ΑΓγγΓΕέλιαν 
OTIM.. ACOPACYXEIPAP 


5 ΓΕΙΟ.. PATONIKAN 


ΣΝ, KAAQNA’ ANEMNACENOC’ ENKA... NQI 
AYXENIICOMOYZAQEAN 
AITIONTECEY=ANTIAANA 
CONETTEAEIZAMENEBAOMH 

10 KONTA.. NCTE®ANOIC. N° 


ἐπ. KAAEIAEMOYC’ AYOIFENHC 
TAYKEIANAYAQNKANAXAN 
CEPAIPOYC’ ETTINIKIOIC 
TTANOEIAAPIAONYION 
j)—— 


itt. 
Ιερωνι συραάκοσιωι ὑπποις. .. -πια 
στρ. α΄. ΑΡΙΟΙΤΟΚΑΡΙΤΟΥΟΙΚΕΛΙΑΟΚΡΕΟΥΟΑΝ 


Δ. ΙΛΛΑΤΙΡΑΙΟΟΤΕΦΑΝΟΝΤΕΚΟΥΡΑΝ 
ΥἹΛΑΝΙΕΙΓΛΥΚΥΔΩΡΕΚΛΕΙΟΙΘΟΑΟΤΟ 
..- TIOAPOMOYCIEPQONOCITITT . YC: 


ἀντ. α΄. 5 .... TOTAPCYNYTTEPOXQITENIKAI 
ἌΣ ΛΑΙΑΙΤΕΙΤΑΡΕΥΡΥΔΙΝΑΝ ~~ 
ere ret EINOMENEOCEOHKAN 
. ABION.........--- NKYPHCAI° 


ἐπ. α΄. ΘΡΟΗΟΘΕΔΕΛΙ 
10 ATPICEYAAIM[ 


Col. 3 OCTTAPAZHNOCAAXQN 
TIAEICTAPXONEAAANOD. NI EPAC 


ODES 7 -͵ 7. 151 


OIAETTYPPFQOENTATIA . ὙΤΟΝΛΛΗΛΛΕΛΑΛΛ 
PAPEIKPYTITEINCKOTQOI: 
naib i 


otp. 8. 15 BPYEIMENIEPABOYOYTOICEOPTAIC: 
BPYOYCIP®IAO=ENIACATYIAI’ 
AAMTTEIA’ YTTIOMAPMAPYTFAICOXPYCOC 


YYVIAAIAAATONTPITTOAQNCTAOENTON 


ἀντ. β΄. ΤΑΡΟΙΘΕΝΑΟΥΤΟΘΙΛΛΕΓΙ .. ONAACOC 


20 Φ.. BOYTTAPAKACTAAIA... EQPOIC 
Δ. ΛΦΟΙΔΙΕΤΤΟΥΟΙΘΕΟΝΘ.. NTIC 
ΑΓΛΑΙΖΕΘΩΓΑΡΑΡΙΟΤΟΟ. ΛΒΩΝ: 


én. β΄. ΕΠΕΙΠΟΤΕΚΑΙΔΑΛΛΑΟΙΙΤ. OY 
AYAIACAPXATETAN _ 
25 EYTETANTIETI[ 
ZHNOCTEAE......... CIN 
CAPAIECTIEPCA............5. ΑΤΩΙ 


ΚΡΟΙΟΟΝΟΧΡΥΟΑΙ 


στρ. γ΄. ®YAA=’ ATTOAAQN....-. EATTTONAMAP 
30 M.AQN-TIOAYA...... OYKEMEAAE 
MIMNEINETIA...... NAN-‘TT.. ANAE 
XAA.. TEIXEOCTI...... OENAY[ 
ἀντ. γ΄. NAH . AT’ ENOACY...... TEKEA[ 


CY . EYTTAOKAMOI! . ETTEBAIN’ AAAL 
35 ΟΥὔἈ- TPACIAYPO . ENAIC*XEPACA[ 
.. TYNAIQEPAC . ETEPACAEIPA[ 


ἐπ. γ΄. .... ΝΕΝ ὝΠΕΡ.. EAAIMON 
ον YOEQNECTI. ΧΑΡΙΟ’ 
-- YAEAATOIA.. ANA=" 
τ ΕΣ Ἐν INAAYA - TAAOMO! 
-- -- -- — — — --- MY PION 
ae Rae Me Pay oe τὸν. ἐὸν Ν᾿ 


π᾿ τ ran, ap NACTY 
fa Ser ae τὰς AINAC 
Col. 4.45 ΠΑΚΤΩΛΟΟ Α. IKEAIOCFYNAIKEC 


E=EYKTIT . NMEFAPQNATONTAT 


152 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


ἀντ. δ΄. ΤΑΠΡΟΟΘΕΝΔ.. ΘΡΑΝΥΝΦΙΛΑΘΑΝΕΙΝΓΛΥΚΙΟΤΟΝ: 
TOC’ EITTEKAIAB.. BATANK... YCEN 
ATTTEIN=YAINONAOMON'E!... ONAE 


50 TTAPOENOI'PIAACTANAMATPIXEIPAC 


ἐπ. δ΄. ΕΒΑΛΛΟΝ ὉΓΑΡΠΡΟΦΑΝΗΟΘΝΑ 
ΤΟΙΟΙΝΕΧΘΙΟΤΟΟΦΟΝΩΝ: 
AAA’ ETTEIAEINO.. YPOC 
AAMTIPONAIAI.....- NOC 
55 ZEYCETTICTACA......... @ECNE*0C 
CBENNYEN=ANOA| 


στρ. ε΄. ΑἸΤΙΟΤΟΝΟΥΔΕΝΟΤΙΘ ..... PIMNA 
TEYXE!I-TOTEAAAOTENH .... ΛΩΝ 


mEPONECYTIEPBOPEO...|EPON|TA 
60 CYNTANIC®YPOICKAT .. |ACCE|KOYPAIC 


ἀντ. ε΄. AIEYCEBEIAN‘OTIME..... ΙΝΑΙΤΩΝ 
ECA. ΑΘΕΑΝΕΤΙΤΕΛΛΥΕΙ͂Ι.. |)" 


OCO . MENEAAAA’ EXOYCIIN| . YTIL 
OM . FAINHTEIEPQ|NOEA|HCE|I 


ἐπ. ΄. 65 ... EN. EOTTAEIONA|XPYCION 
- AITTEMYAIBPOTON 
. TEINTTAPECTINOC 


ον HPOONDITTIAINETAI 
. AHPIAITITIONANAPA| . HIO|N 


70 .... LOYCKATITP. NAIO. 


στρ. 5’. ....'KQNTEMEPO[...... JAMOY|CAN: 
.... MAAEAITIOTL....- ος ‘JON 
... NOCEPAMEPONAT 


. ACKOTTEICBPAX[ 


ἀντ ©’. 75 ....' ECCAA’ EATTICYTIL 
. ΕΡΙΩΝ ὍΔ᾽ ANA=[ 
aes at ‘AOCEITTE®EPH[ 

Col. 5 ONATONEYNTAXPHAIAYMOYCAEE=EIN 


ἐπ. ς΄. -NOQMACOTIT’ AYPIONOYEAI 
80 MOYNONAAIOY@A0C 
XOTITTENTHKONT’ ETEA 


orp. ¢. 85 


95 


στρ. a. 


10 


ODES LIT, IV. 153 


ZQNANBAOYTTAOYTONTEAEIC’ 


OCIAAPON EYSPAINEOYMONTOYTOFAP 
shack pile elles a 


PPONEONT . CYNETATAPY2D BAOYCMEN 
AIOHPAMIANTOC'YAQPAETIONTOY 


OYCATTETA . "EYPPOCY NAA’ OXPYCOC: 
ANAPIA’ O.. EMICTTOAIONTT .. ENTA 


FHPACOAA ... NAYTICATKOMICAI 
HBAN’APETA.... ENOYMINYOEI 


BPOTOQNAMAC... ΤΙΦΕΓΓΟΟΆΛΛΑ 
MOYCANINTP .... IEPONCYA’ OABOY 


KAAAICT’ ETTEA... AOONATOIC 
ANOEA‘TIPA=A... A’ EY 


OY¢EPEIKOCM....2 
TTA‘CYNA’ AAAO.... KAAQ.N 


KAIMEAITAQCCOYTICYMNHCEIXAPIN 


KHIACAHAONOC 
ἘΞ ἘΞΌΔΕΣ Ἐὶ 


IV. 
Tw. avtw. πυθια 


ETICYPAKOCIAN®@IAEI 


TTOAINOXPYCOKO . ACATTOAAQN 
ACTYOEMINO’ IE.. NATEPAIPEI" 


TPITONFAPTI..... AONYYIAEIPOYXOONOC 
FIONIK τυ τ νος ΤΑΙ 

SPMOA.. 655 ἐτον CYNITITTION: 

i ea ee) a "ACAAEKTOP 

Beg των oe ΤΙΝΟΩΙ 

Fak eh ay ares YMNOYC 

ee ὡςτςς ICOP 

+e a a IACTAAAN[ 
AEINOMENEOCK’ ETEPA.. MENYION 
TTAPECTIANAPXIAAOICI . .. . ACMYXOIC 


MOYNONETTIXOONI‘.. ΤΑΔΕ 
MHCAMENONCTE®ANOICEPETITEIN 
II 


154 


στρ. α΄. 


> , 
avT.a. 


Col. 7 


20 


15 


20 


25 


30 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


AYOT’ OAYMTTIONIKAC 
AEIAEIN'TI®. PTEPONH. EOI. IN 
PIAGNEONTATIANTO.. ΠΩΝ 


AATXANEINATTOMOIPA ... ΘΛΩΝ’ 
»--- 


V. 


EYMOIPE. YPAK...N 
ITTTTOAINHTQ.NCTPATA. E° 
ΓΝΩΘΗΙΛΛΕΝ. OCTE®AN .N 
MOICANTAYK . AQPONATAAMATONTENYN 
AITICETTIXOONION 

OPONC'SPENAA’ EYOYAIK.N 
ATPEM’ AMTTIAYCACMEPIMNAN 
AEYP’ AOPHCONNOQ[.] ~ 
HCYNXAPITECCIBAOYZQNOICYPANAC 
YMNONATIOZAQEAC 
NACOYZ=ENOCYMETEPANTIEM 
TIEIKAEENNANECTIOAIN ~ 
XPYCAMTTYKOCOYPANIAC 
KAEINOCOEPATIQN ἜΘΕΛΕΙΔΕ 
rFAPYNEKCTHOEQNXEQN 


ΑΙΝΕΙΝΙΕΡΩΝΑ ΒΑΘΥΝ 

A’ ΑἸΘΕΡΑΞΟΥΘΑΙΟΙΤΑΛΛΝΩΝ 
ΥΥΟΥΠΤΕΡΥΓΕΟΟΙΤΆΧΕΙ 
ΑΙΟΑΙΕΤΟΟΕΥΡΥΑΝΑΚΤΟΟΑΓΓΕΛΟΟ 


ΖΗΝΟΟΘΕΡΙΟΦΑΡΑΓΟΥ 
OAPCEIKPATEPAITTICY NOC 
ICXYLTTTACCONTIA’ OPNI 
XECAITYPOOTTOIPOIBOT 


OYNINKOPY®AIMELFAAACICXOYCIFAIAC 
. YA’ AAOCAKAMATAC 2 

AY CTTAITTAAAKYMATA‘NOMA 

TAIA’ ΕΝΑΤΡΥΤΩΙΧΑΕΙ 
AETITOTPIXACY NZE®Y POYTINO 
ΑἸΙΟΙΝΕΘΕΙΡΑΝΑΡΙΓΝΩ 
TOCMETANOPQOTIOICIAEIN: 


TOCNYNKAIMOIMY PIATTIANTAIKEAEYOOC 
YMETEPANAPETAN 
YMNEIKYANOTTAOKAMOY®O’ EKATINIKAC 
XAAKEOCTEPNOYT’ APHOC 


35 


40 


στρ. β΄. 


45 


50 


55 


65 


79 


ODES IV, V. 


AEINOMENEYCATEPQXOI 
TTAIAEC’'EYEPAQNAEMHKAMOIOEOC: 
=ANOOTPIXAMEN®EPENIKON 


AAPEONTTAPEY PYAINAN 

TT QAO NAEAAOAPOMAN 
EIAENIKACANTAXPYCOTTAXYCAN.C 
pees 


TTYOQNIT’ ENATAOEAI: 

FAIA’ ETTICKHTTTONTTIPAYCKD. 
OYTTQNINYTTIOTTPOTE..N 
ITTIONENATONIKATEXPANENKONIC 
TTPOCT EAOCOPNYMENON: 
PITTAIFAPICOCBOPEA 


ONKYBEPNHTAN®YAACCON 
IETAINEOKPOTON 
NIKANIEPQNI@IAOZENQITITYCKON: 


OABIOCQITINIOEOC 
MOIPANTEKAAQNETIOPEN 
CYNT? ETTIZHAQITYXAI 
AdNEIONBIOTANAIATEIN ΟΥ 
TA.... ETTIXOONION 


ΤΠ... ΑΓ’ ΕΥ̓ΔΑΙΛΛΩΝΕΦΥ.: 


ΡῈ Ὁ. OT’ EPIVITTYAAN 

ese nelane's ATONAETOYCIN 

ES ae gras APTIKEPAY 
NOYAQMATA®EPCE®ONACTANIC®Y POY 
KAPXAPOAONTAKYN’ A 

=ONT’ ECbAOCE=AIAA 

YIONATTAATOV EXIANAC: 
ENOAAYCTANONBPOTIIN 

YY XACEAAHTTIAPAKXKY TOY PEEOPOIC 


OIATE®Y AA’? ANEMOC 
IAACANAMHAOBOTOYC 
TIPO.NACAPFHCTACAONE!: 
TAICINAEMETETIPETTENEIAQ 
AONOPACYMEMNONOCETr 
XECTIAAOYTIOPQAONIAA: 


TONA’ ACIAENAAKMHIOCOAYMACTOCHP2LC 
.. YXECIAAMTTOMENON 

NEY PANETTEBACEAITYKAATTHKOPQINAC: 
XAAKEOKPANONAETIEIT’ ΕΞ 


(2 “555 


155 


156 


> , 
ἄντ. y+ 


75 


80 


85 


95 


100 


105 


110 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS, 


EIAETOIONANATITY 
=ACPAPETPACTIOMA'TOIA’ ENANTIA 
YYXATTP . PANHMEAEAT POY’ 
KAININEYEIAQCTIPOCEEITIEN: 
YIEAIOCMETAAOY 


CTAOIT? ENXXQL.PAIFEAANQ.CACTEOYMON 
eS, 


MHTAYCIONTTPOIE! 
TPAXYNEKXEIPQNOICTON 
YYXAICINETTIPOIMENDN: 


OYTOIAEOCO.C&ATO-OAMBHCENA’ ANA= 
ΑΛΛΦΙΤΡΥΩΝΙΑΔΑΟ: 

EITTENTE ΤΙΟΑΘΑΝΑΤΩΝ 
HBPOTQNTOIOYTONEPNOC 
OPEYENENTTOIAIXOONI- 

TICA’®’ EKTANEN*HTAXAKAAAIZQ.INOCHPA 
KEINONE®AMETEPAI 

TTIEMY EIKE®@AAAI‘TAAETIOY 
ΤΑΛΛΑΔΙΞΑΝΘΑΙΛΛΕΛΕΙ" 
ΤΟΝΔΕΙΤΡΟΟΕΦΑΛΛΕΛΕΑΓΡΟΟ 
ΔΑΚΡΥΟΕΙΟΧΑΛΕΙΤΟΝ 
OEQNTIAPATPEYAINOON 


ANAPECCINETTIXOONIOIC: 
KAITAPANTTAA=ITITTIOCOINEYC 
TTAY CENKAAY KOCTE®ANOY 


CEMNACXOAONAPTEMIAOCAEY KQAENOY 
AICCOMENOCTTIOAED.N 

Τ᾽ AIFQNOYCIAICITTATHP 
KAIBOQN®OINIKONOTON: 


me 

AAAANIKATONOEA 
ECXENXOAON'EYPYBIANA’ ECCEYEKOYPA 
KATTPONANAIAOMAXAN’* 


OCKAAAIXOPONKAAYAQ 

Ν᾽ ENOATTAHMY PONCOENE! 
OPXOYCETTEKEIPENOAONTI 
CbAZETEMHABPOTON 

Θ᾽ OCTICEICANTANMOAOI: 


TOIAECTYTEPANAHPINEAAANQX.NAPICTOL 
CTACAMEO’ ENAYKED.C 
E=AMATACYNNEXEDXC'ETTEIAEAAIMD.N 
KAPTOCAITQAOICOPE=ZEN 


στρ. δ΄. 


Col. 10 


avr, δ΄. 


€7. 


δ΄. 


115 


120 


125 


[30 


135 


140 


145 


150 


155 


ODE V. 157 


OATTTOMENTOYCKATETIE®NE 
CYCEPIBPYXACETTAICCONBIAI 


el es ne 


A..AIONEMO.NT’ ΑΓΓΕΛΟΝ 


® ... ΑΤΟΝΚΕΔΝΩΝΑΔΕΛΦΕΩΝ 
ene: KENENMETAPOIC 
Ree CAAOAIATTEPIKAEITOICINOINEOC: 


Byintlinze AECEMOIP’ OAOA 


Bates ares ΟΟΥ̓ΓΑΡΙΤΩΔΑΙΦΡΩΝ 
πον Ot XOAONATPOTEPA 


AATOYCOYTATHP'TITEPIA’ AIOQNOCAOPAC 
MAPNAMEO’ ENAYKEDC 
KOYPHCIMENETTTOAEMOIC: 

ENO’ EF QITOAAOICCY NAAAOIC 
IPIKAONKATEKTANON 

ECOAONT’ APAPHTAOOOYCMATPQACOYTAP 
KAPTEPOOYMOCAPHC 


KPINEIPIAONENTIOAEMQ I: 
TYPAAA’ EKXEIPO.NBEAH 


YYXAICETT . AYCMENEQ.N®O! 


TAIOANATONTE®@EPE! 
TOICINANAAIMQ.NOEAHI: 


TAYT’ OYKETTIAEZ=AMENA 
ΘΕΟΤΙΟΥΚΟΡΑΔΑΙΦΡΩΝ 
MATHPKAKOTTIOTMOCEMO! 
BOYAEYCENOAEOPONATAPBAKTOCTYNA‘ 
KAIETEAAIAAAEAC 
EKAAPNAKOCO.KYMOPON 
@ITPONEIKAAYCACA‘TONAH 

MOIP? ETTEKAQCENTOTE 
ZOACOPONAMETEPACEMMEN ‘TYXONMEN 
AAITTYAOY KAYMENON 

ΤΑΙ Δ᾽ AAKIMONE=ANAPI 
ΖΩΝΑΛΛΩΛΛΗΤΟΝΔΕΛΛΑΟ 
ΤΥΡΓΩΝΙΤΡΟΤΤΑΡΟΙΘΕΚΙΧΗΟΘΑΟ' 
TOIAETTPOCEYKTIMENAN 
PEYTONAPXAIANTIOAIN 


TTAEY PONA-‘MINYNOAAEMOIYYXATAYKEIA* 
-TNONA’ OAITOCOENEDXIN’ 
AIALTTYMATONAETINEQNAAKPYCATAL 
ATAAANHBANTITPOAITTQN: 
PACINAAEICIBOAN 


158 
Col, 11 


160 


στρ. €. 


165 


170 


175 


> , 
avT.€. 


180 


185 


195 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS, 


AM®PITPYOX.NOCTTAIAAMOY NONAHTOTE 
TEF=AIBAEPAPONTAAATIENOEOC 
TTIOTMONOIKTEIPONTA®2 TOC: 
KAININAMEIBOMENOC 

TOA’ EPA‘ONATOICIMH®Y NAIPEPICTON 
naeterlones : 


MHT’ AEAIOYTTPOCIAEIN 

ΦΕΓΓΟΟ ΑΛΛΟΥΓΑΡΤΙΟΕΟΤΙΝ 
TTPA=ICTAAEMY POMENOIC: 
XPHKEINOAETEINOTIKAIMEAAEITEAEIN’ 
HPATICENMETAPOIC 

OINHOCAPHIPIAOY 


ECTINAAMHTAOYIFATPOIN 
ΟΟΙΦΥΑΝΑΛΙΓΚΙΑ᾿ 
ΤΑΝΚΕΝΛΙΤΤΑΡΑΝΘΕΛΩΝΘΕΙΛΛΑΝΑΚΟΙΤΙΝ: 
ΤΟΝΔΕΛΛΕΝΕΠΤΟΛΕΛΛΟΥ 
ὙΥΧΑΤΤΡΟΟΕΦΑΛΛΕΛΕΑ 
ΓΡΟΥΛΙΠΟΝΧΛΩΡΑΥΧΕΝΑ 
ENAQMACIAAIANEIPAN 
NHINETIXPYCEAC 
KYTTPIAOCOEA=IMBPOTOY': 

Netscce τεῦς 


AEYKQAENEKAAAIOTIA 
CTACONEYTTOIHTONAPMA 

AYTOY ‘AIATEKPONIAAN 
YMNHCONOAYMTTIONAPXATONOEQN: 
TONT’ AKAMANTOPOAN 


AA®EONTIEAOTIOCTEBIAN 

KAITTICAN'EN@’ OKAEENNOC 

ον CCINIKACACAPOMQI 

_.. ENbEPENEIKOCEYTTYPFOYCCYPAKOYC 
CACIEPONIGEPON 

... AIMONIACTTETAAON: 

... A? AAH@EIACXAPIN 
ΑΙΝΕΙΝΦΘΟΝΟΝΑΛΛΦΙ 
XEPCINATTOCAMENON 
EITICEYTTPACCOIBPOTO[ 


BOIQNTOCANHPTAAE@ON[ 
HCIOAOCTTPOTTOAOC 
MOY CANONAOANATOITIL 
KAIBPOTXIN@HMANETI[ 


TTEIOOMAIEYMAPE2LC 


200 


στρ. α΄. 


στρ. β΄. 
10 


Col, 13 


1. AP. IT 
5 .. ITOCAIIM[ 
KPINEIN|TA|...... ΛΑΙΨΗΡΩΝΠΟΔΙΩΝ 
/AMACIK|AITY| .... PICTAAKECCOEN|OC™ 


ODES V—VI7. 


EYKAEAKEAEYO9OYTAQ.CCANO[ 
TTEMTTEINIEPONI‘TOOENTA[ 
TTYOMENECOAAAOYCINECOAL 


TOYCOMETFICTOTIATOP 
ZEYCAKINHTOYCENEIPHN[ 
» 


WY: 


Λαχωνι κειωι σταδιε: ολυμῖ 


AAXQ.NAIOCMETICTOY 
AAXE®EPTATONTTIOAECCI 

KY AOCETTAA®PEIOYTTPOXOAIC[ 
AIOCCATTAPOIOEN 
AMTTEAOTPOPON KEON 


AEICANTTOT’ OAYMITTIAI 
TTY=TEKAICTAAIONKPATEY[ 
CTEPANOICEOEIPAC 


NEANIAIBPYONTEC: 
CEAENYNANA=IMOATTIOY 
ad 


OYPANIACYMNOCEKATINIK[ 
APICTOMENEION 
OQTTOAANEMONTEKOC 
FEPAIPEITTPOAOMOICAOI 


AAICOTICTAAIONKPATHCAC 
KEONEYKAEI=AC 


“Yes amr 


VII. 


Taw. avTwe 


QAITTAPAOYFATEPXPONOYTEK[ 
NYKTOCCETTENTHKONTAM[L 
EKKAIAEKATANENOAYMTIL 


OIAECYTIPEC|BY|.... NNEIMHICTEP|AC 
NIKACE|ITANIOP .. OICINEYAOZOCK|EKAH 


το TAIKAITT|OAY|ZH ... OC’AP|... 


59 


160 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


»++' EKO|CMH)...... PAN) .....45.- ΝΑ 


* * * * 
Col.14 TIYOMQNATEMHAOOYTAN 
40 YMNEQNNEMEANTEKAIIC®. ON: 
PAIAETTICKHTTTQNXEPA 
KOMTTACOMAI‘CY NAAA 
(5) OEIAIAETTANAAMTTEIXPEO.: 
OYTICANOPOTIONK[L 
45 NACENAAIKIXPONQ[ 
TIAICEQNANHPTETIL 
NACEAE=ATONIKAC: 


(10) QZEYK.PAYNEIXECKA[.... .. JPOAINAT 
OXOAICINAAGEIOYTEAECC[...... JAAOKAEAIC 
50 QEOAOTO. CIEYXAC‘TIEPIK[....... JTAL.. JC 


ΓΛΑΥΚΟΝΑΙΤΩΛΙΔΟΙ 
ANAHM’ EAAIAC 

(15) ENTTEAOTTOC4PYTFIOY 
KAEINOICAEOAOIC:- 

ns Si «ama ea 


VIII. [1X.] 


Αὐτομηδει φλιασιωι πενταθλωι νεμεα 


στρ. α΄. ΔΟΞΑΝΩΧΡΥΟΑΛΑΚΑΤΟΙΧΑΡΙ. EC 
TTEICIMBPOTONAOIHTETIE! 
MOY CANTEIOBAE*APO.NOEIOCTIPO® . . AC 
EYTYKOC@AEIOYNTATEKAINEMEAIOY 
5 ZHNOCEYOAAECTIEAON ; 


YMNEIN-‘OTIMHAOAAIKTAN 


OPEYENAAEYKQAE 6 


HPATTEPI.... TONAEOAQN 
ΠΡΩΤΟΝ... KAEIBAPY®OOTT . NAEONTA’ 


at. αἷς τὸ “KE ences NIKACTTIAECHMIOEOI 
pe 
Lt ere erie: NAPFEIQNKPITOI 


AO AHCAN . TTAPXEMOP2I-TONZEANOOAEPKHC 


15 


> ’ 
επ.α. 


Col. 15 20 


25 


στρ. β΄. 


30 


35 


ἀντ. β΄. 


40 


ODES VII, VIII [1Χ} 161 


TTE®N’ ACATEYONTAAPAKONYTI|EPOTTAOC 
CAMAMEAA . NTOC®ONOY: 

OQMOIPATTOAY KPATEC: OYNIN 

TTEIO’ OIKAEIAACTTAAIN 
CTEIXEINECEYANAPOYSAT{[ 


EATTICANOPOTTIQNY®AIPL 


AKAITOT’? AAPACTONTAAL 
TTEMTTENECOHBACTIOAYNEIKEITTAAL ! 
KEINQNATTEYAOZSONATONON 
ENNEMEAIKAEINO ςς POTO.N 
ΟΙΤΡΙΕΤΕΙΟΤΕΦΑΝΩΙ 
ΞΑΝΘΑΝΕΡΕΥΩΝΤΑΙΚΟΛΛΑΝ 
ΑὙΥΤΟΛΛΗΔΕΙΝΥΝΓΕΝΙΚΑ 
ΟΑΝΤΙΝΙΝΔΑΙΛΛΩΝΕ. ΩΚΕΝ: 


ΤΠΤΕΝΤΑΕΘΛΟΙΟΙΝΓΑΡΕΝΕΤΤΡΕΠΤΕΝΩΟΘ 
ΑΟΤΡΩΝΔΙΑΚΡΙΝΕΙΦΑΗ 
ΝΥΚΤΟΟΔΙΧΟΛΛΗΝΙΔΟ.. YPEFTHCCEAANA: 


ΤΟΙΟΟΕΛΛΑΝΩΝΔΙΑ... PONAKYKAON 
ΦΑΙΝ. ΘΑΥΛΛ. CTONAE. AC 
AICKONTPOXOEIAEAPITITON 


KAIMEAAM®Y AAOY KAAAON 
AKTEACECAITTEINANTIPOTTEMTTQ.N 
AIOEP’ EKXEIPOCBOAND.TPYNEAAQ.IN 


HTE.. YTAIACAMAPYIMATIAAAC 


TOW. τοὶ YMQIC...- | 
a eee MATA... AIAITTEAACCA. 
IKET...... NTTAPATTOP®Y POAINAL 
ΤΟΝ Slee ACANXOONA 

HAOE..... ETTECXATANEIAOY: 


TAITETTE . . ΑΕΙΠΟΡΩΙ 


OIKEYCIOEPMQAON .... FXEQN 
ICTOPECKOPAIAINEITITT... PHOC 


ΟΩΝΩΤΤΟΛΥΖΗΛΩΤ᾽ ANAETIOTAMON 
EFTONOITEYCANTOKAIYY®Y . TTYAOYTPOIACEAOC: 


CTEIXEIAIEYPEIACKEAE . OOY 


MY PIATTANTAI®ATIC 
CACTENEACAITTAPO 


1 At the end of v. 20 Blass places fragment 35 (Kenyon, p. 210) ITPOZEN. 


162 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


50 ΖΩΝΩΝΘΥΓΑΤΡΩΝΊΑΟΘ..! 
CYNTYXAICQ.KICCANAPXA 
FOYCATTOPOHTQINATYIAN: 
—_—-__ 


στρ. γ΄. TICTAPOYKOI... KYANOTTAOKAMOY 
OHBACEYAM........ N 
Col. 16 55 — — — — MONAITIN|AN: MEI[—]\OY 
— — — — ΕΧΕΙΤΕΚΕΙΝΗΡΩ ᾿ 
— BECO) πρὶ τῶν 
— ACBACA| — — AIQ.N 
--- Al) -- -- 


A 
Al Ξ Aran YT . TAON[ 
ἀντ. γ΄. H| — -- -- ἈΝΕΛΙΚΟΟΤΕΦΑΙ 
Κι -- — — ΟΑἸΤ’ ΑΛΛΑΙΘΕΩΝΙ 
Οἱ — — ΑΛΛΙΗΘΑΝΑΡΙΓΝΩΤ. |ICITT. AAI 
65 — — — AOJ|AITIOTAMOYKE}- AAO|NTOC: 
— — — ANTIOAIN 
— — — CITENIKAT 
— — — AQNBOAI[ 
— = NOAM EAE 
70 ----- - — — ΙΝ: 


ἐπ. Ὁ. --- - - -- ΪΝΕΟΟΙ 
.. YCEA|—OENTAIOTTIAOKON/EYEITIEIN[ 
.. AT] — NAM. TONEPOTION 
—— INANBPOTOL 
γ5 -- Ἀ -- ΛΕΩΝ 


στρ. 8. -- -- -- ΚΑΙΑΠΟΦΘΙΛΛΕΝΙΩΙ 

8ο -- — — PYTONXPONO|N 
— — — INOMENOICAIEI|TTIGAYCKO! 
ΤΕ |IMEANI|KAN: ΤΟ -. ΤΟΙΚΑΛΟΙΝΕΡΓΟΝ 
ΓΝΗΟΙΩΙΝΥΛΛΙΝΩΝΤΎΧΟΝ. 
YYOYTTA|PAAAIIMOCIKEITAI: 

85 CYNA’ Αἰ. AQEIAI|BPOTON 
KAAAIC|TONEI[ 
Ass TIETAIMOYVC.. 61 dE rae rch ἐς PMA: 


ἀντ. δ΄. EICIA ΑΝΙΘΡΙ 


ODES VIII [IX], 1X [X]. 


Col.17 = TIOAAAI-Al|. KPIN . |AEOEQN 
90. OYAA[— —|MENONNY|KTOC[ 
— — — — TEK\AITONAPEIO[ 

- ---..--.--. ITTOY: 


9g --------- - — AYPOIC 
-- AP} — — — TOMEAAON: 


ἐπ. δ΄. ΕΚ MIA) — — — ΔΩΚΕΧΑΡΙΝ 
- AIAION| — — OEOTIMATO. ΠΌΛΙΝ 
- AIEINATIO| — — EYNTAC 
100. PYCEOCKATITP[ 

οὐ TIKAAONE[ 

AINEOITIMO=[ 

TIAIAICYNKQ[ 

ον OITETTENT[ 


EX: ΤΣ 


στρ. α΄. -» MA‘CYT .|PA) -- — OIXNEIC 
εν AA*KA\ITTA — — 


5 +--+» NONTAIL- — —.01 
= ..|ON-OTIXPY[ 
O .... |OPOAAMOIICIN[ 
TT.... ANATTPAKTAN[ 
A 


εν ASIKAINYNKACITNHTACAKOITAC 
to NACISTINEKEINHCENAITY®OOrFFONMEAICCAN 


i ῬΈΣΑ α 


ἀντ. α΄. - EIPECIN’ AOANATONMOYCANATAAMA 
=YNONANOPOTIOICINEIHI 
XAPMATEANAPETAN 
MANYONETTIXOONIOICIN 
15 OCCANIKACEKATIANOECIN=AN 


ΘΙ... ANAAHCAMENOCKE®@AAAN 
K\YAOCEYPEIAICAOANAIC 
O|HKACOINEIAAICTEAO=AN Ε 
E|NTTOCIAANOCTTEPIKAEITOICAEOAOIC 

ἘΠΕ. A 20 Ἐν γον ACEAAACINTTOAQNTAXEIANOPMAN 


163 


164 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


decals ot one ee τς POICINETTIICTAAIOY 
@EPM...... TINEQNAEAAAN 
BCTA sins NA’ AYTEQEATHPONEAAIOL 
PAPE GS. NEMTTITNQNOMIAON 
a5 TETP sick: NETTE! 
AWA cde MONICOMIONIKAN 
AICGN «./c%c. APY=ANEYBOY 
AGING Vers ONTIPO®ATAI: 
στρ. β΄. AICA’ E...... ΑἸΚΡΟΝΙΔΑΖΗΝΟΟΠΆΡΑΓΝΟΝ 
30 BOMO...... NATE@HBA 
AEKF ρε: YPYXOPON 
T APIO..... NTEKATAICAN: 
CITE ca ANNEMONTAI‘AM@IT’ EYBO! 
ANTIO..... N-O1OIEPAN 
35 NACO...... AN ‘MATEYE! 
A’ AAA....-- ANKEAEYOON 
ANTI acc ONAPIFNOTOIOAOZ=ACTEYEETAI: 


MY PIAIAL’ ANAPO.NETTICTAMAITTEAONTAI:: 


ἀντ. β΄. ΗΓΑΡΟ. POCHXAPITQNTIMANAEAOLPX2C 
40 EATTIAIXPYCEAITEOAAEN: 
HTINAOEYTTPOTTIAN 
EIAQCETEPOCAETIITIAICI 
TIOIKIAONTOZONTITAINE! OIA’ ΕΠΈΕΡΓΟΙ 
CINTEKAIAM@IBOONA . EAAIC 
45 OYMONAY=OYCIN:‘TOMEAAON 


Δ᾽ AKPITOYCTIKTEITEAEYTAC 

TTAITY XABPICEI*TOMENKAAAICTONECEAQN 

ANAPATTIOAAQNYTIANOPOTTQNTTOAYZHADQTON! 
EIMEN: 


ἐς. fi. OIAAKAITTAOYTOYMELAAANAYNACIN: 
so AKAIT. NAXPEIONTI...1 
XPHCTON TIMAKPANT-. Ω. CANIOYCACEAAYNQ)? 
E . TOCOAOY: TIEPATAIONATOICINIKAC 
. PONEY®POCYNA 
Col. 19 AYAQN 


55 MITT. 


a 
XPHTIN{ 
—— 


1 So A wrote: for A®’s obscure correction, see’crit. n., p. 320. 


στρ. α΄. 


ODES IX'[X], X [X7}. 


> so aoe 
Αλεξιδαμωι μεταποντινωΐι παιδι παλαιστηι πυθια 
ΝΙΚΑΓΓῚ 
COITTAT[ 
YYIZY[ 
ΕΠ ΟΝ cee. ΤῊΝ ΤΩΙ 
ZHNI[ 


Io 


20 


25 


30 
Col. 20 


35 


KPINE....A.CAOANATOI 
CINTE .... NATOICAPETAC: 


ΕΛΛΑΘΙ.... TTAOKAMOY 
ΚΟΥΡΆ τως OOAIKOY ‘CEOENA ΕΚΑΤΙ 
KAINY.... ATTONTIONEY 
ΓΥΩΝ τς OYCINEQN 


KQ.MOI|TEKAI| . YPPOCYNAIOEOTIMONACTY 


YMNE\YCIAETT|\YOIONIKON 
TTAIAA\OAHT . |NPAICKOY: 


IAEQI. |INOA|.. OTENHCYI 
OCBAOY|ZON|... AATOYC 

AEKT . |BAE®)... |-TOAEEC 

A’ AM®AAE= ... MONANOEQ.N 
ENTTEAIQICTE®ANOI 
KIPPACETTECONKPATEPAC 
HPATTANNIKOITTIAAAC: 

OYK.. AENINAEAIOC 

KE .. QIPEcyNamatitpocraiaitreconta’ 
PACQAEKAIENZAOQEOIC 

AF NOYTTEAOTTOCAATTEAOIC 
AA®EONTTAPAKAAAIPOANAIKACKEAEYOON 
EIMHTICATTETPATTENOPOAC 
TTAF=EEINQIXAITANEAAIAI 


TAAY KAICTE®ANQ.CAMENON 
TIOPTITPO®O........... PANO’ IKECOAI- 


TTAIA’ ΕΝΧΘΟΝΙΚΑΛΛΙΧΟΡΩΙ 
TIOIKIAAICTEXNAICTTEAACCEN: 
- AN HOEOCAITIOCH 

. NOMAITTOAYTTAAT KOIBPOTIIN 


. MEPCANYTIEPTATONEKXEIPONIEPAC: 
. YNA’ APTEMICAFPOTEPA 

. PYCAAAKATOCAI . APAN 

.. /PATOZOKAYTOCNIKANEAQKE ° 


1 As to the doubtful [, see crit. n. on p. 320. 


165 


166 


στρ. β΄. 


ἄντ. β΄. 


Col, 21 


45 


50 


55 


60 


65 


70 


75 


80 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


.. ΠΠΟΤ᾽ ABANTIAAAC 
- QMONKATENACCETTIOAYA 
.. CTONEYTTETTAOITEKOYPAI-: 


TACE=EPATSLNE®OBHCE 


TIATKPATHCHPAMEAAOQPON 
TIPOITOYTTAPATIAHrFI®PENAC 
KAPTEPAIZEY=AC’ ANALKAI. 
TTIAPOENIAIFAPETI : 
YYXAIKIONECTEMENOC 

TIOP*Y POZONOIOOEAC: 
PACKONAETIOAYC@ETEPON 

TIAOY TQITTPOPEPEINTIATEPA=ANOACTIAPEAPOY 
CEMNOYAIOCEYPYBIAI: 
TAICINAEXOAQCAMENA 

CTHOECINTTAAINT POTTONEMBAAENOMMA‘: 


PEYTONA’ OPOCECTANI®YAAON 
CME PAAAEAN®Q.NANIEICAI 


TIPYNOIONACTYAITTOYCAI 
KAIOEOAMATOYCATYIAC: 
HAHTAPETOCAEKATON 
OEOPIAECAITIONTECAPL OC 
NAIONAAEICIBOAI 

XAAKACTTIAECHMIOEOI 

CY NTTOAYZHAQLIBACIAEI: 
NEIKOCTAPAMAIMAKETON 
BAHXPACANETTAATOKACIF NHTOICATTAPXAC 
TTPOITQITEKAIAKPCIQI: 
AAOYCTEAIXOCTACIAIC 

HPITTONAMET POAIKOICMAXAICTEAYTPAIC: 
AICCONTOAETTAIAACABANTOC 

FANTTOAY KPIOONAAXONTAC 


TIPY NOATONOTTIAOTEPON 
KTIZEINTTPINECAPFAAEANTIECEINANAT KAN: 
ZEYCT’ EQEAENKPONIAAC 
TIMQ.NAANAOYTENEAN 

KAIAIQE /TITTIOIOAYFKEOC 
TTAYCAICTYTEPQNAXEQN: 

TEIXOCAEKY KAQTTECKAMON 
EAOONTECYTIEP#IAAOIKAEINAITT... El 


KAAAICTONIN’ ΑΝΤΙΘΕΟΙ 
NAIONKAYTONITITIOBOTON 


APFOCHPQOECTIEPIKAEITOIAITIONT[ 
ENOENATTECCYMENAI 
TTPOITOY KYANOTTAOKAMOI 


στρ. γ΄. 


> , 
avT. y- 


Col. 22 


85 


go 


95 


106 


100 


105 


IIo 


115 


120 


125 


* 


ODE X [X/}. 167 


PEYTONAAMATOIOYFATPEC: 
—_— 


TONA’ EIAENAXOCKPAAIAN‘=El 
NATENINTTAAZENMEPIMNA: 
AOIAZEAE®ACTANONAM 
PAKECENCTEPNOICITIA=AI: 
AAAANINAIXMO®OPOI 
MYOOICITEMEIAIXIOIC 
KAIBIAIXEIPQ.NKATEXON: 
TPICKAIA . KAMENTEA\EOYC 


MHNAC .. [TAAACKIONHAYKTA=!ONYAAN 
bEYFONTE|/KATAKAPAIAN 
MHAOTPO|PON: AAA’?OTEAH 

AOY CONTTO|TIKAAAIPOANTIATHPIKANEN 
ENOENXPOA|NIYAMENOC®OI ἡ 
NIKOK........ OAATOYC 


ἦν ἤ ον ΠΡ ΑΕ ΔΎΟ ὍΝ BOQTTIN 

*toyA’ εκλγ᾽ APICTOTTATPA 
XEIPACANTEINQ.NTTPOCAYIFAC 
ITITTTXKEOCAEAIOY 
TEKNAAYCTANOIOAYCCAC 
TTAP®PONOCE=ATATEIN: 
OYCOAETOIEIKOCIBOYC 
AZYTAC®OINIKOTPIXAC - 
OHPOCKOTTIOCEY XOMENOY: TTIOOYCAA’ HPAN 
TTIAY CENKAAY KOCTE®ANOYC 
KOY PACMANIANAOEON: 
TAIN AY TIKAOITEMENOCBOMONTETEYXON 
XPAINONTEMINAIMATIMHAQ.N 
KAIXOPOYCICTANTYNAIKON: 


ENOENKAIAPHI®IAOIC 
ANAPECCINITITTIOTPO®ONTTIOAINAXAIOIC 
ECTTEO: CYNAETYXAI 
NAIEICMETATIONTIOND. 
XPYCEAAECTIOINAAAQN: 
AACOCTETOIIMEPOEN 
KACANTIAPEYYAPONTIPOTLO 
NOIECCAMENOITIPIAMOP ETTEIXPOND | 
BOYAAICIOEQNMAKAPOIN 

TTEPCANTIOAINEY KTIMENAN 
XAAKOOQPAKQ.NMETATPEIAAN: AIKAIAC 
OCTICEXEI®PENACEY 
PHCEICYNATIANTIXPONQ! 


MY PIACAAKACAXAIQIN: 
Ne ee 


1 Kenyon now thinks that the apparent = is only an abraded Z. 


168 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


XE tXILY 


Τισιαι αιυγινητηὴν παλαιστηι νεμεα 


erp. ACEIKYBEPNHTACCO®OCYMNOANAC 

Ο᾽ EYOYNEKAEIO! 
NY N@PENACAMETEPAC 
EIAHTIOTEKAITIAPOC: ECFAPOABIAN 

5 =EINOICIMETIOTNIANIKA 
NACONAIFEINACATIAPXEI 
EAQONTAKOCMHCAIQEOAMATONTIOAIN: 
TANT? ENNEMEAIFYAAKEAMOYNOTTAAAL 


Here there has been a loss of at least one column, and probably of 
more than one. 


XII. [XIL] 


orp. a’. * * * 
Col. 23 ee 
= — — AEM 
10) --- τεϑϑος οὖς ΘΟΕ ΒῚ 
-- --- -- -- -- -- ΔΑΝ 
στρ. β΄. A lacuna of thirty-one verses. 


Col. 24 YBPIOCYYINOOY 
45 TIAYCEIAIKACONATOICIKPAINOD.N 


avr. f. OIANTINAAYCAO®ON2 
MHCTAIAEONTI 
(15) TIEPCEIAACE®IHCI 
XEIPATTANTOIAICITEXNAIC: 
so... AAMACIMBPOTOCAIOON 


..» KOCATTAATOYOEAEI 


.... INAIACOMATOC:E 
(oo) Fite OHA’ OTTICA. 
oF Pad NON: HTTOTE®AMI 
ἐφ ΘΟ ΠΕΡΙΟΤΕΦΑΝΟΙΟΙ 
a ATIOYTTONONEA 
Seas NIAPQENT’ ECECOAI: 


ἐπ B. (25) «+--+: ABQ MONAPICTAPXOYAIOC 


ODES XI [XII], XII [XIIZ}. 169 


....1CINA.|OEA 

ited ANAOZANTIOAYPANTONENAI 
...- TPE®EITTAYPOICIBPOTON 

. IEIKAIOTANOANATOIO 


KYANEONNE®OCKAAYYHIAEITIETAI 
AOANATONKAEOCEYEP 


XOENT . CACPAAEICYNAICAI: 
ee 


60 
(30) 
65 
στρ. γ΄. 
(35) 
70 
(40) 
75 
(45) 
Col. 25 avr. γ΄. 
80 
(50) 
84 f. 
(55) 
go 
ἐπ. γ΄. 
(6ο) 


95 


(65) 


ΤΩΝΚΑ.. YTYXO.NNEMEAI 
ΛΑΛΛΙΤΩΝΟΟΥΙΕ 
ΤΑΝΘΑΛΕΩΝΟΤΕΦΑΝΟΙΟΙ͂Ν 
Ree ΤῊ XAITAN .. |E®OEIC 
satan as TIOAINY|WIATYIAN 
recast ee PYIM.. OTO.N 

piew sats Ae. OOLN 
KQ....TATP..N 

NACO. YTTEPBI..ICXYN 
TIAMMAXIANANA®AINQ.N: 
OQITOTAMOY OYTATEP 
AINANTOCAITIN’ HTTIOPPON 


HTOIMETAAAN[ 
EAQKETIMAN[ 

ENTTANTECCIN[ 

TTY PCONQCEAAL 

AINQN: TOFECOL.....--- ἽΝΕΙ 
KAITICYPAYXHCKO[.....-- ]PAN 
TIOAECCITAPSENCL 
HYTENEBPOCATIEN[ 
ANOEMOENTACETIL 
ΚΟΥΦΑΟΥΝΑΓΧΙΔΟΙ 

@PACKOYC’ AFAKAEITAL...---- jic- 
TAIAECTE®ANQCAME ....---+--- JEQN 
ANQEQNAONAKOCT  E[ 


PIANAOYPCIN 
TTIAPOENOIMEATIOYCIT ...---->- co. 


A . CTIOINATTAIZEL 

.. AALAATEPOAOL 

το τ Δ ΑΝΕΤΙΓ 
ΚΑ. TEAA... AL 
AIAKQIMIX|QEIC’ ENE 


12 


17° 


στρ. δ΄. 100 


(70) 


105 


(75) 


110 


ἄντ. δ΄. 


(δο) 


Col. 26 
116 


(85) 


120 


(90) 


125 


(95) 


130 


στρ. ε΄. (100) 


135 


(105) 


140 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


TANYIEAC|AEPCIMAX[L 
TAXYNT’ AX/IAAEA ~ 
EYEIAEOCT’| EPIBOIAC 
ΤΑΙ Δ᾽ YTTEPO!Y MONBOAT[ 
AIANTACAK\|EC®OPONH[ 


OCT’ ETTITIPYM|NAICTAOL 
ECXENOPACY|KAPAION[ 
MAINONTAN[ 
ΘΕΟΠΕΟΙΩΙΠῪΓ 
ΕΚΤΟΡΑΧΑΛΙ ὁ JN 
ΟΠΟΤΕΠΙ 

TPA. EIAN[ JANIN 
ΩΡΕΙΝΑΤΙ 

Τ᾽ EAYCENA[L 
ΟΙΠΡΙΝΛΛΕΝΙ JN 
. lOYOAHTONACTY 
OYAEITION- ATYZOMENOI[ 


TT. ACCONO=EIANMAXAL 


EYT’ ENTIEAIO! KAONEQ[ 
MAINOIT’ AXIAAEYC 
AAO®ONONAOPYCEIQN 


AAN’ OTEAHTIOAEMOI[ 
AHEENIOCTEPANOL 
NHPHIAOCAT POMHTO[ 


ACT’ ENKYANANOEIO[ 
TIONT|QIBOP|EACYTTOKY 
MACI|NAJAIZE! 
NYKT|O|CANTACACANATI[ 


AH=ENAECYN®AECIM, 
AOI: CTOPECENAETETIOL 
OY PIAINOTOYAEKOATIL 
ICTIONAPTIAAEQCAL 
EATITONE=. . ONTOXE[ 
ΩΟΤΡΩΕΟΕΤΤ.. KAYON 
XMATANAXIAAEA 
MIMNO . . ENKAICIHICIN 
El. EK. NEANOACTYNAIKOC 
| P . CHIAOCIMEPOFYIOY 
@EOICINANTEINANXEPAC 
bOIBANECIAONTECYTIAL 
XEIMQ.NOCAITAAN- 


ἀντ. ς΄. (145) 


180 


(150) 


ODE XII [Χ1177]. 171 


ΤΤΑΟΟΥΔΙΑΟΔΕΛΙΤΤΟΝΤΕΟ 
TEIXEAAAOMEAONTOC 

. CTTIEAIONKPATEPAN 
AI=ANY . MINAN®EPONTEC: 


ΩΡΟΑΝΤ. POBONAANAOIC: 
QTPY NEA’ APHC 
- YETXHCAYKIONTE 


. OZIACANAZATIOAAQN: 
ΙΞΟΝΤ᾽ E . |OEINAOAAACCAC- 
. AYCI\A’ EYTTPYMNOICTTAPIA 
MAPNIANT’: ENAPIZ.....| ON 


ον EYOETO@NTON 
εὐ ++ TIFAIAMEAAL 


cen EACYTIOXEI[ 
εἰν ξηξε Er” ΗΛΛΙΘΕΟΙΟΙ 
ἀφ τ ἐς IC . ΘΕΩΝΔ᾿ Ι-Ξ-εξ ορΡλλΑΝ: 


ΣΤΟΝ ΟΙΝΕΟ’: ΗΛΛΙΕΓΙΑΛΑΙΟΙΝΕΛΤΙΟΙΝ 
..-- ONTECYTTEP(|9|.. AON 


— — — CITITIEYTAIKYANOTIIAACEK 
= aa MAC 

— — — TTINACT’ EN 

ent |P . ICEZEINO|... MATONTIOAIN: 


. |EAAONAPATIPOT| ... NAI 

. |ANTA®OINIZE]| . .. AMANAPL 
. |NACKONTECYTT].. . KIAAIC 

| EPEIY[|.-/ — 


| TANEIKAIL 
| HBAOY=YAL 


OYFAPAAA .. E. INY[? 
TIACIANHCAPET[ 
KPYdOQEIC’ AMAYPOL 


AAAEMTTEAONAK[ 
BPYOYCAAOZ=AI 
CTPAPATAIKATATAN[ 
KAITTOAY TIAA KTONOL 
KAIMAN®EPEKYAEAN[ 
AIAKOYTIMAI-CYNEY 


1 See crit. n., p. 350. 
Ἐπ 


172 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


ΚΛΕΙΑΙΔΕΦΙΛΟΟΤΕΦΙ 
Col. 28 ΠΙΟΛΙΝΚΎΒΕΡΝΑΙ 
ι86 ΕΥ̓ΝΟΛΛΙΑΤΕΟΑΟΦΡΙΩΝ 
ἈΘΑΛΙΑΟΤΕΛΕΛΟΓΧΟΙΝ 
(155) ACTEAT’ ΕΥΟΕΒΕΩΙΝ 
ANAPONENEL. HNIAI®YAACC. {I° 
ἐπ. ς΄. 190 NIKANT? EPIK....|MEATIET’ ΩΙΝΕΟΙ 
. YOEAMEAETA .. . ΒΡΟΤΩ 
. AEAMENANAP . |Y- 
(160) ΤΑΝΕΙΤΑΛΦΕΙΟΥΤΕΡΟ ... @AMAAH 
TIMACENAXPYCAPMATOC 
195 CEMNAMEFAOYMOCAOANA: 
MY PIONT? HAHMITPAICINANEPON 
ECTE®ANQ.CENEOEIPAC 
(165) ENTTANEAAANQNAE®A\OIC- 
--- 
PE . IMHTINA@EPCI ἡ TTH|C 
200 . QONOCBIATAI 
AINEITQ.CO@ONA|NAPA 


. YNAIKAI* BPOTIQNAEMQMOC 

(170) TTANTECCIMENE|CTINETIEPTOI[ 
. Δ᾽ AAAQEIAPIAEL 

2ος. NIKANOTETIANA|. ΛΛΑΤΩΓ 
XPONOCTOKAANC : 
. ΡΓΛΛΕΝΟΝΑΙΕΝΑΙ 

(175). Y. MENE. NAEMAT 


A lacuna of ten verses. 


Col. 29 ἀντ. ζ΄. EATIIAIOYMONIAI|N[ 


221 TAIKAIETOTTICYNIOL 
POINIKOKPAAEMNO|!0[ 


ἐπ. ζ΄. (190) YMNOQNTINATAN|AEN[ 

PAINQEENIANITEL | 

225 ΓΛΑΟΝΓΕΡΑΙΡΩ 
TANEMOIAAMTTQ\NE 
BAHXPANETIAOPHICAICIT[ 

(195) TANEIK’ ΕΤΥΛΛΩΟΘΑΙΡΑΚΛΙΕΙΩΓ 
TTANOAAHCEMAIC\ENEC|TA=[ 

230 TEPYIETTEICNIN|.. IAAII 


TTANTIKAPY =|ONTIAAL 


στρ. a’. 


στρ. β΄. 


ODES XI [XIII], ΧΙ (XIV). 


XIII. [XIV.] 


Κλεοπτολεμί. .| θεσσαλωι ἱπποις πετρα!.] 


ΕΥ̓ΛΑΕΝΕΙΛΛΑΡΘΙΑΙΠΑΡΑΔΑΙΙ 
OPLITTOICAPICT|ON: 
- YMPOPAA’ ECO|AONAMAAAY 
itis APYTA .- (OCMOAOYCA: 

5 «..-. ONKAI... |YVYI@ANHTEL 


ον ATOPONOJEICA: TIMAN 
.»» AOCAAAOIA|NEXEI: 


- AIA? ANAPO.NAPE ... |MIAA’ Εἰ 
.... NITPOKEITAI 
10 .... TTAPXEIPOCKYBEPN\A 


.. KAIAICI@PPENECCI|N: 
- NBAPYTTENOECIN|APMO 


. AXAICPOPMIFTOCO|MPA 
- FYKAATTEICXOPOI: 


15 .... NOAAIAICKANAXA 
- +++ OKTYTTOC: ΑΛΛΕΦΕΚΑΟΤΩΙ 
OAs τ πρν ΝΔΡΩΝΕΡΓΛΛΑΤΙΚΑΛ 
ΛΙΟΤΟΟ. YEPAONTAAEKAIOEOCO[ 


KAEOTTTOAEMQIAEXAPIN 

20 NYNXPHTTOCIAANOCTETIETPL 
OYTEMENOCKEAAAHCAI 
TTY PPIXOYT’ EYAO=ONITITION[ 


»--- 
ΟΟΦΙΛΟΞΕΙΝΟΥΤΕΚΑΙΟΡΘΟΔΙ 
. A lacuna of sixteen verses. 


4o — — ΥΩΔΕΑΘΕΟΟΑΙ͂ 
— — ENTFYAAOIC: 
— — NTEAHCK[ 


— — EA.. ANN 
The rest of the ode is lost. 


173 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


XIV. [XV.] 
Ἰτηνοριδαι 


|s απαιτησις 
-- — — ANTIOEOY 
-- — QITICAOANACTTPOCTTOAOC 
—_ — — TTAAAAAOCOPCIMAXOY 


— — — PYCEAC 
— — — NAPFEIQNOAYCCE! 


— — — AQIT ATPEIAAIBACIAEI 
— — — ZOANOCOEAND 
εὐ πον a 


-- — — NTTPOCHNETIEN: 
— — — YKTIMENAN 


— = = -ΞΟΛΌΝΤΥΧΟΝΤΕΟ 
— = — ΞΕΟΎΝΘΕΙΙΟ 
-- -- ----- - AOYC 

A lacuna of eight verses. 
--, -- -- -- -- | KTIOCKEAP | 


A lacuna of thirteen verses. 


Col. 31 ἐπ. 8’. ATON TIATHPA’ EYBOYAOCHP2L.C 


TIANTACAMAINENTIPIAMQIBACIAE! 
TTAIAECCITEMYOONAXAIQIN: 


ENOAKAPYKECAIEY 
PEIANTTOAINOPNYMENOI 
ΤΡΩΩΝΑΟΛΛΙΖΟΝΦΑΛΑΓΓΑΟ 


Se 

AE=ICTPATONEICATLOPAN: 
TIANTAIAEAIEAPAMENAYAAEICAOLOC: 
OEOICA’ ANICKONTECXEPACAOANATOIC 
EYXONTOTTAYCACOAIAYAN: 
MOYCA:‘TICTTPQTOCAPXENAOLFONAIKAION. 
TTIAEICOENIAACMENEAAOCTAPYIOEAEIETTEI 
ΦΘΕΓΞΑΤ᾽ EYTTETIAOICIKOINOCACXAPICCI|N: 
QTPOQECAPHIPIAO!: 

ZENOVS «cus C . ΠΑΝ. AAEPKETAI 


OY KAITIOCONATOICMETAAQ.NAXEQN 
AAAEN ..... KEITAIKIXEIN 


ODES XIV [XV], XV [XVZ}. 


TTACINANOP2TTOICAIKANIOEIANALTNAGC 
55 EYNOMIACAKOAOYOONKAITTINYTACOEMITOC 


OABIONTI..A.. NINAIPEYNTAICYNOIKON 


ἐπ. γ΄. AANAIOAO! . KEPAECCIKAIA®POCY NAIC 
E=AICIOICOAAAOYC’ AGAMBHC 
YBPICATIAOYT . . AYNAMINTEQ@ONC 


60 AAAOTPIONDTTACENAYTIC 
Δ᾽ ECBAOYNTTEMTTEIPOOPON: 


-» INAKAIYTTEP®IAAOYC 
.. + TAIAACOAECENTITANTAC 


XV. [XVI] 


στρ. -++-1OY..... ETTE|! 
.... AA’ ETTEMYENEMOIXPYCEAN 
IAQE..... PONOC. YPANIA[ 
ἐν ες ATONTEMOYCANYMNON 
ἌΣ ΝΕΙΤΑΡΕΙΤΑΝΘΕΛΛΟΕΝΤΙΕΒΡΩΙ 


ἃ -ἰτ «TAAAETAIHAOAIXAYXENIKY[ 
225, «ΔΕΙΑΝΦ. ENATEPTTOMENOC 


oes AIKHITTAIHONOQN 


Col, 32 ANOEATTEAOIXNEI|N 
10 ΠΎΘΙ᾽ ATTOAAON 
TOCCAXOPOIAEA®2.N 
CONKEAAAHCANTIAPA|FAKAEANAON 


ἀντ. ΤΡΙΝΓΕΚΛΕΟΛΛΕΝΛΙΠΊΕΙΙΝ 
ΟΙΧΑΛΙΑΝΤΤΥΡΙΔΑΤΤΤΟΛΛΈΝΑΝ 
15 AM@®ITPXYONIAAANOPACYM| . ΔΕΑΦΩ 
Θ᾽ - IKETOA’ AMPIKYMON’ AKT\AN: 
ENO’ ΑἸΤΟΛΑΙΔΟΟΕΥΡΥΝΕΦΕΙΚΉΝΑΙΩΙ 


ZHNIOYENBAPYAXEACENNEATIAY POYC 
AYOT’ OPCIAAQIAAMACIXOONIME[ 
20 AEKOPAIT OBPIMOAEPKEIAZYTAL 


ΤΑΡΘΕΝΩΙΑΘΑΝΑΙ 
YYIKEPANBOYN: 


175 


176 


2 
επ. 


στρ. α΄. 


Col, 33 


25 


30 


35 


Io 


“45 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


TOT’ AMAXOCAAIMO.N 
AAIANEIPAITTOAYAAKPYNY PAL 


MHTINETTIPPON’ ETTE! 

TTYOET’ ATFEAIANTAAATTIENOEA[ 
IOAANOTIAEYKQAENON 
AIOCYIOCATAPBOMAXAC 


See, 


AAOXONAITTIAPO . . |OTIAOMONTIE! . - |Ol- 


AAYCMOPOCATAA.. Ν᾽ OIONEMHCAT[ 
ΦΘΟΝΟΟΕΥΡΥΒΙΑ.. INATTQAECEN 
ANOEONTEKAIAY|MMATON 
YCTEPONEPXOMIENQIN: 

OT’ ETTITIOTAMQ. . |POAJOENTIAYKOPMAIL 


AE=ATONECCOY|TTA|PAAAIMONIONTEP[ 
)-— 


XVI. [XVII.] 
Ἰίθεοι 
Ἰθησευς 


ΚΥΑΝΟΤΠΤΡΩΙΡΑΛΛ. |NINAYCMENEKTY[ 
OHCEAAICETIT . |T ΙΑΓΛΑΟΥΘΑΓΟΥΟΘΑ 
KOYPOYCIAONQ. ] 
KPHTIKONTAMNI|ENTTEAAT OC: 


THAAYTEIPAP... APE! 
BOPHIAITTITNO. |A\YPAI 
KAYTACEKATITT . |AE|MAITIAOCA@AN[ 


KNICENTEMINOK|EAP 
IMEPAMTI . KOCOEA| 
KYTTPIAOC.. NAAQ.. |A- 
XEIPAA’ OY .... TTAPO. |NIKAC 
ATEPOEPA. YEN: ΘΙΓΕΙ͂Ν 
AEAEY KANTIAPHI|AQN: 
BOA.. [Τ᾿ EP\|IBOIAXAAKO 
ONPA..... NAIONOC 

ΕΚΓ. NON'IAENAEO|HCEYC: 


MEAANL’ YTTOPPYDN 


Col. 34 


25 


30 


35 


40 


45 


5° 


55 


ODES XV [XVI], XVI [XVIZ}. 


AINA. ENOMMAKA\PAIANTEOI! 
CXETAIONAMY ZENIAATOC: 
EIPENTE-AIOCYIE®EP|TATOY 
OCIONOYKETITEAN 
ECO KYBEPNAICOPEN|QN 

. | |CXEMETAAOY XO|NHPOCBIAN 
OTIM| . NEKOEQNMOIPA\TIATKPATHC 
AMMIKATENEYCEKAIAI|KACPETIEITA 
AAN|TONTIETTPOQMEN . |N 
AICAN| . KTTAHCOMENOT . |N 
EAOH-|.. AEBAPEIANKATE 
XEM . |TINEIKAICEKEANA 
TEKEN|AEXEIAIOCYTIOKPOTA|PONIAAC 
MITEIC|A®OINIKOCEPA 
TANY|MOCKOPABPOTON 
EPT|. . ON-AAAAKAME 
TIIT@| . OCOYTATHPA®NEOY 
TIAAQ|EICATIONTIQITEKEN 
TIOCIA|ANI-XPYCEON 
TEOIA|OCANIOTTAOKOI 
KAAYM|MANHPHIAEC: 
TA.CETTIOAEMAPXEKNOCCION 
KEAOM\JAITTOAYCTONON 
EPYKE|NYBPIN: OYTAPANOEAOI 
MW’ AMBPOTOI’ EPANNONAOL 
|AEINPAOCETIEITIN’ HIQE[ 
CYAAMACEIACAEKON 
TATTPOCOEXEIPQ.NBIAN 


ΔΕ. =|OMEN‘TAA’ ETTIONTAAA ... |NKPIN(EI* 


Ais TTENAPETAIXMOCH PO. ] 


- PONAENAYBATAI 
.T.. YTEPAPANON 


ΘΑ. coc: ΑΛΙΟΥΤΕΓΑΛΛΒΡΩΙΧΟΛΩΓ 
YAINETETT . TAINIAN 

MHTIN: EITTIENTEMELAAOCOL 
ZEYTIATEPAKOYCON’ EITTEPM....- A 
OINICCAAEY KQAENOCCOITEK[ 
NYNTIPOTTEMTT’ ATTOY PANOYOL 

TTY PIEOEIPANACTPATIAN 

CAM? APIFNQTON EI! 


177 


στρ. β΄. 


Col. 35 


ἀντ. β΄. 


65 


7O 


75 


80 


85 


go 


95 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


AEKAICETPOIZHNIACEIC...|ONI 
&YTEYCENAIOPATIOCE! 
AANITONAEXPYCEON 

XEIPOCATAAON 
AIKQNOPACEICOQMATIATPOC . |CAQOMOYC 
ENEFKEKOCMONBAOEIACA|AOC- 
EICEAIA’ AIK’ EMACKAYHI 
KPONIOCEYXAC 


ΑΝΑΞΙΒΡΕΝΤΑΟΌΤΠΑΝΤΩ.... . “. N° 
ΓΈΞΕΞΙΣΙΣ Ξ “- 5 

KAYEA’ ΑΛΛΕΙΤΤΟΝΕΥΧΑΝΛΛΕΓΑΟΘΕΝΗ͂Ι.] 
ΖΕΥΟΎΠΕΡΟΧΟΝΤΕΛΛΙΝΩΙΦΥΤΕΥΘΕ 
ΤΙΛΛΑΝΦΙΛΩΙΘΕΛΩΝ 

ΤΑΙ ΔΙΤΑΝΔΕΡΚΕΑΘΕΛΛΕΝ: 


ΑΟΤΡΑΨΕΘ᾽ ΟΔΕΘΥΛΛΆΡΛΛΕΝΟΝ 
ΙΔΩΝΤΕΡΑΟΧΕΙΡΑΟΠΕΤΑΘΟΘΕ 
ΚΛΥΤΑΝΕΟΑΙΘΕΡΑΛΛΕΝΕΠΤΟΛΕΛΛΟΟΗΡΩΘΟ 
ΕἸΡΕΝΤΕ  ΘΗΟΘΕΥΤΑΔΕ 
MENBAETTIEICCA@HAIOC ἢ 
AQPA‘CYA’ OPNY’ ECBA 

PYBPOMONTI. AAFOC:KPONI[ 


AETOITTATHPANA=TEAEI 
TTOCEIAANYTIEPTATON 
KAEOCX@ONAKATEYAENAPON: 
OCEITIE:TOQIA’ OYTTAAIN 

OY MOCANEKAMTITET’ AAAEY 


TIAKTQ.NETTIKPIQUN 


CTAQEICOPOYCE:TIONTIONTENIN 
AE=ATOOEAHMONAACOC: 
TA®ENAEAIOCYIOCENAOOEN 


KEAP-KEAEYCETEKATOY 
PONICXEINEYAAIAAAON 


NAA‘MOIPA ὁ ETEPANTTOPCYN’ OAON 


IETOA’® QKYTTOMTTONAOPY COE! 
NEINBOPEACE=OTTIOENTINEOYC’ AHTA: 
TPECCANA’ AOANAIQN 
HIOEQNIENOCETIE! 
HPQXYCOOPENTIONTONAE’KA 
TAAEIPIQNT’ OMMATOLNAAKPY 
XEONBAPEIANETTIAETMENOIANAT KAN: 


bEPONAEAEA®INECENAAI 
NAIETAIMEFAN@ONC 


100 


IIo 


ἐπ. β΄. 
Col. 36 


115 


120 


125 


130 


ODE XVI (XVII). 179 


ΘΗ. EATTATPOCITITTI 
OYAOMON-EMOAENTEOEQN 
ME .. PON-TOOIKAYTACIAQN 
EAEICE,NHPEOCOA 
BIOYKOPAC-ATTOrAPATAA 
ΩΝΛΑΛΛΙΤΕΓΥΙΩΝΟΕΛΑΟ 
QITETTY POC-AM@IXAITAIC 


AEXPYCEOTTAOKOI 
AINHNTOTAINIAILXOPQOIAETEP 
TTIONKEAPYT POICINENTTOCIN: 
EIAENTETTATPOCAAOXON®IAAN 
CEMNANBODOTTINEPATOI 
CINAM®@ITPITANAOMOIC: 


ANINAM®EBAAAENAIONATIOPYPEAN: 


KOMAICIT’ ETTEOHKENOYAAIC 
AMEM®@EATTIAOKON: 


TONTIOTEOIENFAMOQI 

AQ KEAOAIOCASPOAITAPOAOICEPEMNON: 
ATTICTONOTIAAIMONEC 
OEANCINOYAENSPENOAPAICBPOTOIC: 
NAATTAPAAETITOTIPYMNON®ANH ‘EY 


OIAICINEN®PONTICIKNOCION 
ECXACENCTPATATETANETIE]I 


MOA’ AAIANTOCE=AAOC 
OAYMATTIANTECCI‘AAM 

TIEA’ AM@IFYOICOEQNNANP’ AFAO 
@PONOITEKOYPAICYNEY 

OY MIAINEOKTITOL 

QAOAY=AN‘E 
KAATENAETIONTOC:HIQEOIA’ EFFYOEN 
NEOITTAIANIZANEPATAIOTII 
AAAIEXOPOICIKHIQN 

@PENAIANOEIC 


OTTAZEQEOTIOMTIONECOADNTYXAN 
- 


180 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


XVII. [XVIIL.] 


Onoevs 


στρ. α΄. ΒΑΟΙΛΕΥΤΑΝΙΕΡΑΝΑΘΑΝΑΝ 
ΤΩΝΑΒΡΟΒΙΩΝΑΝΑΞΙΏΝΩΝ 
ΤΙΟΝΕΟΝΕΚΛΑΓΕΧΑΛΚΟΚΩΔΩΝ 
ΟΑΛΙΤΙΓΞΙΤΟΛΕΛΛΗΙΑΝΑΟΙΔΑΝ: 

5 HTICAMETEPACXOONOC 
AYCMENHCOPI’ ΑΛΛΦΙΒΑΛΛΕΙ 
CTPATAFETACANHP: 
HAHCTAIKAKOMAXANOI 
TIOIMEND.NA’ EKATIMHAQNN 

10 CEYONT’ ATEAACBIAI - 
HTITOIKPAAIANAMYCCEI: 
ΦΘΕΓΓΟΥΔΟΚΕΩΓΑΡΕΙΤΙΝΙΒΡΟΤΩΝ 
ΑΛΚΙΛΛΩΝΕΤΤΙΚΟΥΡΙΑΝ 
ΚΑΙΤΙΝΕΛΛΛΛΕΝΑΙΝΕΩΝ 

I5 QTIANAIONOCYIEKAIKPEOYCAC 

στρ. β΄. .«« ΟΝηλθεδλολιχὰνδλλειψὰο 

Col. 37 KAPY =TTOCINICOMIANKEAEYOON: 
APATAA’ EPFAAETEIKPATAIOY 
POTOC'TONYTTEPBIONT ETTE®NEN 


20 CININOCICXYI@EPTATOC 
ONATQNHNKPONIAAAYTAIOY 
CEICIXOONOCTEKOC: 


CYNT’ ANAPOKTONONENNATIAIC 
KPEMYQ.NOCATACOAAONTE 

25 ΟΚΙΡΩΝΑΚΑΤΕΚΤΑΝΕΝ: 
TANTEKEPKYONOCTITAAAICT PAN 
ECXEN: TIOAYTTHMONOCTEKAPTEPAN 
CbY PANE=EBAAAENTIPOKO 
TTTACAPE!ONOCTYXQX.N 

30 POTOC: TAYTAAEAOIX OTTAITEAEITAI: 

στρ. γ΄. TINAA’ EMMENTIOOENANAPATOYTON 

AETEI* TINATECTOAANEXONTA: 
TTIOTEPACY NTTOAEMHIOICO 
TTIAOICICTPATIANAFONTATTIOAAAN: 

35 HMOYNONCYNOTTAOICIN 


CTIXEINEMTTOPONOP AAATAN 
ETTAAAOAAMIAN 


στρ. δ΄. 


Col. 38 


στρ. 


40 


45 


5οὋὈἨ 


60 


Io 


ODES XVII (XVIII), XVIII (XX). 


ICXYPONTEKAIAAKIMON 


OQAEKAIOPACY NOCTOYTON 
ANAPONKAPTEPONCOENOC 
ECXEN: HOEOCAYTONOPMAI 


AIKACAAIKOICINO®PAMHCETAI 
OYTAPPAIAIONAIENEP 
AONTAMHNTYXEINKAKQI: 


TTIANT’ ENTQUAOAIXOIXPONDITEAEITAI: 


AYOOIPQATEMONOYCAMAPTEIN 
AETEI: TTEPI®AIAIMOICIA’ QMOIC 
=IPOCEXEIN: 
=ECTOYCAEAY’ ENXEPECC’ AKONTAC 
55 * CTIABEINATTOAAQMNIAN 
POINICCANGAOLaTTAIAdA’ EMEN 
TTPWOHBON * APHIWNA’ ABYPMATWN 
KHYTYKTONKY NEANAAKAI 
NANKPATOCYTTEPTTY PCOXAITOY: 
XITOANATTOP®Y PEON 
CTEPNOICIT’ AM@®IKAIOYAION 
OECCAAANXAAMY A’: OMMATO.NAE 
*MEMNACOAITTOAEMOYTEKAI 
XAAKEOKTYTTOYMAXAC 
AIZHCOAIAE®IAATAAOY CAOANAC 
——————_ 


XVHL XTX) 


Iw αθηναιοις 


TTIAPECTIMY PIAKEAEY9OOC 
ΑΛΛΒΡΟΟΙΩΝΛΛΕΛΕΩΝ 


OCANTIAPATIEIEPIAQNAA 
XHICIAQPAMOYCAN 
ΙΟΒΛΕΦΑΡΟΙΤΕΚΑΙ 
ΦΕΡΕΟΤΕΦΑΝΟΙΧΑΡΙΤΕΟ 
ΒΑΛΩΟΘΙΝΑΛΛΦΙΤΙΛΛΑΝ 
YMNOICIN: ΥΦΑΙΝΕΈΝΥΝΕΝ 


TAICTTOAYHPATOICTIKAINON? 
OABIAICAOANAIC 
EYAINETEKHIAMEPIMNA: 
TIPETTEICE®EPTATANIMEN 
OAONTTAPAKAAAIOTTACAA 


1 See crit. n. on p. 398. 


181 


182 


Col. 39 


15 


20 


25 


30 


35 


40 


45 


50 


TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 


XOICANE=OXONFEPAC: 

TIHNAPFOCO®’ ITITIIONAITIOYCA 
mEYTEXPYCEABOYC 
EYPYCOENEOCPAAAICIGEPTATOYAIOC 
INAXOY POAOAAKTYAOCKOPA: 


OT APTONOMMACIBAETIONTA 
TTANTO@ENAKAMATOIC 
MEFICTOANACCAKEAEYCEN 


AKOITONAYTTNONEON 
TAKAAAIKEPANAAMAAIN 


-PY AACCEN: OYAEMAIAC 


YIOCAY NAT’ OYTEKATEY 

PETTEACAMEPACAAOEINNIN 
22 * χργοοττεττλοοηρὰ 

OYTENYKTACATN[ 


EIT’ OYNFENET’ Εἰ 


TTOAAPKE’ ΑΓΓΕΛΟΙ 
KTANEINTOT[ 
OMBPIMOCTTOPOYAL 


APTON: HPAKAI[ 
ACTIETOIMEPIMN[ 


HITEIEPIAECYTEY[ 
KAAEQNANATIAYCL 
EMOIMENOYN 
ACOAAECTATONATIP[ 
ETTEITTAPANOEMQL, 


NEIAONA®IKET’ Of 
ILQPEPOYCATTAIAL 
ETTAPON: ENOANI[ 
Al NOCTOAQNTIPYT[ 


YTTEPOXQLIBPYONT[ 
METICTANTEONAT 


OOENKAIATANOPI[ 
ENETITATTIYAOICL 


KAAMOCCEMEAL 
ATONOPCIBAKXA[ 
TIKTEAIONYCON[ 


KAIXOPQNCTE®AL 
ee 


Io 


ODES XVIII [XIX], XIX [XX]. 


Rie ERX) 


Idas λακεδαιμονιοις 


CTTAPTAITTOTENE[ 


=ANOAIAAKEAA[ 
TOIONAEMEAOCK[ 
OT’ ATETOKAAAITIAL 


KOPANOPACY KAP[ 
~~ 
MAPTTHCCANIOT[ 
ΦΥΓΩΝΘΑΝΑΤΟΥΤΙ 
ANA=IAAOCTTOCI 


ITITIOYCTEOIICAN[ 
TTAEY PON’ ECEYKT[ 
XPYCACTTIAOCYIOL 


The rest of the ode is lost. 


INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


A. EPINIKIA. 
THE CYCLE OF THE FOUR GREAT FESTIVALS. 


The Olympian games were held towards the end of summer, at the 
time of a full moon (Pind. O. 111. 19), and lasted five days (O. v. 6). 
The incidence of the festival was regulated by a cycle of 99 lunar 
months, in such a manner that the interval between two celebrations 
was alternately one of 49 lunar months and one of 50. In the former 
case the festival seems to have coincided with the second full moon 
after the summer solstice, and in the latter with the third (Schréder, 
Prolegomena to Pindar, p. 48). According to scholia on Pind. O. 111. 
35, the celebration was.alternately in the month Apollonius and in the 
month Parthenius (2d. p. 46); but it is not known to what Attic months 
these corresponded. 

The Nemean games were held in summer, probably in July, at the 
beginning of the second and fourth years of each Olympiad. 

The Isthmian games were held in spring, probably in April (cp. 
Thuc. vit. 7—r0), in the latter half of the second and fourth years of 
each Olympiad. 

The Pythian games were held in August (the Delphian month 
Bucatius, the Attic Metageitnion), early in the third year of each 
Olympiad. 

To exemplify this cycle, we will take the 74th and 75th Olympiads. 


ODE I. 185 


Olympiad, B.C. 


74.1. 484/3 | 484. Late summer. Olympia | Pind. O. x, ΧΙ 
74. 2. 483/2 483. Summer. Vemea 
482. Spring. Jsthmia 
74s 3. 482/1 482. August. Pythia 
"4. 4. 481/o (481. Summer. δίεψισα Pind. NV. v, Bacch. XII? 
(480. Spring. Zsthmia Pind. Z. v [v1]? 
75-1. | 480/79 | 480. Late summer. Olympia 
75.2. 479/8 (479. Summer. Memea 
(478. Spring. Jsthmia Pind. Z, Iv [v]? 11 [1v]? 
75/3: 478/7 478. August. Pythia 
8:2. 477/6 | (477. Summer. Memea 
1476. Spring. Zsthmia 


_DATES OF SOME EPINIKIA. 


Olympiad. | B.c. Olympiad. B.C. 

70.3. | 498 | Pind. Px 78.1. | 468 | Bacch. III 

72.3. 490 | Pind. 2. vi, x1 

73-3- | 486 | Pind. Ρ vir 78.2. | 467 | Pind. Δ΄. vir? 

75.2 478 | Pind. Z. vir [vir]? 79.1. 464 | Pind. O. vil, ΙΧ, ΧΠῚ 

76.1 476 | Pind. O. 1, τι, 11, x1v. || 79-3- | 462 | Pind. P. Iv, v 
Bacch. V 80. I. 460 | Pind. O. vir 

76. 2. 475 | Pind. [P.] 1 80. 4. 456 | Pind. Z. vi [v1]? 

76.3- | 474 | Pind. P. 11? ΙΧ, ΧΙ | 81.1. | 456 | Pind. O.1v,v? N.1v? 

76. 4. 473 | Pind. V.1? |} 82.1. 452 | Bacch. VI, VII 

γῆς Te 472 | Pind. O. v1? 

γῆ. 3: 47° | Pind. }. 1, Bacch. IV|| 83. 3. 446 | Pind. ?. vir 


ODE I. 


For Argeius of Ceos, victor in the boys boxing-match [or 
pancration?| at the Isthmia—Date unknown. 


δι. The title is lost, and the occasion of the ode is known 
only from imternal evidence, which, however, happens to be 
confirmed by an inscription found in Ceos. The name of the 
victor was ᾿Αργεῖος (I. 32, 11. 4 f.). His father was Πανθείδης 
(Iv. 14: only the letters ΠΑΝ remain in I. 37), a man skilled in 
medicine, ‘well-dowered by the Graces, and famed for hospi- 
tality (I. 39—41), though, as may be inferred from vv. 49—67, 
of modest fortune. Argeius was one of five brothers, all of good 
repute (43f.). The family belonged to Ceos (II. 2). 

That the festival was the Isthmian appears from I. 46 
and 11. 6f. The nature of the contest is indicated only by 
καρτερόχειρ, the epithet of Argeius in I. 31, and μ[άχ]ας Opa- 
σύχειρος in II. 4. These words suggest the boxing-match, 

7.3; 13 


186 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


though they would also suit the pancration (boxing and 
wrestling). 

§ 2. The inscription above-mentioned is on a marble slab 
which was found at [015 in Ceos, and is now in the Museum 
at Athens. It is of interest as a specimen of the form taken by 
a local record of victories at the national festivals. The slab 
seems originally to have formed the lower left-hand portion of a 
large stele: in its present state, it measures about 19. inches in 
length and 114 in breadth. It has been broken across, but the 
two pieces have been cemented together, so as practically to 
restore the unity of the stone, and no writing has been destroyed 
in the fracture. The inscription is in 29 lines, 27 of which record 
victories’. Each entry of a victory occupies one line. Each 
entry, when entire, gave (1) the victor’s name, with his father’s ; 
(2) the class, with respect to age, in which he competed,— 
ἀνδρῶν, ἀγενείων or παίδων : and (3) the nature of the contest: e.g. 
Lins ᾿Αξίλεω παίδων παγκράτιον. But the left-hand edge of the 
stone has been injured, so that the initial letter of several names 
is lost. And the right-hand edge has been cut away, to the 
extent of at least four inches, judging by the number of 
letters which are certainly missing at the end of some lines. 


This was done, no doubt, by 


1 Tam indebted to Mr R.C. Bosanquet, 
Director of the British School at Athens, 
for kindly sending me an impression of 
the inscription, with some valuable notes. 

2 The names of four of the victors 
are illegible. The remaining twenty-three 
victories were won by thirteen persons, 
one of whom gained 4, another 3, and 
five (including Argeius) gained 2 apiece. 
Of the seven who gained more than one 
victory each, six were victorious both at 
the Isthmus and at Nemea ; the seventh, 
at the Isthmus only. The rule followed 
in the arrangement of the names was 
(I conceive) as follows. In each section 
(the Isthmian and the Nemean) the 
victories were entered in chronological 
order. When, in the same year, there 
had been Cean victors in more than one 
class of age, the order was ‘men,’ ‘ youths,’ 


masons who adapted the slab 


‘boys.’ Where, then, the name of a 
youth precedes that of a man (as in lines 
9 and 21), this means that the man’s 
victory belongs to a later year. In one 
instance the record notes that a man and 
a youth whose name follows his were 
‘brothers who won on the same day’ 
(line to), but their relationship was not 
the only reason for so placing them. 
The same remark applies when the name 
of a boy precedes that of a youth (I. 13). 
The name of ‘ Leon son of Leomedon,’ a 
victor in the κηρύκων ἀγών, stands last 
both in the Isthmian and in the Nemean 
section, in each case following the name 
of a boy. That order would be the 
natural one even if they won in the same 
year, as the herald’s victory belonged to 
a different category, and was not declared 
until the end of the games. 


ODE ἢ 187 


to serve as a rude capital or impost in a Byzantine church’. 
Hence the last word, specifying the contest, is wholly lost in all 
the lines except three; viz. lines 13 and 24, where way 
and πα respectively remain from παγκράτιον, and line 29, 
where κῆρυξ remains. Above the last twelve entries is the 
heading or title (forming line 17), οἵδε Νέμεια ἐνίκων. The 
Nemean games ranked last among the four great festivals; 
hence it may safely be inferred that the immediately preceding 
section of the record contained the victories in the Isthmian 
games, though the heading of this section has been lost, along 
with the earlier entries under it. In the fifteenth extant line 
of the Isthmian section we read :— 
APFEIOS TTANOL JAED TIAIAQ[N 
This entry presumably refers to the victory commemorated in 
the first and second odes of Bacchylides. The word lost after 
παίδων may have been either ΠῪΞ or TTATKPATION, 
The name of Argeius recurs in the Nemean section (I. 26): 
ΑΡΓΕΙΟΣ TIANOL JAED ATE[NEION 
where again the specification of the contest is lost. Nothing 
else is known as to the Nemean victory of Argeius. Nor do we 
know precisely at what point the limit of age between παῖδες 
and ἀγένειοι was drawn for the purposes of these games. The 
term ἀγένειος may have denoted the age from 17 to 19 inclusive, 
and παῖς that from 14 to 16% In that case the interval 
separating the victory of a παῖς from one gained by the same 
person as an ἀγένειος might vary from one year to five. The 
name of Argeius stands last but one in the Isthmian section of 
the record, and last but three in the Nemean. Neither Argeius 
nor any one of five other persons named as victors among the 
‘boys’ or the ‘youths’ recurs as a victor among ‘men.’ The 
record, as we have it, clearly breaks off at or soon after the date 
of the Nemean victory won by Argeius. 
The inscription itself is of a date much later than the latest 
that could be assigned to any poem of Bacchylides. It has been 
referred to the period from circa 400 to 350 B.C*. If that view 


1 Mr Bosanquet observes that the 2 See Introd. to Ode ΧΗ, § 2. 
back and sides of the stone have been 3 This was the opinion of Halbherr, 
treated in a manner which suggests such by whom the inscription was first edited 
a purpose. (in 1885): and it is shared, as Mr 


13—2 


188 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


be correct, the list must have been copied from some older 
record, such as certainly existed in the poet’s day’. The register 
of Cean victors had doubtless been continued from the time of 
Argeius down to the date of the inscription, and the existing 
slab can be but a small fragment of a record which filled 
more than one stele. 

§ 3. The ode, so far as it is preserved in the MS., practically 
begins with the fragment which stands first in the text of this 
edition, describing the arrival of Minos in Crete (vv. I—19). 
This is followed by a lacuna of nine verses; and then comes the 
last part of the poem, virtually complete, which is concerned 
with the victor Argeius and his father Pantheides (vv. 29—74). 
There are also, however, several smaller fragments, which 
belonged to the earlier portion of the ode. From these it 
appears that the poet commenced with a reference to the 
Isthmian festival, and proceeded to relate the heroic saga of his 
native island. The myth was in outline as follows. Dexithea 
(‘she who entertains a god’) was one of several sisters, daughters 
of Damon, chief of the Telchines. Those volcanic daemons, 
connected with Poseidon and his realm, figured in legend as the 
earliest craftsmen in metal, but also as spiteful enchanters 
(τελχίν = θελγίν, from θέλω), who had blighted the fruits of the 
earth in Rhodes, their first home. Their malignity provoked 
the wrath of Zeus, who slew them with his thunderbolts. - But 


Bosanquet informs me, by Dr Wilhelm, 
who is now Keeper of the Inscriptions in 
the Museum at Athens. 

Ω is used in the inscription, and sigma 
has the form Σ, not the older $. In 
Attica = had supplanted $ in ordinary 
epigraphic use as early as Ol. 83. 3 
=446 B.c. (E. S. Roberts, Greek Epi- 
graphy, p. 102): the earliest appearance 
of Q2 in an Attic inscription which can be 
dated seems to be in CIA 338, which 
Kirchhoff has fixed to Ol. 93. 1=408 B.c. 
(26. p. 104). But, with regard to the 
usage of Ceos, there does not appear to 
be any definite evidence as to approxi- 
mately the time at which those forms 
began to be used; and the presumption 
(at least as regards Q) is probably in 
favour of a date later than cz7ca 410 B.C. 

One point may be noted. If the 


Cean stone is merely a copy made 
¢. 400-350 B.C. from an older document, 
one of its characteristics is the more 
curious. The size of the letters, and the 
spacing, vary much in different lines. 
£.g., the first entry of AEQN AEQME- 
ΔΟΝΤῸΣ in 1. 16 is so spaced out as to 
fill the whole width of the existing slab, 
and hence KHPTYZ has been lost after it. 
But the second entry of the same name 
in 1. 29 is so much more compressed 
that KHPTZ comes in. Such variations 
would be more natural if the successive 
entries had been made from time to time, 
than if the stone-cutter was simply copying 
an older record which stood complete 
before him. 

1 See Appendix on Ode Il. gf., 
ἑβδομήκοντα σὺν στεφάνοισιν. 


ODES I, Il, I1I—V. : 189 


he spared Dexithea and her sisters, who had shown hospitality 
to him and Apollo. Minos, coming from Crete to Ceos, there 
wedded Dexithea. Their son was Euxantius, who became lord 
of Ceos, father of the hero Miletus, and ancestor of a Milesian 
clan, the Euxantidae. 

It is impossible, with our data, to say exactly how much of 
the ode has been lost, or how the earlier part of the myth was 
told. A discussion of these questions will be found in the 
Appendix. 

ODE II. 


For the same. 


The title in the MS. (attributable to the hand of the first 
corrector) attests that this short song is in honour of the same 
person ; and the Isthmian victory to which it refers is doubtless 
the same. The last four verses suggest that the ode may have 
been sung, to an accompaniment of flutes, as a welcome to 
Argeius when he landed in Ceos on his return. Ode I, the 
regular epinikion, was presumably written later, for the formal 
celebration of the victory at the young athlete’s home. 


ODEs III, IV, V. 
For Hieron. 


Before dealing separately with each of these three poems, 
it will be useful to give a synopsis of the chief events in the 
history of Hieron and his dynasty, with the chronology of the © 
odes written for him by Bacchylides and by Pindar. 


Deinomenes was a citizen of Gela, hereditary ἱεροφάντης of Demeter 
and Persephone. The origin of his sacred office is related by Herodotus 
(vil. 153). One of the ancestors of Deinomenes was Τηλίνης, himself 
descended from one of the first settlers at Gela, who came with its 
founders, Antiphemus of Rhodes and Entimus of Crete [civc. 690 B.c.: 
Thuc. vi. 4 §3]. This Telines possessed, says Herodotus, certain 
mysterious ipa τῶν χθονίων θεῶν : ze. the secret of certain rites (probably 
associated with visible symbols) of the two goddesses. Some citizens 
of Gela, vanquished in a party struggle, had seceded to a place 
called Μακτώριον : Telines undertook to bring them back by means of 
his ἱρά, on condition that, if he did so, he and his descendants should 
be ἱροφάνται τῶν χθονίων θεῶν. He succeeded,—how, we are not told ; 
and the priesthood remained thenceforth in his house. 


190 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


Deinomenes had four sons, Gelon, Hieron, Thrasybulus, and 
Polyzelus. Gelon, the eldest, had been commander of cavalry under 
Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela. On the death of Hippocrates, the city 
of Gela refused to acknowledge his sons. Gelon took up their cause, 
reduced Gela, and then seized the supreme power for himself. 


OLyYmP. B.C. 


72. 2--73.4 491-485 Gelon, eldest of the four sons of Deino- 
menes, succeeds Hippocrates as tyrant of Gela, 
where he reigns for about six years. 
73. 1 488 Gelon dedicates a bronze chariot at Olympia 
as a thank-offering for victory in the chariot-race 
(Paus. 6. 9. ὃ 4). 
73" 4 485 The oligarchic land-owners (γαμόροι) of 
Syracuse, having been banished by the Syra- 
cusan democracy and retired to Casmenae, 
invoke Gelon’s aid. He leads them against 
Syracuse. At his approach the democracy 
submits, and he becomes master of the city. 
Syracuse is thenceforth the seat of his rule. 
Hieron, the second son of Deinomenes, 
becomes ruler of Gela, as vice-gerent of Gelon. 
Gelon enlarges and strengthens Syracuse by 
carrying the wall of Achradina down to the 
Great Harbour, thus bringing Achradina and 
Ortygia within a single fortified enclosure. The 
greatness of Syracuse as a city, and its naval 
power, date from his reign. 


74.3 482 Hieron wins a victory in the horse-race 
(κέλητι) at Delphi, in the 26th Pythiad. This 
is the first of the three Pythian victories to which 
Bacchylides refers (Iv. 4). 


75-1 480 The Carthaginians, under Hamilcar, are 
defeated at Himera by the Syracusans and 
other Siceliots, στρατηγοῦντος TéAwvos airo- 
κράτορος (Diod. xi. 94). As a thank-offering 
for this victory, Gelon dedicated at Delphi a 
golden tripod surmounted by a Nike. Hieron 
afterwards placed a like offering at the side of 
his brother’s. (See Appendix on Ode 111. 17 ff.) 


OLyYmp. 


75. 3 


75-76 


75. 4 


76.1 


B.C. 


478 


478-476 


477 


476 


ODES ITI—V. ΙΟΙ 


Death of Gelon. Hieron succeeds 
him as ruler of Syracuse. 

Second Pythian victory of Hieron (cp. 482 
B.C.) He wins the horse-race in the 27th 
Pythiad. The κέλης on this occasion was 
certainly Pherenicus (Pind. P. 1. 73 f.), who 
possibly was the winner also in 482. 


At this period there was war between Hieron 
and Theron, the tyrant of Acragas. According 
to one account, this war was connected with 
the protection afforded by Theron to Polyzelus, 
the youngest brother of Hieron, with whom he 
was at enmity. Theron had invaded Hieron’s 
territories, and advanced as far as the river 
Gelas, when the poet Simonides ‘fell in with 
them, and reconciled them to each other’ 
(περιτυχόντα διαλῦσαι). Hieron then took 
Polyzelus into favour again. (Diod. x1. 48.) 
The words of Bacchylides (v. 35 f.) suggest that 
he then (in 476) supposed Hieron to be on 
good terms with both his surviving brothers, 
Thrasybulus and Polyzelus. 


Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, aims at sub- 
jugating the Epizephyrian Locri. Hieron sends 
his brother-in-law Chromius as an envoy to . 
Anaxilas, and secures the continued indepen- 
dence of the Locrians. 


Hieron’s first victory at Olympia, gained with 
the κέλης Pherenicus. 

First Olympian of Pindar: who seems 
to have been at Syracuse when the ode was 
written, or at least when it was sung (v. 10). 

Fifth ode of Bacchylides: who sends 
the poem from Ceos, but may have already 
visited Syracuse, as he calls himself Hieron’s 
ξένος (το f.). 

Hieron transports the citizens οἵ Catana 
and Naxos to Leontini. On the vacant site of 


OLyYmpP. 


76. 2 


76. 3 


INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


B.C. 


475 


474 


Catana he founds a new city, with 5000 settlers 
from Syracuse and as many more from Pelopon- 
nesus, and calls it Aetna, placing it under the 
protection of Ζεὺς Airvatos. 


A great eruption of Mount Aetna, which 
Pindar describes in 2. 1. 21 ff. (470 B.c.), and 
to which Aeschylus alludes (P. V. 367 ff.), is 
fixed to this year, if the words πεντηκοστῷ ἔτει 
in Thuc. 11. 116 ὃ 2 are to be taken strictly. 
But the Parian Chronicle (Miiller 1. 550, 68) 
puts the eruption in 479 8.C.: and it is possible 
that Thuc: gave merely a ‘round number.’ Or 
the volcano may have been active at intervals 
for several years. 

Second ‘Pythian’ of Pindar. This ode, 
incorrectly classed as Pythian, celebrated a vic- 
tory of Hieron in the chariot-race at some Theban 
festival (perhaps the “HpaxAea or “IoAaa). The 
poet alludes to Hieron’s recent intervention on 
behalf of the Italian Locri (vv. 18—20). 


The Etruscans, coming by sea, attack 
Cumae, the ancient Chalcidic settlement in 
*Omxia (Campania). Hieron sends a Syracusan 
fleet, which, with the Cumaean, utterly over- 


throws the Etruscan armada (Diod. x1. 51). 


[There is a trophy of this victory in the British 
Museum; viz., an Etruscan helmet which Hieron 
dedicated at Olympia, with the inscription HIA- 
PONOAEINOMENEOSKAITOISYPAKOSIOI- 
TOIAITYPAN|= Tuppava AILOKYMAS. ] 

The Third Pythian of Pindar may 
belong to this year: this is, at any rate, its ap- 
proximate date. The poet calls Hieron Airvatov 
éévov (v. 69), Showing that the ode is later than 
476: and there is no reference to Hieron’s 
Pythian victory with the chariot (470). The 
poem is not an ἐπινίκιον of the ordinary kind: 
Ζ2.6., it does not celebrate a victory which had 


OLymp. 


76. 4 


77-1 


77-3 


B.C, 


473 


472 


470 


ODES 711--, 193 


just been gained. It refers to the former success 
of the horse Pherenicus at Delphi (in 478, per- 
haps also in 482): vv. 73 f. But it is largely 
an ode of comfort and exhortation: Hieron was 
suffering from a painful disease (λιθιών). 


The probable date of Pindar’s first 
Nemean, for Hieron’s brother-in-law Chro- 
mius, who was now guardian (or ‘ Mayor 
of the Palace’) to Hieron’s son, Deinomenes, 


| who had been appointed to rule the newly- 


founded Aetna (Airvas βασιλεῖ, Pind. P. 1. 60). 
Chromius was proclaimed at Nemea as Airvaios. 
Pindar seems to have been in Sicily then (&. 1. 
19 ff.). 

[The ninth ‘Nemean’ ode, wrongly so 
classed, concerns a victory of Chromius in 
the Pythian games at Sicyon, and seems to be 
earlier than the first Nemean: it calls Aetna 
τὰν νεοκτίσταν (v. 2), and may belong to 


472 B.C.| 


Hieron’s second victory at Olympia, in the 
horse-race. [The fragment of the Olympic 
register contained among the Oxyrhynchus 
papyri proves that Hieron won with the κέλης 
at Olympia both in ΟἹ. 76 and in Ol. 77.] 


Hieron’s third Pythian victory. He wins 
the four-horse chariot-race, in the 29th Pythiad. 

First Pythian of Pindar, Ἱέρωνι Αἰτναίῳ: 
a title indicating that, at this Pythian festival, 
he was proclaimed as Airvatos. Pindar alludes 
to the victory at Himera in 480 (75 84), and to 
that at Cumae in 474 (71 f.). 

Fourth ode of Bacchylides: which 
speaks of Hieron as having now won three 
victories at Delphi (26., in 482, 478, 470), and 
two at Olympia (ze, in 476 and 472): vv. 4 
and 17. 


194 


OLyYmMpP. 


78.1 


78. 3 


INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


B.C. 
468 


467 


466 


Hieron’s victory at Olympia with the four- 
horse chariot. Third ode of Bacchylides: 
who probably was at Syracuse when the ode was 
written, or when it was sung (vv. 15 ff.). The 
tone of vv. 85—92 indicates that Hieron was not 
expected to live long. 


Hieron dies at Aetna (Diod. x1. 66). 
He receives τιμαὶ ἡρωϊκαί, as κτίστης of that 
city. After his death, his son Deinomenes 
dedicates thank-offerings in his name at 
Olympia, viz. (1) a bronze chariot and charioteer, 
(2) two bronze κέλητες, with boy-riders; one 
being placed on each side of the chariot (Paus. 
6. 12 ὃ 1). The inscription (id. 8. 42 ὃ 9) re- 
corded that Hieron had won τεθρίππῳ μὲν ἅπαξ, 
μουνοκέλητι δὲ δίς. 

Thrasybulus, the younger brother of 
Hieron, succeeds him as ruler of Syracuse. 


Having reigned about eleven months, Thra- 
sybulus, a cruel tyrant, is expelled by the 
Syracusans, and withdraws to the Epizephyrian 
Locri; after which nothing more is heard of 
him. The dynasty of the Deinomenidae then 
comes to an end, and the Syracusan democracy 
is restored. 


ODE III. 


For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the chariot-race at Olympia. 


$1. 


Ol. 78, 468 B.C. 


This ode, the latest in date of the three, is placed first, 


because the victory which it concerns is the most important. 
It falls into three main sections, (4) an exordium, vv. I—22; 
(6) the myth of Croesus, 23—62 ; (c) the conclusion, 63—97. 

(a) The Muse is bidden to sing of Demeter and Persephone, 
whose priest Hieron is: then comes a reference to the chariot- 
race itself, and to the applause which greeted the victory. 


From a notice of the festivities at Syracuse, where he may have 
been present (vv. 15 f.), the poet passes to a mention of the 
golden tripods dedicated at Delphi by Gelon and Hieron. The 
proem concludes with a sentiment which is the key-note of the 
ode: Let a man bring choice gifts to the god; that is the 
surest pledge of prosperity. To this sentiment he knits on, as 
an illustration, the story of Croesus. It is interesting to 
remember that in an ode, then recent, for Hieron, Pindar had 
pointed to the Lydian king as an example of generosity 
rewarded by lasting fame: οὐ φθίνει Kpoioou φιλόφρων ἀρετά 
(Pyth I. 94, 470 B.C.). 

§2. (6) The story of Croesus is told in a form which 
occurs nowhere else in ancient literature. According to our 
other authorities, Cyrus dooms Croesus to the pyre’. Here it 
is Croesus who voluntarily resolves to burn himself and_ his 
family, in order to escape enslavement to the Persian conqueror. 
The Croesus of Herodotus appeals on the pyre to Apollo 
(I. c. 87), though he afterwards taunts the god with ingratitude 
(c. 90); the Croesus of Bacchylides seems rather to invoke 
Zeus (v. 37). The quenching of the pyre by rain is common 
to both versions; but here Zeus is expressly named as the 
agent (v. 55). The Croesus of Herodotus, after his deliverance 
from the pyre, figures as the friend and counsellor of Cyrus, 
and lives to admonish Cambyses (III. 36); when or how he 
died, we are not told. Here Apollo transports Croesus, with 
his wife and daughters, to the happy land of the Hyperboreans. 

Ancient art comes to our aid where literature fails, and 
proves that the version of the Croesus-myth followed by 
Bacchylides was a current one before his time. An early 
red-figured amphora in the Louvre, dating from the close of 
the sixth century B.C. or the opening years of the fifth, 
shows Croesus enthroned on a great pyre, which is beginning 
to burn. He is clad in royal robes, and crowned with laurel ; 
his left hand bears a sceptre, while with his right he pours a 


1 Herod. 1. 86ff.,and 111. 16: Ctesias have been indebted to the Λυδιακά of 
ap. Phot. cod. 72: Nicolaus of Damascus Xanthus, cérc. 470 B.C. (Miiller 1. 36). 
(in the Augustan age), frag. 61 (Miiller, Lucian, Gadl/us c. 23. 

Frag. Hist. 111. p. 406). Nicolaus may 


196 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


libation. An attendant, who has the significant name of 
ET@OTMOSX, is bending in front of the pyre, and applying to 
it, with both hands, objects which some critics explain as the 
‘whisks’ (περιρραντήρια, aspergilla) used in sprinkling lustral 
water, while others suppose them to be fans, or torches. The 
act of Croesus is manifestly conceived as voluntary. A majestic 
serenity, or even gladness, is the sentiment indicated by the 
picture?. 

What were the sources of this version? It is one which 
dignifies Croesus by an intrepid resolve; and that resolve 
is of an oriental cast. These features point to a native 
Lydian origin. It is also honourable to Apollo, who promptly 
recompenses his faithful votary with a supreme reward. But 
it is improbable that this account of Apollo’s action came 
from Delphi. The Delphian legend is rather to be recognised 
in the answer of the Pythia to the complaint of Croesus, as 
reported by Herodotus (I. 91). At the central shrine of Loxias 
it was the interest of the priests to keep up the tradition that a 
great Lydian king had been guided from Delphi, even though 
they had only a lame defence for the ambiguous responses which 
lured him to his ruin. But the Aegean seat of the god had no 
such responsibility for oracles given to Croesus. Another trait 
of the story should also be noted. Here, and here alone, the 
Hyperborean land appears as a place to which pious mortals are 
translated without dying ; and the Hyperborean legends had a 
very special place in the Apollo-cult of Delos. It is ‘Delos-born’ 
Apollo, says Bacchylides (v. 58), who carries Croesus to that 
elysium. The Ionian poet of Ceos would know the Delian 
temple-legend. He wrote for Delian festivals, and was no 
stranger to the sacred lore of the island*. 1 should conjecture, 
then, that the form of the Croesus-myth given in his ode 
(468 B.C.), and attested by the somewhat earlier vase, was one 
which originally came from Lydia, and was worked up at Delos. 

1 They are, however, quite unlike has been published in Monumenti dell’ 
torches as usually represented: see (¢.g.) Jstituto, 1. pl. XLIv.: Baumeister, 
the torches applied to Alemena’s pyre by Denkmiler, p. 796. See also A. H. 
the attendant in Python’s vase-painting Smith in Journ. Hellen. Stud. XVII. 


(Journ. Hellen. Stud. X1. pl. 6). (1898) pp. 267 f. 
2 The amphora (no. 194 in the Louvre) 3 See Introd. to Ode ΧΥῚ, ad init. 


ODES IIT, IV. 197 


Later in the fifth century, this version gave way to that found in 
Herodotus, which represented the Asiatic Greek conception of 
the manner in which a Persian conqueror would act, while it 
also suited the interests of Delphi. Herodotus makes Croesus 
survive in Persia during many years after the capture of Sardis. 
For that account he presumably had some data furnished by 
traditions current in Asia Minor: but such evidence would at 
once dissolve the Delian myth, the free creation of Ionian fancy, 
as to Apollo’s prompt removal of Croesus to the seats of the 
blest. 

§ 3. (ὦ From the Croesus-myth the poet returns to the 
praises of Hieron—a benefactor of Delphi unsurpassed by any 
Greek ; ‘lover of horses,’ warrior, just ruler, and disciple of the 
Muses. After some verses in a different strain, which suggest 
that Hieron’s end was believed to be near (75—-92), the ode 
closes with a forecast of renown for him,—and for ‘the nightin- 
gale of Ceos.’ 


ODE IV. 


For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the chariot-race at Delphi. 
Cl, 29-3, £70: 8.0," 


This short song, in two strophes of ten verses each, con- 
gratulates Hieron on the growing series of his victories. After 
winning the horse-race at Delphi in 482 and in 478 B.c., he 
has now, won the chariot-race ; a Pythian record which the poet 
declares to be unequalled. At Olympia he has also won two 
horse-races (viz. in 476 and 472). Hieron’s brilliant fortunes 
show the favour of heaven (18 ff.). 

Hieron’s new victory (celebrated by Pindar in his first 
Pythian) was one of high importance. This song is exceedingly 
slight: it resembles the brief greeting to Argeius (Ode 11), and 
to Lachon (Ode VI). 


1 According to the Pindaric scholia 
(Argum. ad Pyth.) the date of the first 
Pythiad was 582 B.c., and this victory 
was won in the 29th Pythiad, =470 B.c. 
Pausanias (xX. 7 ὃ 3) places the first Pythiad 
in 5868.c., so that the date of this victory 


would be 474; a view which Boeckh 
accepted. Bergk, on the other hand, 
prefers the authority of the Pindaric 
scholia, and recent criticism has confirmed 
his conclusion. 


198 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


ODE V. 


For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the horse-race at Olympia. 
Ol. 76, 476 B.C. 


§ 1. A fragment from a copy of the Olympic register, 
written in the second or third century, and found at Oxy- 
rhynchus by Messrs Grenfell and Hunt, proves that Hieron 
won with the κέλης at Olympia both in Ol. 76 (476 B.c.) and 
in Ol. 77 (472); thus confirming the statement in the Pindaric 
scholiat. The victory celebrated in this ode is the same which 
Pindar commemorates in his first Olympian. As both odes 
clearly indicate, this was the first race won at Olympia by 
the horse Pherenicus. But Pherenicus had already won the 
Pythian race at least once’, viz. in 478 B.c. These facts make 


1 Schol. on Olymp.1, where oy (Ol. 
73=488 B.c., obviously too early) was 
rightly corrected by Bergk to os’ (76). 

3 Whether Pherenicus was the winner 
at Delphi in 482 B.c., as well as in 478, 
depends on the interpretation of Pind. P. 
Ill. 73 f., στεφάνοις Ϊ τοὺς ἀριστεύων 
Φερένικος EX ἐν Κίρρᾳ ποτέ. Does the 
plural στεφάνοις denote more than one 
victory? If so, the victories are those of 
482 and 478: if not, the reference is to 
478 only. The plural of στέφανος could, 
apparently, be used with reference to a 
single victory; see e.g. Pind. Zsthm. 111. 
11 ἐν βάσσαισιν ᾿Ισθμοῦ δεξαμένῳ στεφά- 
vous, where the reference is to Melissus, 
who is not said to have won any Isthmian 
victory other than that (in the pancration) 
which the ode commemorates. But, ina 
general reference, such as we find in 
Pyth. Wt. 73 f., to the horse’s record, 
στεφάνοις would more naturally denote a 
plurality of victories. On the other hand 
the allusion of Bacchylides to the success 
of Pherenicus at Delphi does not imply 
*more than a single victory (III. 41). 

Bacchylides in III. 39 calls Pherenicus 
πῶλον. But if he won his first race, 
let us say as a three-year-old, in 478, he 
would in 476 have been already five years 


old, a ἵππος τέλειος, no longer properly 
πῶλος. The use of the latter word, 
which in poetry is sometimes a mere 
synonym for ἵππος, cannot be pressed, 
then, as an argument against supposing 
that Pherenicus won his first race in 482. 

If he did so, he would have been 
nine years old (at least) in 476. But 
modern horses of that age, or even of 
an age considerably higher, have success- 
fully borne the severest tests of endurance 
and speed. Mr Kenyon quotes the case 
of a celebrated steeple-chaser, the Lamb, 
who won the Grand National (over a 
course of 43 miles) twice, viz. in 1868 
and 1871, being six years old on the first 
occasion, and nine on the second. The 
same race in 1904 furnished some facts 
not less noteworthy from this point of 
view (see the 7Zimes of March 26). 
Twenty-six horses started: the age of 
four among these was g; of one, 10; of 
one, 13; and of one (Manifesto), not less 
than 16. The last-named was one of 
nine who alone completed the arduous 
course. 

Herodotus (VI. 103) mentions that 
Cimon, the father of Miltiades, won the 
four-horse chariot-race at Olympia with 
the same team of mares on three succes- 


it probable that his Olympian victory belongs to 476 B.c., rather 
than to 472: for it is not likely that, while Pherenicus was still 
in full vigour, another κέλης of Hieron’s should have been the 
winner in 476. The date 476 is confirmed by the circumstance 
that neither in Pindar’s first Olympian, nor in this ode of 
Bacchylides, is there any reference to Hieron’s foundation of 
Aetna in 476, or to his victory at Cumae in 474. Pindar, at 
least, would scarcely have omitted some allusion to one or 
both of these events. His third Pythian, written for Hieron 
in or about 473, refers to Aetna (v. 69), and his first Pythian 
(470 B.C.) to Cumae. 

Bacchylides sent this ode from Ceos to Syracuse. From 
the tone of the opening verses, we may infer that it was the 
first which he had written for. Hieron; and πείθομαι in v. 195 
seems to imply that it was written by invitation. In verse 11 
the poet calls himself Hieron’s ξένος. Simonides had been in 
Sicily during some part at least of the years 478—476, and 
Bacchylides may then have been introduced to the ruler of 
Syracuse. 

§2. Verses 1—55 form the first principal division of the 
ode. Addressing Hieron as otpatayos of the Syracusans, 
the poet declares that no one can better estimate a gift 
of the Muses. The exploits of Hieron and his brothers offer 
a wide range to the singer,—wide as the realms of air to 
a soaring eagle (16—36). The running of Pherenicus at 
Olympia is then described (17—49). Happy indeed is the man 
to whom heaven has granted such a fortune as Hieron’s [even 
though, like Hieron, he suffers from disease]: for no mortal ts 
blest in all things. 

This sentiment serves to introduce the beautiful myth which 
occupies the largest part of the poem (56—175). Heracles, 
going down to Hades for Cerberus, meets the shade of Meleager. 


sive occasions (viz., in Ol. 62=532 B.C., 
Ol. 63=528, and Ol. 64=524, as appears 
from the context). He adds that the 
same feat had been accomplished by a 
team belonging to a Spartan named 
Evagoras, but that (as we can easily 
believe) it had never been surpassed. 


Pelagonius (εἴγε. 410 A.D.) velerin. Ὁ. 32 
(quoted by W. Christ and Blass) makes 
the following statement:—‘It is main-, 
tained (adseverant) that horses are gene- 
rally fit for the circus and the contests at 
festivals from their fifth to their twentieth 
year.’ 


200 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


Both those heroes, so victorious, and so great, illustrate the truth 
that ‘no mortal is blest in all things.’ Just when the name of 
Deianeira has been uttered by the spirit of her brother, and the 
fatal resolve of Heracles to wed her is being taken, the poet 
leaves his myth with a Pindaric abruptness, and returns to his 
theme. 

The concluding portion of the ode (176—200) touches once 
more on the victory, and claims praise for Hieron as a debt 
of candour (ἀλάθεια), which only envy could withhold. When 
a man’s fortunes have once struck root, just praise is as the dew 
which brings leaf and flower. May Zeus grant that Hieron’s 
fortunes shall be stedfast and untroubled. 


§ 3. It is not without interest to compare the general attitude 
of Bacchylides towards Hieron, as seen in these three odes, with 
that of Pindar in the four poems which he wrote for the same 
ruler (ΟΣ 1, Pyth. 1, τι, U1) From other accounts it would 
seem that Hieron, in his government of Syracuse, presented 
many of the characteristics of the typical tvpavvos,—guarded by 
foreign mercenaries'; suspicious of the citizens, to the point of 
setting spies? on their private conversation ; greedy of money, 
which he raised by laying heavy burdens on his people; and 
not incapable of cruel acts*. Gelon had been a τύραννος only 
in his way of seizing power, not in his way of using it: Hieron 
exemplified the usual tendency of the Greek τυραννίς to de- 
teriorate in the hands of the inheritor+ 

Yet it would be unjust to the poets who praise him to regard 
them merely as professional flatterers. They saw in him, not 
merely the brilliant and munificent victor in the games, but a 
man who fostered the cult of the Muses, and made his home a 
centre of attraction to the foremost men of letters. A new 
age of Greek literature was dawning: and just then there was 
no one man in all Hellas who was doing so much as this ruler 
of Syracuse to encourage and to honour poets. This was the 
aspect of Hieron’s reign which naturally appealed most forcibly 
‘to his laureates: he was to them, in some measure, what 

1 Diod. ΧΙ. 48 (cp. Xen. Hier. vi. 5). ® Diod. ΧΙ. 67 φιλάργυρος καὶ βίαιος. 


2 Arist. Pol. ν. g § 3 mentions his * See Freeman, Sicély 11. 232 ff. 
moraywyldes and ὠτακουσταί. 


ODE V. 201 


Augustus was to Virgil and Horace, what Lorenzo de’ Medici 
was to the members of the Florentine Academy. As guests at 
his court, they would not necessarily see much of what was amiss 
with his system of government. Pindar and Bacchylides may 
reasonably be acquitted, then, of any gross or deliberate per- 
version of the truth about Hieron as they knew or felt it. 

But let us now observe some points of difference between 
them. It may be noted that Pindar speaks more strongly than 
Bacchylides of Hieron’s virtues, especially his gentler virtues - 
there is nothing in Bacchylides so explicit or so comprehensive 
as Pindar’s πραὺς ἀστοῖς, ob φθονέων ἀγαθοῖς, ξείνοις δὲ θαυμαστὸς 
πατήρ (P. Ill. 71), or as his δρέπων... κορυφὰς ἀρετᾶν ἄπο πασᾶν 
(Οὐ 1. 13). Bacchylides is less emphatic; though he describes 
Hieron as a just ruler, of fine gifts, who owes: his high fortunes 
to the favour of heaven (III. 67—71: Iv. I—3, 18—20: v. 1—8, 
I9I—193). But the main difference is of a broader kind. Pindar, 
whose range of view is Panhellenic, does ample justice to Hieron 
as the champion of Western Hellas against Phoenician and 
Etruscan (Pyth. 1.72—80). Alluding to his intervention (in 477) 
on behalf of the Epizephyrian Locrians, Pindar renders this 
tribute, honourable and beautiful above any that Hieron is 
known to have received :—‘ Son of Deinomenes, the maiden of 
Locri in the West sings of thee before her door; because, after 
the bewildering troubles of war, thy power hath taken fear away 
from her eyes’ (Pyth. τι. 18—20.) Bacchylides once, indeed, 
alludes to the victory of Himera, but only in a vague and 
colourless phrase (v. 34, χαλκεοστέρνου τ᾽ "Αρηος). Hieron is, 
among his other qualities, a ‘ warrior’ (III. 69): but Bacchylides 
has no word of recognition for that aspect of his activity in 
which he appears as the defender of Hellene against barbarian. 
For Bacchylides he is only the ruler of Syracuse, upright and 
wise, bountiful to gods and men, a warrior who is no stranger to 
the Muses, a man fortunate in much, though there be one drop 
of bitterness in his cup. It is to Pindar alone that Hieron’s 
memory is indebted for the larger and more splendid picture of 
his place in Hellas. 

There is also a marked difference of tone between the two 
poets when they address Hieron. Pindar, the descendant of the 


JB. 14 


202 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


Aegeidae, the honoured guest of Delphi, is wont to speak in 
lofty accents. Splendid as are his praises of Hieron, they 
seldom have the note of deference, while occasionally they imply 
something like equality : as at the close of the first Olympian,— 
‘Be it ¢hime to walk on high throughout thy mortal life, and mine 
to consort with victors all my days, pre-eminent for my art 
among Hellenes in every land.’ Contrast with this haughty 
utterance the gentle fashion in which Bacchylides intimates his 
poetical claim at the close of his third ode,—in which, it may be 
noted, there is at least one distinct imitation of Pindar (vv. 
85—87), so that Pindar's example may have prompted him 
here also:—‘ And along with (Hieron’s) genuine glories, men 
will praise also the charm of the melodious nightingale of Ceos.’ 

But it is in the admonitory passages that this contrast 
of tone is most marked. Take, for instance, the last twenty 
verses of Pindar’s first Pythian. Their character has been 
well described by Mr Freeman’. ‘The whole latter part of the 
first Pythian ode is a sermon of advice to a ruler, which might 
have been professedly meant rather for the young Deinomenes 
than his father, but in which one cannot but feel throughout 
that the father is glanced at. Elementary precepts of truth and 
justice, warnings not to listen to deceivers, all winding up the 
famous exhortation to make Croesus and not Phalaris the 
model, certainly suggest that Pindar knew that there was 
something not as it should be in Hieron’s rule” Hieron, who 
unless he has been much belied, was far from admiring freedom 
of speech, can scarcely have found it agreeable to be the object 
of such a discourse. Even in the third Pythzan, where Pindar 
wishes that he could bring Cheiron to heal his ‘ Aetnaean guest- 
friend,’ the real solicitude which the poet evidently feels, and 
which finds such noble expression, lacks the sympathetic note of 
tenderness. But that is precisely the note which Bacchylides 
touches in the passage of veiled consolation to Hieron which 
closes the third ode (vv. 75—-end). The tone is quiet, medita- 
tive, soothing. Again, the opening of the fifth ode, the first, 
probably, which Bacchylides addressed to Hieron, has a felicity 
of its own; the homage is simply rendered, and the tone 

1 Sicily, τ. p. 540. 


ODES V, VI. 203 


(marked by the word £évos) is that of one who trusts that his 
great critic will be friendly. An Ionian ease and grace belong to 
Bacchylides, as the pride and the fire of an Aeolic temperament 
can be recognised in Pindar. The poet of Thebes soars im- 
measurably above the poet of Ceos. But, when they are 
considered in their relations to the lord of Syracuse, it seems not 
inconceivable that there should have been some ground for 
the tradition preserved by the Pindaric scholiast', rapa Ἱέρωνι 
προκρίνεσθαι τὰ Βακχυλίδου ποιήματα. 


ODE VI. 


for Lachon of Ceos, victor in the foot-race for boys at Olympia. 
Ol. 82, 452 B.C. 


The Oxyrhynchus fragment of the Olympic register, already 
mentioned (p. 198), contains lists of victors from Ol. 75 
(480 B.C.) to Ol. 83 (448 B.C.) inclusive. Under πβ (Ol. 82) is 
the entry: Λακὼων Ke[tos} παίδων σταδιον. There can be no 
doubt that it refers to the victory which is the subject of this 
Ode. In the agonistic inscription of Ceos (see Introd. to Ode 1; 
§ 2), ΔΛΊαχων Apiotopeveos παιδω[ν occurs in two successive lines 
among the Nemean victors,—the mention of the contest in each 
case being lost in the fracture of the stone. The name Adyov 
(further attested by the play on λάχε in verse 2) occurs nowhere 
else, whereas Λάκων as a proper name is frequent. Hence the 
mis-spelling in the fragment of the Olympic register is easily 
explained. 

This short ode was sung before the house of Aristomenes, 
Lachon’s father, in Ceos (v. 14). Like the little song to Argeius 
(Ode I1),—a similar greeting to the victor on his return,—it 
alludes to previous Cean successes at the same festival. That 
trait would have a special point if we might suppose that, on 
each occasion, former victors in the games were among those 
who welcomed the young athlete. 


1 On Pyth. τι. 166. 
14—2 


204 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


ODE VII. 
For the same. 


The ode begins with an invocation of ‘Day, daughter of 
Time and Night’: but the personified Hemera is identified with 
a particular date, viz. the prize-day at Olympia, which has set 
the wreath on the brows of Lachon. There is a mention of 
‘pre-eminence in speed of foot’; and clearly the victory is that 
which was more briefly announced in Ode vi. This is the 
regular epinikion, analogous to Ode I in the case of Argeius. 

The first three verses are the last in column XII of the 
papyrus. Column XIII has perished ; but the final syllables of 
some rather long verses in the upper third of it have run on into 
the left margin of column xIv. With the help of these, and of 
some small fragments, verses 4—11 of the ode have been partly 
restored. 

Column XIV begins with 16 verses, which formed the end of 
Ode vil. The first verse is Πυθῶνά τε μηλοθύταν.. The poet is 
enumerating the places where Lachon had been a winner before 
his success at Olympia,—viz. Delphi, Nemea, and the Isthmus. 
No one, ‘boy or man,’ had won so many victories in an equal 
space of time» The poem closes with a reference to his 
crowning triumph at Olympia. 

The Cean inscription indicates (see Introd. to Ode νι) that 
Lachon’s two Nemean victories were gained either at the same 
festival or at two successive festivals. 455 and 453 B.C. were 
Nemean years. His Pythian victory must have been in 454. 
For his Isthmian prize, the choice seems to be between 454 and 


1 In the editio princeps Dr Kenyon 
supposed that a new ode (his ν 111) began 
in the lost column ΧΙ. Both that ode 


odes for Lachon’s victory (v1 and vi!) 
should have been on such a diminutive 
scale. In v. 49 (=11 K.) TEAED> 


and Ode VII must then have been ex- 
tremely short. If the verse Πυθώνά τε 
μηλοθύταν was preceded by (say) ro verses 
—and that is a moderate estimate—in the 
poem to which it belonged, then only 
some 28 verses would be left for Ode vit. 
But it is very improbable that both the 


can be supplied as τέλεσσας not less well 
than as τέλεσσον : and there is therefore 
no ground for assuming that the athlete 
to whom these verses refer had not yet 
been victorious at Olympia. 

2 See note on verses 46 f. 


ODES VII, VIII. 205 


452: 456 would probably be too early. Thus his five victories 
as a boy would have been gained in the years from 455 (or 454) 
to 452. 

In respect to metrical composition, Ode VII must have 
formed a single system (strophe, antistrophe, and epode). If the 
lost column XIII contained 35 verses (the most frequent number), 
the ode consisted of 54 verses (3 + 35 +16). If, then, there had 
been two systems, part of the second antistrophe must have 
come into column XIV; but no metrical correspondence is 
traceable between verses in that column and the first eleven 
verses of the poem. 

As in the case of Ode Ix, the scale of the poem was too 
small for the introduction of a myth. The analogy of passages 
in Ode VIII (27—39) and Ode Ix (19—26) might suggest that 
the lost portion in column XIII was occupied, at least in part, 
with the circumstances of the victory at Olympia. 


OvE VIII. [IX. ed. Kenyon.] 


For Automedes of Phlius, victor in the pentathlon at Nemea— 
Date unknown. 


§ 1. Phlius, a Dorian state, was situated in a hill-girt valley, 
some nine-hundred feet above sea-level. To the north of it was. 
Sicyonia; to the south, Argolis: on the west, its territory touched 
the Arcadian highlands; to the east lay the vale of Nemea, and 
beyond that, the broader vale of Cleonae. Phliasia was a land 
of vineyards and cornfields; Dionysus and Demeter held the 
foremost place among its deities. At Phlius, as at Sicyon, a 
Dionysiac cult with satyr-choruses had existed from olden time. 
The poet Pratinas, who won Athenian applause by his satyr-plays 
in the earlier years of Aeschylus, was a native of Phlius ; and his 
son Aristias, who excelled in the same kind of drama, had 
a monument in the agora. 

The river Asopus (now the iagids Georgios), rising in 
a mountain-range, the ancient Carneates, S. Ε. 8. of the town, 
flows northwards through Phliasia and Sicyonia into the 


206 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


Corinthian Gulf!. The lesser streams and springs of that whole 
region were regarded by folk-poetry as ‘daughters of Asopus,’ 
and were personified as nymphs who became the brides of 
heroes or gods. Some of these, as Nemea and Cleone, dwelt 
near their father. Others were the guardian heroines of cities 
far away; as Aegina, carried off from him by Zeus,—Thebe, 
Tanagra, Thespia (names transferred from the Boeotian 
to the Phliasian Asopus),—Salamis,—Peirene, the fountain- 
nymph of Corinth,—Corcyra, Sinope, and many more. The 
wide geographical range of the list is partly to be explained by 
the fact that Asopus is one of those general river-names, like 
Achelous and Alpheus, which occur in various parts of the 
Hellenic lands. 

The people of Phlius, intent on the vintage and the harvest, 
and on the worship of the gods who gave them, found their chief 
link with the heroic age of Greece in the renown of the river 
whose upper course lay through their secluded valley. Bacchy- 
lides has made an artistic use of this motive. Indeed it is the 
charm of his ode that it takes us into the heart of these 
Peloponnesian uplands. 

§ 2. Announcing that he will sing of Phlius and of Nemea 
(vv. I—9), the poet tells the story of the Nemean games being 
founded by Argive warriors in memory of Archemorus (10—24). 
Simonides had already touched upon this theme (fr. 52). Three 
feats of Automedes in the pentathlon are next described 
(25—39). His return in triumph ‘to the Asopus’ gives the cue 
for an elaborate passage on the daughters of the river-god 
(40—65)%, This is the chief mythic embellishment of the ode. 


1 The character of the flute-musicused to those ‘descendants’ of Asopus whose 


at Dionysiac or other festivals in the valley 
of the Asopus gave rise to a quaint piece 
of folk-lore concerning the river itself. 
According to a local myth of Phlius and 
Sicyon, the Maeander, passing beneath 
the sea from Asia Minor to Peloponnesus, 
had ‘ generated’ (ποιεῖν) the Asopus (Paus. 
Il. 5 § 3). The flutes of Marsyas, floating 
down the Maeander, were transmitted to 
the Asopus, which carried them to Sicyon 
(id. 11. 7 § 9). 

2 Special reference is made (vv. 42—46) 


valour had been felt by the Amazons and 
by Troy. The mythical stemma was as 
follows:— 

Zeus + Aegina (daughter of Asopus) 


Aeacus + Endeis 


a} 


Telamon Peleus 


Ajax Achilles 


Neoptolemus 


ODES VIII, IX, 207 


The poet then turns to the rejoicings at Phlius (vv. 68 ff.), with 
some mention of the chief deities worshipped there; but the 
text is much mutilated. In the closing part, some general 
reflections are interwoven with a further reference to the 
athlete’s victory. 


ODE IX. [X.] 


For [| Aglaos ?| of Athens, victor in running at the Isthmus. 


§ 1. The athlete’s name must have stood at the beginning of 
verse 9 or of verse 11, and in both places, unfortunately, the MS. 
is defective. In v.9 Blass supplies ᾿Αγλαῷ, and nothing more 
likely has been suggested. This Athenian belonged to the tribe 
Oeneis (v. 18): his father’s name does not occur’. 

The ode begins with an invocation of Φήμα, who makes 
tidings known ‘even in the depths of the nether world’ (v. 4). 
The poet then says that he has been moved by the victor’s 
brother-in-law to compose this tribute, a memorial of prowess 
for ‘all men living’ (ἐπιχθονίοισιν). These traits might suggest 
that the athlete was dead. But the words at the end (v. 52f.), 
‘ After victory, festal joy is appointed for mortals,’ seem to cast 
some doubt on that view. Do they mean merely that the 
friends of the deceased victor held a banquet when this com- 
memorative ode was sung? All that appears certain is that 
some interval of time had separated the athlete’s victories from 
the date of the ode. 

According to the most probable interpretation of a passage 
in which some words have been lost (vv. 12—26), the athlete 


had achieved a signal feat at 


1 The mention of the φυλή, without 
the father’s name, is regarded by Wilamo- 
witz as indicating that the athlete’s family 
was an obscure one. (From vv. 40 ff. it 
may perhaps be inferred, at least, that he 
was not wealthy.) Blass further refers 
to the rule made by Cleisthenes, when he 
introduced many foreigners and resident 
aliens into the new Attic tribes, that the 
addition to a citizen’s name, used in 


the Isthmus by winning two 


addressing him, should be the name of 
his deme, and not of his father (Arist. 
Athen. Polit. c.21 ὃ 4). This athlete, he 
suggests, may have been of foreign extrac- 
tion. That is possible. But a simpler 
possibility also remains open,—viz. that 
the father’s name did not suit the metre. 
It seems less likely that this name has 
been lost after μειγνύμεν in v. 55: 


208 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


consecutive foot-races. The first may have been the simple 
stadion, or possibly the diaulos. The second was one in which 
he traversed the length of the stadion four times,—a race 
technically known as the ἵππιος δρόμος (v. 25, n.). He had also 
won two wreaths at Nemea, to say nothing of successes at six 
minor festivals (vv. 29—35). 

§2. The moderate compass of this ode (56 verses) renders it 
instructive in regard to the manner of treatment adopted by 
Bacchylides for his minor epinikia,—z.e., for those of which the 
scale was too small to allow the effective use of a myth. We 
find that, after a proem of 18 verses,—somewhat long in pro- 
portion to the rest,—he relies on two resources ;—first, an account 
of the athlete’s feats (vv. 19—35),—and secondly, a ‘gnomic’ 
element,—general reflections on life and conduct. Here, a 
part of the gnomic passage (vv. 39—45) is abridged from Solon. 
The ode ends somewhat abruptly, with an apology for digression, 
and a brief reference to the rejoicings which should follow a 
victory. It leaves with us a sense that he has executed his 
commission with sympathy and good taste, but without much 
spirit or zest. 


ODE X. ΧΙ 


For Alexidamus of Metapontion, winner of the boys wrestling 
match at Delpht—Date unknown. 


§1. With the exception of Pindar’s two odes’ for Agesidamus, 
the boy pugilist from the Epizephyrian Locri, this is the only 
extant epinikion for a native of Magna Graecia; though it is 
known that Simonides wrote for Anaxilas of Rhegium and for 
Astylus of Croton. Nowhere were the different branches of the 
Greek race more conscious of their difference than in the 
Italiote colonies; and it is perhaps more than a mere coincidence 
that, while the young victor from the Aeolic Locri was celebrated 
by Pindar, Ionian poets sang of feats belonging to Rhegium, a 
foundation of the Chalcidians, and to the Achaean settlements 
of Croton and Metapontion. The Ionian cities of the Aegean 


EOL Sy SM 


ODES IX, X. $69 


in many instances claimed Achaean heroes as their founders’; 
and we can feel that Bacchylides was proud of the legendary tie 
which connected his own folk with the home of Alexidamus. 

Metapontion (the Latin Metapontum),—best known in Greek 
tradition as the place where Pythagoras ended his days,—was 
situated on the Tarentine gulf, at a distance (measured by the 
coast-line) of some twenty-eight miles south-west of Tarentum. 
The period from about 740 to 680 B.C. was roughly that during 
which most of the Greek cities in south-eastern Italy originated. 
Rhegium, Sybaris, and Croton had already been planted before 
Dorian colonists from Laconia, about 708 B.C., arrived at 
Tarentum. Not many years later, it would seem, Achaean 
settlers from the shores of the Corinthian gulf came to Meta- 
pontion. Coins of that city bear the image of the oekist, 
Leucippus, and, on the reverse, an ear of corn. For, while 
Tarentum was the chief commercial centre in those regions, 
Metapontion depended on agriculture, stock-raising, and horse- 
breeding. ‘A golden harvest’—perhaps a sheaf of corn wrought 
in gold—was, according to Strabo’, the thank-offering which its 
prosperous citizens sent to the Delphian Apollo. Metapontion 
was indeed most favourably placed for such pursuits. The 
country behind it, sloping up gently from the flat coast to the 
Lucanian highlands, is irrigated by two nearly parallel rivers. 
That which Bacchylides calls the Casas,—Pliny’s Casuentus, 
now the Basiento,—flows into the gulf at a point which was near 
the south side of the ancient town. On the banks of this stream 
stood a famous temple and grove of Artemis. The other river, 
the Bradanus,—still called the Bradano,—enters the sea a few 
miles to the north of the site. Well-watered, fertile, and 
enjoying a good climate, these lands were suited alike for corn- 
growing and for pasturage. 

In the true spirit of an Achaean colony, the Metapontines 
cherished a legend which carried back the first settlement 
on that spot to the heroic age of Greece. Achaeans from 
Pylos, it was said, had come thither after the fall of Troy, under 
the leadership of Nestor. Had not the citizens, from time 


1 See Appendix on Ode x. 119 f. 2 Strabo 6, p. 264. 


210 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


immemorial, offered sacrifice to the spirits of the Neleidae?’ 
Bacchylides does due honour to this venerable tradition, which 
was in accord with all the feelings and beliefs of Magna Graecia. 
There was no corner of Hellas where the memory of the 
Homeric heroes was kept more fully alive. Achaeans, Chal- 
cidians and Dorians alike had local cults and festivals of those 
heroes. Stesichorus of Himera describes his epic hymns as 
‘gifts of the Graces to the people?,’ to be sung ‘as spring comes 
on’; and at such festivals he would have found zealous 
audiences. Even alleged relics were not wanting. Near Meta- 
pontion, for instance, there was a temple of Athena Hellenia, 
which boasted possession of the tools with which Epeius had 
made the wooden horse’. 

§ 2. Our poet begins his ode with an invocation of Victory 
(1—14), and then briefly describes the triumph of Alexidamus 
in the wrestling-match at the Pythian games (15—23). If there 
had not been a miscarriage of justice, he adds, the boy would 
have been a victor also at Olympia. (As the Pythian festival 
fell in the third year of each Olympiad, it would appear that 
Alexidamus had visited Olympia two years before.) But now 
his disappointment has been healed, and success has been given 
to him, by Artemis, the soothing goddess ( Ἡμέρα, v. 39). This is 
the link between the immediate subject of the ode and the myth 
with which the poet adorns it. He proceeds to relate how the 
cult of Artemis Hemera was established at Lusi in Arcadia by 
Proetus, king of Argos, when the goddess had cured the dis- 
temper of his daughters (vv. 40—112). From Arcadia (ἔνθεν, 
v. 113) Artemis came to Metapontion with the Achaean 
warriors, who founded it after the capture of Troy (113—123). 
The ode closes with a brief tribute to the old renown of the 
Achaeans. 

§3. The prominence of Artemis in the religion of Metapontion 
would be sufficiently explained by her attributes as a goddess of 
rural life, who blesses the produce of the earth and claims 
the first-fruits, while she is also a protectress of flocks and 


1 Strabo 6, p. 264. 3 See the Aristotelian treatise περὶ 
2 Χαρίτων δαμώματα : Stesich. fr. 37. θαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτων, p. 840, ὃ 108. 


ODE X. 211 


herds. But it is the specific cult of Artemis Hemera at Lusi 
that provides the poet with a cue for the myth. His words 
(in vv. 113 ff.) might naturally imply that this particular cult had 
been carried from Arcadia to Metapontion. Whether that was 
the case or not, we do not know. If not, then the appro- 
priateness of the myth is reduced to this,—that, by consoling 
Alexidamus for his mischance at Olympia, Artemis has mani- 
fested towards him the same quality which she had shown to 
the Proetides at Lusi. The link, if it was only that, would be 
rather slight and artificial; but some latitude might be allowed 
to the author of an epinikion in search of such embellishment. 
As to the treatment of the myth, we note, in the first place, 
that it isan example of the leisurely epic manner. After relating 
how the Proetides had angered the Argive Hera, and how she 
drove them in madness from Tiryns, the poet pauses to explain 
why Proetus was living there. Twenty-two verses are then 
occupied with the feud between Proetus and Acrisius, and its 
results, before the story returns to the frenzied maidens. Another 
noteworthy feature is the absence of Melampus. In the best- 
known form of the legend, Proetus, when his daughters become 
insane, applies for aid to that priest and seer, son of Amythaon, 
at Pylos. Melampus bargains for a portion of the king’s realm, 
and Proetus refuses: but things grow worse,—other Argive 
women go mad,—and the monarch again turns to the priest. 
This time Melampus demands a share for his brother Bias 
as well as for himself; and Proetus yields. Melampus then 
collects a band of youths, and chases the Proetides from the 
hills to Lusi, where he propitiates Hera, and heals them by 
mystic rites2. Whether Bacchylides had or had not mythological 
warrant for ignoring Melampus, he certainly had a poetical 


1 See-n. on verses 115f. The epithet 
ἀγροτέρα, which Bacchylides gives to 
Artemis when he first mentions her in 
this poem (v. 37), seems usually to denote 
her as the huntress (as if it were taken 
from ἄγρα). But it may well be that in 
its original usage it had a larger sense, as 
though taken from ἀγρός, denoting the 
goddess of the fields and of rural life. (Cf. 


Schreiber on Artemis in Roscher I. p. 566.) 
2 This story, which went back in sub- 
stance to Hesiod, occurs with variations 
of detail in Her. 1X. 34, Apollod. I. 9. 12, 
Diod. Iv. 68, Aelian ΚΙ. 3. 42, etc. 
Themythographer Pherecydes, with whom 
Bacchylides agrees in at least one detail 
(see n. on vv. 50—52), brought in 
Melampus (schol. Od. 15. 235)- 


212 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


motive. His aim is to magnify the beneficence of Artemis. No 
priest is interposed between the goddess and the afflicted father. 
It is directly to her that Proetus makes his prayer; and she 
promptly grants it. 


Ope XI. [XII] 


For Teisias of Aegina, victor in the wrestling-match 
at Nemea—vDate unknown. 


The eight verses which remain from the beginning of this 
ode are the last in column xxi. After that, there is a break in 
the papyrus. The rest of Ode xI and the beginning of Ode ΧΙ 
were contained in that part which has been lost between 
column XXII and the column numbered xxXIv. It is scarcely 
doubtful that the part so lost consisted of more than one column; 
but there is no other clue to its extent. The original length of 
Ode XI is therefore wholly uncertain. 

As the poet indicates (Ode xml, vv. 75f.), wrestling and ~ 
boxing were exercises in which Aegina was pre-eminent. Of 
the ten Aeginetans, men or boys, for whom Pindar wrote, no 
fewer than eight had won their wreaths either by wrestling alone, 
or in the pancration. 


OvE XII. [XIII.] 


For Pytheas of Aegina, victor in the boys pancration at Nemea. 
Date, perhaps 481 B.C.: in any case, probably not later 
than 479. 


§1. This is the victory commemorated in the fifth Nemean of 
Pindar, who has also celebrated, in his fourth and fifth Isthmian 
odes, two victories in the pancration won by Phylacidas, a 
younger brother of Pytheas. Both Pindar and Bacchylides 
signalise the hospitality of Lampon, the father of these youths ; 
a man who is described as encouraging his sons, by example and 
by precept, to excel in athletics. To this purpose he applied 
Hesiod’s maxim, ‘study prospers work!’; and he spared no cost 


1 Pind. 7. v. 66 ff. Λάμπων δὲ wedérav| ἔπος, | υἱοῖσί τε φράζων παραινεῖ. (Hes. 
ἔργοις ὀπάζων ᾿Ησιόδου μάλα τιμᾷ τοῦτ᾽ Of. 410 μελέτη δέ τοι ἔργον ὀφέλλει.) 


ODES X—XI. 213 


in engaging the best trainers, such as Menander of Athens. 
From the three Pindaric poems we glean some further facts 
concerning ‘the family of Cleonicus,—for so Lampon’s father 
was named. It belonged to the clan (zatpa) of the Psalychidae, 
—not mentioned elsewhere, but evidently of local distinction. 
Lampon’s brother-in-law, Euthymenes, had won the pancration 
at the Isthmus. And when Lampon’s sons entered the Aiakeion 
in Aegina, they saw in the vestibule a statue of their maternal 
grandfather Themistius, still decked with the garlands woven of 
grass and flowers which recalled his victories, as boxer and 
pancratiast, in the games of Asclepius at Epidaurus'. 

§ 2. The chronology of the odes for Pytheas and his brother 
cannot be precisely determined; but there are some general data 
which assist conjecture. Pindar’s fourth Isthmian refers to the 
later of the two victories gained by Phylacidas, and his fifth 
Isthmian to the earlier. Both the successes of Phylacidas were 
subsequent to that victory of Pytheas which is the theme of 
Pindar in his fifth Nemean, and of Bacchylides in this poem. 
Now the fourth Isthmian was certainly written not very long 
after the battle of Salamis. Having alluded to the ancient 
glories of Aegina, Pindar adds (Vem. v. 48 ff.) :— 

‘ And now Salamis, city of Ajax, could bear witness that she was saved 
from shipwreck in war by Aegina’s seamen,—in that destroying storm of 
Zeus when death came thick as hail on hosts unnumbered.’ 

The words καὶ νῦν, with which the passage begins, could 
scarcely have been used, if this addition to the achievements of 
Aegina had not then been comparatively recent. The date of 
the battle being September, 480, the second victory of Phylacidas, 
to which the ode relates, may have been gained at the Isthmia 
of 478. In any case, the festival of 476 seems to be the latest 
that can be assumed, consistently with the tone of the reference 
just cited. The first Isthmian victory of Phylacidas might then 
be placed in 480; or, at latest, in 478. 

Pytheas, whose victory preceded both those of his brother, is 
thus described in the fifth Nemean (vv. 4—6): Λάμπωνος υἱὸς... 
εὐρυσθενής...οὔπω γένυσι φαίνων τέρειναν ματέρ᾽ οἰνάνθας ὀπώραν, 


1 Pind. MW. v. 52 ff. 


214 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


‘as yet showing no sign on cheek or chin of the down that comes 
with the delicate bloom of ripening youth.’ It is clear, then, 
that he did not compete among the adults,—a fact which is 
confirmed by the mention of his trainer, Menander. But Pindar’s 
words, though not incompatible with the supposition that 
Pytheas was still a παῖς, distinctly suggest an ἀγένειος. There 
was an ἀγενείων as well as a παίδων παγκράτιον at Nemea and 
at the Isthmus’. Unfortunately we do not know where precisely 
the limits between the three ages, παῖς, ἀγένειος and ἀνήρ, were 
drawn for the purposes of those games. It would be natural to 
suppose that the age of the παῖς was from fourteen to sixteen,— 
as the sixteenth year marked the attainment of physical ἥβη 
(puberty). It seems improbable that, where these three classes 
of competitors were recognised, the ἀνήρ can have been less than 
twenty years old. The period from seventeen to nineteen years 
of age would then be left for the ἀγένειος. (It is possible that 
where, as at Olympia and at Delphi in the fifth century B.C., there 
was no separate class of ἀγένειοι, the limit for παῖδες may have 
been placed somewhat higher, and that for ἄνδρες somewhat 
lower.) The hypothesis that the limit for the ἀγένειος extended 
up to nineteen agrees well enough with the passage in Plato’s 
Laws (p. 833 6), where he proposes that, in certain foot-races, the 
course for the ἀγένειος should be two-thirds of the course for the 
ἀνήρ, while that for the παῖς should be only one-third. 

In view of all the data, the following chronology seems 
possible, though it cannot claim to be anything more :— 

Ol. 74. 4. 481 B.c. Victory of Pytheas as an ἀγένειος at 
Nemea, at the age (say) of 18. (Pindar, Vem. v.: Bacchylides 
X11.) See the table on p. 185. 


1 This is shown by the agonistic in- 
scription of Ceos, cited in the Introduction 
to Ode 1; which Dr W. Christ seems to 
overlook, when he says (Pindar, p. Ixxv, 
1896) that there is no evidence for a 
παίδων (or ἀγενείων) παγκράτιον at Nemea 
or at the Isthmus. —The title of Vem. v., 
as usually printed by editors, is Πυθέᾳ 
Αἰγινήτῃ παιδὶ παγκρατιαστῇ. W. Christ 
(Ρ. 270) cites B (Vaticanus) as having 
Πυθέᾳ παιδὶ Αἰγινήτῃ gdh ἐ, where he 


suggests that Λάμπωνος may have dropped 
out before παιδί. D (Mediceus) has 
Πυθέᾳ vig Λάμπωνος παγκρατιαστῇ. 
But the word παιδὲ in the title may have 
been merely a grammarian’s inference 
from vv. 4—6. W. Christ omits it, in con- 
formity with his view stated on p. Ixxv. 
Blass does so, because he supposes (rightly, 
as I think) that Pytheas was not a παῖς, 
but an ἀγένειος. 


ODE ΧΙ. o¥s 


Ol. 74. 4. 480 B.c. First victory of Phylacidas, the younger 
brother of Pytheas, at the Isthmus. (Pindar, /sthm. v.[v1].) If 
he was then (say) 17, he would compete among the ἀγένειοι. 
The traditional title of /sthm. Vv. is simply Φυλακίδᾳ Αἰγινήτῃ 
παγκρατίῳ. But that is not inconsistent with his having been 
ἀγένειος. And on the other hand, the words in v. 62, where 
Phylacidas and his brother, in contradistinction to their uncle 
Euthymenes, are called ἀγλαοὶ παῖδες, indicate that Phylacidas 
was not yet ἀνήρ. (παῖδες, used in a general and not a technical 
sense, would of course include ἀγένειοι.) 

Ol. 75. 2. 478 B.c. Second victory of Phylacidas at the 
Isthmus. (Pindar, /sthm. Iv.) He would then be (say) 20, 
and would compete among the ἄνδρες. 

It remains to consider an objection raised by Professor Blass 
to placing the victory of Pytheas as early as 481 B.c. There 
had been hostilities between Athens and Aegina, which began 
apparently about 488 or 487 B.C., and lasted for some time. It 
was only in 481 B.c., on the eve of the Persian invasion, that 
the two states were definitely and formally reconciled’. But 
Menander, the trainer of Pytheas, was an Athenian. Would an 
Aeginetan boy have been sent for training to Athens in 482 or 
481? Would Pindar and Bacchylides in 481 have praised an 
Athenian to Aeginetans? We may reply, in the first place, 
that we do not know whether, in 482/1, Athens and Aegina 
were still actually at war, though it is probable that a hostile 
feeling still existed. But it is not necessary to suppose that the 
boy Pytheas was sent to Athens. It is more likely that his 
father Lampon, a wealthy man, would engage the Athenian 
trainer to visit Aegina. That this indeed was the case would be 
a legitimate inference from Pindar’s phrase,—Xp7 δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθανᾶν 
τέκτον᾽ ἀεθληταῖσιν ἔμμεν (Nem. V. 49). Even if, in 482/1, the 
relations between Athens and Aegina were still unfriendly, a 
professional trainer, who had his livelihood to make, would 
surely not be precluded from accepting such an engagement. 
Nor would it be just to the Aeginetans,—so often extolled for 
their hospitality and fair-dealing,—to suppose that they would 
have felt resentment when the Athenian’s services to the 


1 Her. vil. 145; Grote c. xxxix, vol. Vv. p. 65. 


216 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


Aeginetan youth were commended by the poets of Thebes and 
Ceos?. 

§ 3. The ode is mutilated at the beginning. The verses with 
which column XXIV commences are the last two of a strophe. 
In this ode the strophe consists of 12 verses, and the epode of 9; 
the system, therefore, of 33. The question is: Was the strophe, 
of which the last two verses stand at the top of col. XXIV, the 
first strophe of the poem; or was it preceded by (at least) one 
whole system? The answer is clear from the nature of the 
subject-matter. At the words ὕβριος ὑψινόου, the first in 
col. XXIV, we are already in the middle of a mythical narrative. 
More than 10 verses must have preceded; and therefore not less 
than 43. It seems unnecessary to suppose the loss of more than 
one system before the strophe of which two verses remain; and 
the first of those. verses may therefore be numbered 44. 

In verses 44——57 a speaker, who is watching the struggle of 
Heracles with the Nemean lion, predicts his future, and pro- 
phesies that in days to come Greeks shall strive on that spot in 
the pancration. In a note on these verses I have given reasons 
for conjecturing that the prophecy is uttered by Athena, the 
guardian goddess of Heracles, in presence of the nymph Nemea. 

The poet next describes (vv. 58—76) how Pytheas has 
returned in triumph from the Nemean games. He then ad- 
dresses the nymph Aegina (77—99). Her praises are chanted 
by the maidens of the island, who link them with those of 
Endeis, bride of Aeacus, mother of Peleus and of Telamon. 
They sing also of Achilles and of Ajax.—It is told how Ajax 
bore himself in the fight at the ships—-when Achilles had 
withdrawn from the field, and had fired the Trojans with vain 
hopes. The bodies of the Aeacidae have perished, but their 
fame lives evermore. (I100—1I74.) 

Arete, whose light cannot be hidden, honours Aegina, in 
company with Eucleia and Eunomia (175—189).—Let due 
praise be given to Pytheas and to his trainer Menander. Truth 
upholds genuine merit against envy. (190—209.)—The poet, 

1 Blass (Praef. 1,Χ1Ν} thinks that the Isthmian victory of Phylacidas would 


victory of Pytheas at Nemea may have _ then fall in 478 or 476, and the second 
been gained in 479 or 477- The first in 476 or 474. 


ODES XII, XIII. bas 


trusting in the Muse, offers this song to Lampon, the victor’s 
hospitable father. (220—231.) 

§ 4. It is interesting to compare Bacchylides with Pindar in 
regard to his manner of rendering the indispensable tribute to 
the Aeacidae. In each of Pindar’s eleven odes for Aegina 
such a reference occurs; and his variety of resource is notable. 
As a rule, he takes some one moment or incident in the story of 
an Aeacid hero, and, with a few touches, paints a vivid picture, . 
often instinct with dramatic life: but he seldom insists or 
enlarges on the theme. The fifth Nemean, written for this same 
victory, supplies an example. Peleus and Telamon, with their 
half-brother Phocus,—whom they were destined to slay,—are 
standing in Aegina at the altar of their grandsire, Zeus 
Hellanios: with hands uplifted to him they pray that the island 
may be blest in her sons and famous on the sea’. It is all given 
in five verses. More than sixty are here devoted by Bacchylides 
to an episode, with Achilles and Ajax for its central figures, in 
which he is on familiar Homeric ground. It is an epic narrative, 
forming, indeed, a distinct section of the poem. 


ODE XIII. [XIV.] 


For Cleoptolemus of Thessaly, victor in the chartot-race at the 
Petraia.—Date unknown. 


The position of this ode in the series is presumably due to ᾿ 
the fact that it relates to a minor festival. The only other 
reference to the Petraia seems to be that of the scholiast on 
Apollonius Rhodius, who mentions ‘the Thessalian Petra’ as a 
place ‘where a festival of Poseidon is held’ (see ἢ. on vv. 19g— 
21). The scene of these games is unknown: it is merely a 
conjecture that it may have been somewhere in the region 
of Tempe. 

The waters of eastern Thessaly, gathered into the Peneius 
(now the Salamvrias), flow to the sea through a narrow valley 
between lofty peaks of Mount Olympus and Mount Ossa. This 
outlet, called Téu2n—‘the cutting’—was said in local legend 


1 NM. ν. 9—13- 
1. B. : . 15 


218 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


to have been made by the earth-shaking god. He was called 
Petraios as ‘cleaving the rocks!’ The title Avtaios, also given 
to him in Thessaly, was similarly explained as meaning that 
he had opened a way for the river out of its rocky prison®. 
Philostratus the Lemnian (c. 230 A.D.) describes a series of 
pictures which he professes to have seen in a portico at Naples. 
One of them, he says, showed Poseidon, with the trident in his 
uplifted right hand, preparing to strike the hills, and to make a 
passage for the Peneius, represented by the reclining figure of a 
river-god ; while Thessalia, crowned with a wreath of olive- 
leaves and corn-ears, was seen rising from the flood under which 
her lower valleys had hitherto been submerged*. 

The extant portion of the ode consists only of the first 
system (23 verses), with a few words from the second strophe 
and epode. After 18 verses of gnomic strain, the poet comes 
to Cleoptolemus, victor in the chariot-race, who was probably a 
rich Thessalian landowner. The large scale of the exordium 
might suggest an ode of some length; but the break in the 
papyrus after column XXIX leaves that point in doubt. 


B. DITHYRAMBS. 


OpE XIV. [XV] 


The Sons of Antenor: or the Demand for the restitution 
of Helen. 


§ 1. The subject is an embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus 
from the Greek camp at Tenedos to Troy, for the purpose of 
demanding that Helen should be restored. This mission is 
supposed to take place shortly before the commencement of the 
Trojan war. 

The primary source used by Bacchylides was presumably 
the ‘Cyprian epic’ (Κύπρια), so called because its reputed author, 


1 Schol. Pind. P. 1v. 138. See note 2 See note on ode XVII. 21. 
in commentary on XIII. 190-21. 3 Philostr. Jmag. Il. 14. 


ODES XIII, XIV. 


219 


Stasinus, was a native of Cyprus; but the ancients knew nothing 
definite concerning him, and the authorship must be regarded as 
uncertain. The date of the Cypria cannot well be placed later 
than the eighth century B.c. Its contents are known in outline 
through the summary given in the Chrestomatheia of Proclus. 
From this abstract, and from the fragments of the epic itself 
(about fifty verses in all), it is clear that the author of the Cypria 
knew the //ad, and composed his work as a kind of introduction 
to it,—starting from the first cause of the war, and going down 
to that moment in the tenth year at which the //Zad opens. It 
was told in the Cyprza how, after sailing from Aulis, the Greek 
fleet first put in at Tenedos. On landing from their camp in 
that island, the Greeks were resisted by the Trojans, and in the 
first battle Protesilaus was slain by Hector. Ina second battle, 
Achilles routed the enemy, slaying Cycnus son of Poseidon. 
Then (says Proclus in his summary) ‘the Greeks sent an 
embassy to the Trojans, demanding the restitution of Helen 
and of her possessions. The Trojans refused to comply; and 
thereupon the siege of Troy began’ 

The Greek envoys, Menelaus and Odysseus, were hospitably 
received at Troy by Antenor?’, whose wife, Theano, was priestess 
of the city’s guardian goddess, Pallas Athena. He stood their 
friend throughout ; and was said to have saved their lives, when 
they were endangered by the hostility of certain Trojans’. 

§ 2. Bacchylides does not relate the arrival of the envoys, or 
their reception by Antenor: that is presupposed. The first verses 
describe how Theano, on the acropolis of Troy, opens the temple 

of Athena to her guests; perhaps in order that they may bespeak 


1 καὶ διαπρεσβεύονται πρὸς τοὺς Τρῶας, 
Ἑλένην καὶ τὰ κτήματα ἀπαιτοῦντες: ws δὲ 
οὐχ ὑπήκουσαν ἐκεῖνοι, ἐνταῦθα δὴ τειχο- 
μαχοῦσιν. 

3 In Ziad 3. 205—224 Antenor him- 
self refers to this. He goes on to com- 
pare Menelaus and Odysseus as orators 
in the Trojan agora. 

3 Proclus: ὅτε yap ἐκ Τενέδου ἐπρεσ- 
βεύοντο οἱ περὶ Μενέλαον, τότε ᾿Αντήνωρ 
ὁ ‘EXixdovos ὑπεδέξατο αὐτούς, καὶ δολοφο- 
νεῖσθαι μέλλοντας éowoev.—From the 


words of Agamemnon in //iad 11. 138— 
142 it appears that the Trojan Antimachus 
had urged in the assembly that the two 
Greek envoys should be put to death. 
The Ulysses of Ovid (JZet. 13. 196—204) 
briefly relates how narrowly he and 
Menelaus escaped being murdered by Paris 
andhis supporters. His appeal had moved 
Priam, Priamogue Antenora tunctum. 
Tzetzes (Ante-homerica 158) also relates 
how Antenor befriended the envoys. 


I5—2 


INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


220 


the favour of the goddess before making their appeal. Here 
occurs a lacuna in the papyrus, which contained at least one 
speech ; possibly both Theano and Odysseus spoke (vv. 8—36). 

Next, we find the sons of Antenor conducting the envoys to 
the marketplace of Troy, while Antenor himself proceeds to 
inform Priam of their errand. Presently heralds summon the 
Trojans to the assembly. ‘Everywhere the loud rumour ran 
abroad ; and men lifted up their hands to the gods, praying for 
rest from their woes’:—an allusion to those hostilities, noticed 
above, which had preceded the embassy. The agora is now 
filled, and the debate is about to begin. (37—46.) 

The poet proceeds in epic style:—‘ Say, Muse, who was the 
first to plead the righteous cause?’ Then comes the speech by 
Menelaus. It occupies only 13 verses,—breaking off with a 
warning to the Trojans against insolence, which ruined the 
Giants. So abrupt is the ending, that it would be natural to 
regard the poem as incomplete. That inference does not, 


however, appear certain. 


It should be observed that the 
beginning of the piece is also abrupt. 


The little poem is, in 


fact, a sort of epic vignette, finished in detail, but intended to 


suggest a situation rather than to relate a story. 


In the next 


piece (Heracles) this intention is still more evident. 


§ 3. 


The double title, written by the second corrector at the 


top of column xxx, but now mutilated, was ᾿Αντηνορίδαι ἢ 


“Ἑλένης ἀπαίτησις". 


In the text, as we have it, the part of 


the Antenoridae is limited to conducting the envoys from the 


1 Among the titles of lost plays of 
Sophocles are’ Avrnvoplia (Nauck?, 7rag. 
Frag. p. 160) and Ἑλένης ἀπαίτησις (20. 
p- 171). The subject of the latter was 
undoubtedly this embassy of Menelaus 
and Odysseus. As to the ᾿Αντηνορίδαι, 
Welcker (Gr. 7rag. τ. 466 ff.), with whom 
Nauck agrees, recognises its subject in a 
passage of Strabo 13. p. 608. After the 
capture of Troy, when Antenor’s house 
was spared, he and his sons migrated, 
with their allies the Paphlagonian ‘Everoi 
(7. 2. 852), to the land afterwards known 
as Venetia. On the other hand, Blass 
and Wilamowitz regard the double title 


of the Bacchylidean poem as making it 
probable that the ᾿Αντηνορίδαι of Sophocles 
was only another name for his ᾿λένης 
dmairnots. Such a second title for the 
tragedy is intelligible, however, only if 
the sons of Antenor formed the chorus; 
but, in the case of such a drama, is that 
probable? Welcker held that the chorus 
must have been composed of Phrygians, 
who could mediate between the views of 
Antenor, the friend of the envoys, and 
those of their foes, such as Paris (G7. 
Trag. 1. t21). But the question is one 
which we must be content to leave doubt- 
ful. 


ODES XIV, XV. oe 


acropolis of Troy to the agora. It is known that Bacchylides 
spoke of Theano as having borne fifty sons to Antenor (schol. 
74. 24. 496), a mention which doubtless occurred in the lost verses 
of this poem (32—36). Fifty was the number of a dithyrambic 
chorus; and if, when this dithyramb was produced, the 
Antenoridae formed such a chorus, that fact would help to 
account for the prominence given to them in the title. It would 
also explain the number itself, which the Homeric scholiast 
notes as prodigious. The /iad recognises only ten sons of 
Antenor?. 

In verse 6 Menelaus is Atreides, but in verse 48 Pleisthenides. 
The genealogy which made him and his brother sons of Plei- 
sthenes, and only grandsons of Atreus, appears first with 
Stesichorus (fr. 42), whose influence on Bacchylides is suggested 
by this trait. The lyric treatment of epic themes, with occasional 
speeches in epic style, is indeed a species of composition in which 
Stesichorus was the earliest master. 


ODE XV. [XVI] 
Heracles. 


$1. The first eleven verses, which are much mutilated, form 
a prelude to the theme of Heracles and Deianeira. The poet 
says that he will betake him to the temple of Apollo at Delphi, 
as Urania has provided him with songs fitted for the season. 
Apollo is away in the north, taking his pleasure on the banks of 
the Hebrus, until it shall be time for him to revisit his Pythian 
home, and to rejoice once more in the paeans of the Delphian 
choruses. 

During the winter months, Dionysus was prominent at 
Delphi. The paean was mute, since the Healer was absent, and 
its place was taken by the dithyramb* A tragic theme of 

1 Acamas (7. 2.822), Agenor (11.59), 2 Plutarch περὶ τοῦ Ex τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς, 
Archelochus (2. 822), Οοῦπ (πε eldest, τι. c. g : τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ἐνιαυτὸν παιᾶνι χρῶνται 
248), Demoleon (20. 295), Helicaon (3. περὶ τὰς θυσίας, ἀρχομένου δὲ χειμῶνος 
123), Iphidamas (11. 221), Laodocus ((. ἐπεγείραντες τὸν διθύραμβον, τὸν δὲ παιᾶνα 


87), Pedaeus (νόθος, 5. 69), Polybus (τι. καταπαύσαντες, τρεῖς μῆνας ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου 
49). ᾿ς χρῦτον κατακαλοῦνται τὸν θεόν. 


222 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


passion and anguish, such as that which Bacchylides touches 
here, was congenial to the Dionysiac cult, but would have been 
wholly alien from a festival of Apollo. 

The treatment of the subject is very brief, occupying only 
twenty-two verses. Heracles has sacked Oechalia in Euboea, 
and has arrived at Cenaeum, the north-western cape of the 
island, where he is preparing a sacrifice in thanksgiving to Zeus. 
Then it is that destiny impels Deianeira to send him the robe 
anointed with the gift of Nessus, on learning that Iole is coming 
to her home. 

So ends the song,—much as its predecessor broke off with 
the hint that impenitent ὕβρις would prove the bane of Troy. 
Here, however, the somewhat abrupt close has a clearer warrant 
in poetical art, since Deianeira’s resolve is a fateful turning- 
point; and the artist’s aim in work on this scale can be more 
distinctly seen. It is to mark a moment on the eve of a 
catastrophe,—a moment which will be the more impressive 
because the sequel is left untold. 

§ 2. It is a feature of some interest in this poem that it 
suggests certain older poetical sources to which Bacchylides may 
have been indebted. The reference to Apollo disporting himself 
in the north recalls a hymn of Alcaeus concerning the god’s visit 
to the Hyperboreans, some traits of which are preserved in the 
prose of Himerius’. The Lesbian poet designated the Hebrus 
as ‘fairest of rivers?’; and his influence may probably be traced 
in those exquisite lyrics of Aristophanes which describe how the 
swans on the Hebrus chant their songs to Apollo*. <A detail of 
language seems to confirm the surmise that the thoughts of 
Bacchylides may have been running on Alcaeus. Nowhere else 
does he employ πεδά instead of μετά, but here we find 
πεδοιχνεῖν. 

The passage relating to Heracles at Cenaeum presents a 
general parallelism with some verses in the Tvachiniae of 
Sophocles‘. But it affords no ground for supposing that the 


1 Or. XIV. 1o=Alcae. frgg. 2, 3, 4, κάλλιστος ποταμῶν. 
Bergk* 111. p. 147. 3 Aves 772 ff. : see ἢ: on v. 5. 

2 Schol. Theocr. vit. 112 (=Alcae. * Trach. 750—762. Seen. on Bacch. 
fr. 109, Bergk*) ; "AXxatés φησιν ὅτι Ἕβρος xv. 15 f. 


ODES XV, XVI. 223 


dramatist imitated Bacchylides. Such resemblance as exists is 
rather to be explained by a common source. That source was 
probably the old epic, entitled the Capture of Oechalia, popularly 
ascribed to the Ionian Creophylus of Samos, a poem of which 
the repute is attested by an epigram of Callimachus’. 


ODE XVI. [XVII.] 


Theseus, or the Athenian youths and maidens. 


§ 1. Servius (circ. 400 A.D.) found this poem, as we find it, 
classed among the ‘dithyrambs’ of Bacchylides, in the later and 
larger sense of that term”. But it is, in fact, a paean to Apollo, 
for a chorus of Ceans at Delos*. It seems probable that 
Bacchylides wrote for Delian festivals on other occasions also‘. 

Minos, king of Crete, after reducing Athens, had imposed 
upon it a periodical tribute’ of seven youths and seven maidens, 
to be the prey of his wife Pasiphae’s monstrous offspring, the 
Minotaur, whom he had immured in the labyrinth built by 


Daedalus at Cnosus. 


On the third occasion when the tribute 


fell due, Minos came in person to Athens and selected the 


victims®. 

1 See the editor's Introduction to the 
Trachiniae, p. xviii. 

2? Servius on Verg. Aen. VI. 21 
(septena quotannis Corpora natorunt). 
Quidam septem pueros et septem puellas 
accipi volunt, quod et Plato dicit in 
Phaedone et Sappho in Lyricis et Bacchy- 
lides in Dithyrambis et Euripides in 
Hercule, quos liberavit secum Theseus. 

3 Cp. 128 ff.: ἠΐθεοι δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν | νέοι 
παιάνιξαν ἐρατᾷ fort. | Δάλιε, χοροῖσι 
Κηΐων κιτ.λ. The subject itself, so closely 
connected with the Theseus-legend of the 
Delian cult, might well suggest that the 
poem was for Delos. 

4 See frag. 42 (=57 Bergk); and fr. 
12 (=31 Bergk).—Pindar intimates in 
Isthm. 1. 6 ff. that he is under a promise 
to write an ode for the Ceans, Φοῖβον 
χορεύων | ἐν Κέῳ ἀμφιρύτᾳ σὺν ποντίοις | 
ἀνδράσιν. The scholiasts there say that 
the Ceans had asked him to write a 
Δηλιακὸν παιᾶνα or a προσοδιακὸν παιᾶνα. 


At any rate Pindar thought of the poem 
as one which was to be sung zz Ceos. In 
the splendid fr. 87, Χαῖρ ὦ θεοδμάτα 
k.T.¥., he addresses Delos; and it can 
hardly be doubted that the poem which 
opened with those verses was to be sung . 
at a Delian festival. It seems therefore 
very questionable whether fr. 87 can be 
referred to the poem indicated in /sthm, 
1. 6 ff. 

5 The period for the tribute was 
variously represented as one year, three, 
seven, or nine years: Plutarch Theseus 15 
adopts the last. Preller (11. 295) thinks 
that the nine-year cycle points to 
expiatory rites, and that the young 
Athenians, mythical food forthe Minotaur, 
were made hieroduli of a Cretan cult. 

6 In the ordinary form of the story, 
the victims are chosen by lot. Hellanicus 


ἡ alone is mentioned by Plutarch (7.265. 17) 


as saying that Minos came to Athens 
himself and chose them. 


224 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


When our poem begins, he is on board ship with them, 
sailing before a north wind to Crete. Besides the seven youths 
and seven maidens, there is the young Theseus’, commonly 
reputed the son of Aegeus, king of Athens. Minos makes 
advances to one of the maidens, Eriboea?, and is rebuked by 
Theseus, who threatens to oppose him by force, should he 
persist. If Minos is the son of Zeus and Europa, the father to 
whom Aethra bore Theseus is Poseidon. Minos, incensed by 
the reproof, and still more by the implied doubt of his divine. 
parentage, prays to Zeus for the sign of the lightning,—which is 
granted; and then challenges Theseus, if he be indeed Poseidon’s 
son, to bring back a gold ring which he throws into the sea. 
Theseus springs overboard: dolphins carry him to Poseidon’s 
palace beneath the waves, where the sea-god’s wife, Amphitrite, 
gives him a mantle and a wreath. Presently, wearing these 
gifts, he reappears, to the dismay of Minos, at the stern of the 
ship; and the young Athenians raise a paean. 

There the poem ends. But those who heard it sung by the 
Cean chorus in Delos would think of the sequel which linked 
this story with the local cult. After slaying the Minotaur in . 
Crete, Theseus sailed with his companions for Athens. On 
their way, they landed in Delos,—-a scene depicted on the 
Francois amphora (now at Florence) by the vase-painters 
Clitias and Ergotimus*; the ship which the Athenians have left 
is by the shore; Theseus, as a citharist, leads the way, while the 
youths and maidens (among whom Eriboea‘ is prominent) follow 
him in couples. It was then that they performed, in honour of 
Apollo, a dance known in Delian tradition as the geranos 
(‘crane-dance’), with movements symbolical of Theseus threading 
the mazes of the Cretan labyrinth’. That dance was said to 


1 The fact that there are fourteen Megara. (Cp. C. Robert in Hermes, 


persons besides Theseus might suggest 
that Bacchylides followed the tradition 
according to which the young hero 
volunteered for Crete, while the others 
went perforce (Plut. 7zes. 17). Theseus 
is usually counted as one of the fourteen. 
Hellanicus said that he was the first 
choice of Minos, 

? Daughter of Alcathous, king of 


vol. XX. p. 355, 1885.) 

3 Given from Mon. dell Inst. by A. 
H. Smith in Journ. Hellen. Stud. vol. 
XVIII. p. 280. Cp. C. Robert in Hermes, 
vol. XXXIII. p. 144 (1898). 

, * The name on the vase is either 
EPIBOIA or EIIIBOIA. 
5 Plut. Zhes. 21. 


ODE XVI. 


225 


have been held at the ancient altar of the Delian god, the ‘horn 
altar, near to the palm-tree where Latona gave him birth, and 
to the oval basin on which floated his sacred swans’. The 
geranos was still in Plutarch’s time a regular feature of the 
Delian festivals. 

§ 2. In the episode which Bacchylides relates with so much 
beauty and spirit, two mythical elements can be distinguished. 
One of these, and doubtless the older, is the welcome which 
Amphitrite, the wife of Poseidon, gives to the young Theseus, 
her husband’s son by a mortal bride, Aethra. There is an 
Ionian graciousness in this conception ; it might be contrasted 
with the Dorian legend of Hera’s relentless enmity to the son of 
Alcmena. This part of the myth was current at least as early 
as the beginning of the fifth century B.c. It is the subject of a 
painting by Euphronius on a cup (kylix) in the Louvre, a very 
fine red-figured vase found at Caere, of which the date is about 
500—490 B.C.» This is the earliest known document for any 
portion of the story contained in the poem. Amphitrite, seated 
in her home beneath the sea,—as is indicated by three swimming 
dolphins,—extends her right hand in greeting to the young 
Theseus, whose feet are borne up by a Triton. Athena stands 
in the centre, a little in the background, wearing helmet and 
aegis, holding an owl in her right hand, and a spear in her left;— 
her face is turned with a benign expression towards the smiling 
sea-goddess. In this picture, however, Amphitrite bestows no 
wreath on Theseus. Another and perhaps earlier story made 
the wreath a gift to him from Ariadne, daughter of Minos*: the 
substitution of Amphitrite as the giver may have been an 
Attic touch, presumably somewhat later than the date of the 
Euphronius cup. 


1 Apollo’s Delian altar, and the palm- 
tree beside it, are known to the Odyssey 
(6. 162). The altar was called κερατών 
(Plut. Zhes. 21), or kepdrivos, because 
Apollo in building it was said to have 
used the horns of she-goats slain by 
Artemis on Mount Cynthus. The famous 
τροχοειδὴς λίμνη was in its neighbourhood. 
See my article on ‘ Delos,’ with reference 
to M. Homolle’s explorations, in Journ. 


Hellen. Stud, vol. 1. p. 39 (1880). 

2 See the article ‘Illustrations to 
Bacchylides’ by A. H. Smith in Journ. 
Hellen, Stud. vol. XVitt-—p.-2785—with_, 
Plate x1v. 

3. C. Robert in Hermes, vol. XXXIII. 
(1898), Ρ- 132. He has also traced the 
development of the myth in Archaeol. 
Anzeiger, 1889, p- 142. 


226 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


The other element of the myth is the quarrel between 
Theseus and Minos on board ship, and the challenge given 
by Minos when he throws his ring into the sea. This looks 
like a free invention of poetical fancy, linked on to the older 
legend of the welcome ; it is of stirring interest in itself, and also 
serves to bring Theseus into the presence of Amphitrite. The 
poetical combination had been made, at any rate, before 
¢.474—470B.C.; for the substance of that story was represented 
by the painter Micon on a wall of the Theseion at Athens’, 
The earliest extant representation in art is supplied by a 
red-figured crater of the fifth century B.C., now in the Museo 
Civico at Bologna?» There we see Theseus, supported by a 
Triton, clasping the knees of Amphitrite in suppliant fashion: 
she holds out in both hands the wreath which she is about 
to place upon his head. Four Nereids stand or sit behind their 
queen,—not dancing, as in the poem of Bacchylides; but one of 
them plays a tambourine. In the lower part of the picture 
Poseidon reclines on a couch, watching the scene, while a 
winged Eros pours out wine for him*. On the left is seen the 
stern of the ship from which Theseus has sprung into the deep; 
also the Sun-god’s chariot rising from the waves,—for the 
painter's idea was to show in section both the sea-depths and 
the upper world. Robert* holds that this painting on the Bologna 
vase reproduces a part of Micon’s work in the Theseion,— 
namely the central and the right-hand portion. In Micon’s 


1 Ῥάυ5..1: 17. 3s 

2 Ghirardini, Wuseo Italiano di Ant. 
Class. 111. p. 1, Plate 1. A. H. Smith in 
J. H. 5. xviii. p. 277 (fig. 7), where 
other references are given on p. 278 (n. 1). 

3 This detachment of Poseidon from 
the reception of Theseus is in agreement 
with the poem, which does not mention 
the sea-god as greeting his son (vv. tooff.). 
Amphitrite’s welcome of him is the central 
incident. There are, however, two vases 
on which Poseidon is the chief figure. 
(r) A red-figured crater, of the early fifth 
century, found at Girgenti, and now in the 
Bibliothéque Nationale at Paris: see 7. 
H. S. Xvi. p. 278, fig. 8. Poseidon, on 


a throne, takes the hand of Theseus, who 
stands before -him. Behind Poseidon 
stands Amphitrite (or a Nereid?), hold- 
ing up the wreath. (2) A vase of c¢. 450 
B.C., found at Ruvo, and now in the 
possession of the Princess di Tricase: 
J. A. S. XV. p. 279, fig. 9. There are 
five persons, all standing. Poseidon, in 
the centre, clasps the hand of Theseus, 
who is on his left. Behind Theseus is a 
figure holding up the wreath. On the 
right of Poseidon is Nereus, and next to 
Nereus a figure who is about to pour a 
libation. 
4 Hermes, vol. XXXII. pp. 234 ff. 


ODE XVI. 227 


picture, he supposes, the whole of the ship, with the company 
on board, was shown on the left, but the vase-painter’s limits 
precluded him from bringing in more than the stern. This 
hypothesis is at least quite consistent with the account given by 
Pausanias of Micon’s work. He observes that the story—which 
he relates—is not quite clear from the painting, partly through 
the ravages of time, and partly because Micon has not painted 
the whole’. The meaning of that expression is at once intelli- 
gible, if Micon’s general scheme was the same as that of the 
vase-painter: there is the ship,—here is Theseus received by 
Amphitrite ; but Micon could not also show Minos throwing the 
ring, or Theseus in the act of diving. 

§ 3. The incident of the ring, as treated by Bacchylides, raises 
a curious question. Pausanias is careful to let us know that 
Theseus fulfilled the demand of Minos, and returned to the 
surface with the ring as well as the wreath. Hyginus says the 
same, adding the pretty touch that the ring was restored to 
Theseus by the Nereids. Bacchylides, however, is silent as to 
Theseus bringing back the ring. This omission has been re- 
garded as deliberate. The poet, it is suggested, felt that it was 
beneath the dignity of Theseus to give the proof of his birth 
in precisely the form prescribed by the Cretan king. Be that 
as it may, the omission renders it unlikely that Bacchylides was 
himself the inventor of the ring-motive. Had he been so, he 
would presumably have treated it with more care, instead of 
simply ignoring it after it had served the purpose of bringing 
Theseus to the sea-god’s abode. There must have been some 
older source for the story of the challenge given to Theseus by 
Minos,—a source common to Bacchylides and Micon. Whether 
that source was (as seems most probable) a poet, or a compiler 


1 Paus. 1. 17. 2 τοῦ δὲ τρίτου τῶν 
τοίχων (of the Theseion) ἡ γραφὴ μὴ 
πυθομένοις ἃ λέγουσιν οὐ σαφής ἐστι, τὰ 
μέν που διὰ τὸν χρόνον, τὰ δὲ Μίκων οὐ 
τὸν πάντα ἔγραψε λόγον. 

? Thus Gomperz observes that Theseus, 
by bringing back the θεῶν δῶρα, ‘die 
einleuchtendsten Beweise seiner géttlichen 
Abstammung erbracht hatte: sie gerade 
in der Weise zu liefern, wie sein Gegner 


es heischt, wiirde als des Heroen un- 
wiirdig gelten.’ And Weil: ‘II légitime 
sa naissance divine sans se faire le serviteur 
du roi de Créte.’ This may be the true 
explanation. At the same time it is 
difficult to feel quite sure that Bacchylides, 
preoccupied with the mantle and the 
wreath, may not simply have forgotten 
the ring. 


228 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


of myths in prose, or merely floating folk-lore, it is impossible 
now to say. There is no trace of the ring-motive on the vases, 
except in one very doubtful instance. In two other particulars 
also the vases differ from the poem. According to the poem, 
Amphitrite’s gifts are a mantle and a wreath: the vases know 
only the wreath. Dolphins, according to the poem, convey 
Theseus to his father’s home. This may have been the invention 
of Bacchylides himself, suggested by the legends of Arion, 
Enalus, and Phalanthus?. On the Euphronius cup and the vase 
at Bologna it is a Triton who renders this office to his mortal 
step-brother. 

§ 4. It would seem that after the fifth century B.c. the story 
told in this poem dropped out of sight. There are only two 
traces of it in subsequent literature. One is the account, already 
noticed, given by Pausanias of Micon’s painting. The other is a 
passage in the Poetica Astronomica (11. 5) ascribed to (Ὁ. Julius 
Hyginus, a freedman of Augustus, and director of the Palatine 
library* (founded in 28 B.c.). Hyginus agrees closely with 
Bacchylides, down to the point at which Theseus reaches the 
depths: thus he names Eriboea ; he mentions the dolphins ; and 
he notes that Theseus springs into the sea ‘sine ulla precatione 
aut religione parentis’ (t.e. without any prayer, or observance, 
addressed to Poseidon)*. As to the wreath, however,—which 
he describes as ‘brilliant with precious stones,—Hyginus says 
that it was given to Theseus by Thetis. ‘Others, he adds, 
say that it was a gift from Amphitrite’. It has been suggested® 
that the principal source of Hyginus was an astronomical epic 
by Hegesianax of Alexandria Troas (ας. 200 B.C.), and that 


1 On the Tricase vase, mentioned 4 See verses 81—84. It has not been 


above (p. 226, n. 3), Theseus seems to hold 
in his left hand a small object, which some 
take to be a box containing the ring: 
others, however, explain it as merely a 
fold of drapery brought over the girdle. 

2 Arion, Her. I. 24: Enalus, Plut. 
Mor. p.163 A: Phalanthus (the legendary 
founder of Tarentum), Paus. ro. 13. 10. 

3 Suet. De tllust. gramm. 20: Prae-- 
εξ Palatinae bibliothecae. Cp. Suet. 
Aug. 29. 


noticed (I think) how strongly this detail 
suggests an acquaintance with the text of 
Bacchylides,—whether Hyginus knew it 
at first hand, or only through some older 
source. 

5 Alii autem a Neptuni uxore accepisse 
dicunt coronam. 

6 By Carl Robert, Zratosthenis Cata- 
sterismorum relliguiae, pp. 221 ff. (1878): 
Arch. Anzeiger, 1889, p- 142. 


ODE XVI. 229 


Hegesianax had used the poem of Bacchylides. But Hyginus 
had also some secondary source, in which Thetis was substituted 
for Amphitrite. After the fashion of the later mythographers, 
he wove the variant into his story, and mentioned the version 
given by his chief source as a variant. There is no doubt 
that the Poetica Astronomica was mainly derived from Alex- 
andrian sources. If, however, Hyginus had no first-hand 
knowledge of Bacchylides, we must infer that, in this story, 
the adherence of Hegesianax to Bacchylides had been close. 

§ 5. In this poem Theseus is the son of Poseidon. In that 
which follows it, he is on his journey to the seat of his putative 
father, Aegeus, king of Athens. The mythological significance 
of Theseus, as the embodiment of Ionian adventure and achieve- 
ment on the sea, is illustrated by the double legend of his 
paternity. Poseidon and Aegeus were originally identical, 
Aegeus, ‘lord of the waves’ (aiyes)*, from being a title of 
Poseidon, became an independent hero, with an Athenian 
shrine. Aethra, daughter of Pittheus, king of Troezen,—an 
ancient home of Poseidon’s worship,—was the acknowledged 
mother of Theseus. But while Athens maintained that his 
father was Aegeus, Troezen asserted the claim of Poseidon. 
In the first half of the fifth century, under the patriotic impulse 
given by the victory at Marathon, followed by the development 
of Athenian sea-power, the cult of Theseus became prominent 
-at Athens. His temple, the Theseion, was built czrc.' 474— 
470 B.C. His reputed relics were brought from Scyros by © 
Cimon, and deposited there, in 467. It is not surprising that 
Theseus should hold a prominent place in the work of an 
Ionian poet who lived at this period’. 


1 Cp. Teuffel, Hist. of Roman Lit.1. Athenian κυβερνήτης (Phereclus), and 
§ 257. varied from the usual story by saying 
-2 See ἢ. on v. 36. that the sail given to him by Aegeus, to 
3 Simonides, too, wrote on the voyage δὲ hoisted in the event of success, was 
of Theseus to Crete. His narrative must not white, but red. (Plut. Zhes. 17= 
have been circumstantial, to judge from _Bergk* fr. 54.) 
the fact that he knew the name of the 


230 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


ODE XVII. [XVIII.] 


Theseus. 


§ 1. The youth, already victorious over foes of superhuman 
strength, is journeying as a stranger to Athens, the home of the 
father whom he has never seen, the city which is hereafter to 
know him as the most glorious of her kings. This situation, so 
suggestive for an Ionian poet, is the true subject of Bacchylides. 
The brief recital of the young hero’s deeds is merely inci- 
dental. 

A few words will suffice to recall that earlier part of the story 
which is here presupposed. Pandion, son of Cecrops, had been 
driven out of Attica by his cousins, the sons of Metion, brother 
of Cecrops and son of Erechtheus. He went to Megara, where 
he was made king; and there Aegeus and three other sons were 
born to him. After Pandion’s death, Aegeus, aided by his three 
brothers, reconquered Attica, which the four shared among them ; 
he himself became king of Athens. But he lived in fear of the 
Pallantidae, the fifty giant sons of his brother Pallas, who had 
designs on his throne. He was childless; and on consulting 
Apollo at Delphi as to his hope of issue, received an obscure 
response, on which he resolved to seek light from the wise 
Pittheus, king of Troezen?. Pittheus, who divined the meaning 
‘of the oracle, was led by it to desire that Theseus should be 
united with his daughter Aethra ; and he laid his plans accord- 
ingly*. But Aethra had already been visited by the sea-god 
Poseidon, whom Troezen worshipped ; and he (as the Troeze- 
nians deemed) was the true father of the son whom she afterwards 
bore. Before leaving Troezen, Aegeus left with Aethra his 


1 Apollod. 3. 15. 5: Plut. Zhes. 3. 
Cp. Eur. Med. 674—686. 

2 Apollod. Zc. μεθύσας αὐτὸν τῇ 
θυγατρὶ συγκατέκλινεν : Plut. 4. ἔπεισεν 
αὐτὸν ἢ διηπάτησε τῇ Αἴθρᾳ συγγενέσθαι. 
The purport of the oracle (ἀσκοῦ τὸν 
προὔχοντα πόδα... μὴ λύσῃς K.T.A.) was to 


enjoin continence on Aegeus until he 
should have returned to Athens. Pittheus, 
inferring that his guest was not doomed 
to be childless, wished that his own house 
should furnish the heir to the Athenian 
throne. 


ODE XVII. 231 


sandals, and an ivory-hilted sword, charging her to hide these 
under a hollow rock? on a mountain between Troezen and 
Hermione. When their son should have grown to such strength 
that he could move the rock, she was to give him these tokens of 
his birth, and send him to Athens. The day came at last when 
Aethra brought Theseus, now sixteen years old, to that place in 
the hills: he moved the great stone with ease ; she gave him the 
sandals and the sword, and told him that he must now seek his 
father Aegeus at Athens. She and Pittheus wished him to take 
ship across the Saronic gulf. But the youth was bent on going 
by land, though the road was beset with perils. The legend of 
his journey from Troezen to Athens goes back to a time when 
Ionians were dominant on those coasts. Theseus was the hero 
who had purged the seaboard of malefactors and monsters, 
as the security of the route from eastern Thessaly to Delphi was 
associated with like deeds of Heracles. 

§ 2. The dithyramb of Bacchylides is in four strophes, each 
of fifteen verses. In the first an unnamed person, who must be 
conceived as the leader of a chorus of Athenians*, asks Aegeus, 
king of Athens, why a call to arms has just been sounded. 
The speaker’s anxious surmises reflect a time of unrest in Attica, 
when danger from the Pallantidae was impending. Aegeus 
replies, in the second strophe, that a messenger‘ from the 
Isthmus has brought news of wondrous deeds done by an 


1 Tt seems almost certain that inv. 48 | which claimed Theseus as founder. 


ἐλεφαντόκωπον is rightly supplied by 
Desrousseaux as an epithet for the sword 
carried by Theseus. Ovid (Met. 7. 
421 ff.) speaks of the sword’s ‘ivory hilt’ 
bearing some device which Aegeus recog- 
nised. Here, then, we should have a 
slight but sufficient proof that Bacchylides 
knew the story of the πατρῷα σύμβολα 
given by Aethra to her son. A pointed 
reference to the youth’s πέδιλα was hardly 
to be expected. 

2 The πέτρα Θησέως, which, according 
to Pausanias (2. 32. 7), was formerly 
called the Bwuds Σθενίου Διός. Near it 
was the source of the river Taurius 
(afterwards known as the Hyllicus), and 
ashrineof Aphrodite Nymphaor Nymphia, 


3 Neither of the persons is indicated 
in the margin of the Ms. The ἀόριστον 
πρόσωπον is an Athenian (v. 5 ἁμετέρας 
χθονός), and his tone is much like that 
of the elders in a tragic chorus (vv. 12 ff., 
41 ff.). He represents the folk who in 
time of perplexity have recourse to their 
king, as the afflicted Thebans turn to 
Oedipus. 

4 This messenger is designated as 
κἂρυξ (v. 17). It does not appear from 
the text whether heis so called merely as 
being the proclaimer of the tidings, or 
whether he is supposed to be a pro- 
fessional ‘herald’ who had been sent by 
Aegeus on some mission to the Isthmus. 


INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


232 


unknown youth, who is now approaching Athens; and hints 
that these tidings make him uneasy. In a third strophe, the 
Chorus-leader asks for some further particulars. The fourth 
strophe is a short description by Aegeus of the youth’s equip- 
ment and aspect. 

Though the ending might seem somewhat abrupt, the poem 
is unquestionably complete. Just as in the Amtenoridae and in 
the Heracles, the poet has presented a situation, and his purpose 
is fulfilled. 

§ 3. Certain points in the mythology are noteworthy. (1) The 
wife of Pandion and mother of Aegeus, elsewhere called Pylia}, 
is here Creusa, who, in the Attic legend as given by Euripides, 
is wife of Xuthus and mother of Ion. Bacchylides, whose poem 
was undoubtedly destined for Athens, would scarcely have 
made this use of Creusa’s name, if he had been aware of any 
positive Attic tradition which was against it: and we may infer 
that in his time the tradition had not yet become fixed. 

(2) Diodorus and Plutarch name six victims of Theseus on 
this journey,—Periphetes, Sinis, Phaia, Sciron, Cercyon, Pro- 
crustes*. The ‘club-bearing’ Periphetes, slain at Epidaurus, is 
ignored by Bacchylides, who mentions the five others. This 
omission might be explained by the fact that the poet’s narrative 
starts only from the Isthmus of Corinth. But it is more probable 
that, when he wrote, the Epidaurian deed had not yet been 
included in the cycle. Periphetes is absent, as Carl Robert 
points out, from the earlier illustrations of the journey in works 
of art, and first occurs on a vase of which the date is 
c. 450—440 B.C... He may have been added in order to bring 
the number of feats up to six, ze half a dodecathlos*. 

(3) Theseus is described as having two comrades (verse 46). 
It seems probable that the allusion is to Peirithous and 
Phorbas, whom some vase-paintings associate with Theseus in 


1 See note on v. 15. 

2 Diod. Iv. 59: Plut. 7hes. 8—11. 

3 Hermes vol. XXXI11. pp. 149 f. The 
vase, now at Munich, is given by Gerhard, 
Auserl. gr. Vas., 232, 233 nt. 2: Jahn, 
nr. 372, p. 119: etc. In his careful 
article on Periphetesin Roscher’s Lexikon, 


Hofer accepts Robert’s view: see esp. 
pp- 1276f. 

4 Epidaurus would be a natural choice 
for the scene of the additional feat, as no 
other adventure occurs in the compara- 
tively long interval between Troezen and 
the Isthmus. 


ODE XVII. 333 


the act of carrying off the Amazon Antiope. There is also a 
vase which gives him two companions in his encounter with 
Sinis and with Procrustes’. Now the presence of such supporters 
is distinctly alien from the spirit of the original legend. The 
very essence of that legend is that the youth is alone on his 
perilous journey, as he appears in the sculptures of the Theseion?. 
A vase-painter might introduce other figures for the sake of 
balance or symmetry in his scheme, and would naturally select 
heroes associated with Theseus in his later deeds: but such an 
addition betrays the instinct of a painter rather than that of 
a poet. The agreement of Bacchylides with the vases in this 
detail is all the more significant. He was influenced by those 
versions of current myths which the vase-painters popularized, 
and which, within certain limits, they could modify by introducing 
traits suited to the peculiar requirements of their own art. 

§ 4. A special interest belongs to this poem as the only extant 
example of a dithyramb in the form of a dialogue. Aristotle 
traces the origin of tragedy to the leader of the dithyramb 
(ὁ ἐξάρχων τὸν διθύραμβον). It cannot be doubted that in the 
early dithyramb there was some element of dialogue between 
leader and chorus, the subject being the fortunes of Dionysus, or 
of a hero. Thespis is said to have introduced an actor,— 
distinct from the chorus-leader,—who could give a distinctly 
dramatic character to the part formerly taken by the leader. 
The word for ‘actor, ὑποκριτής, is usually explained as the 
‘answerer, because his recitals were elicited by the inquiries of — 
the chorus,—just as, in mature tragedy, a question by the 
chorus often gives the cue for a narrative. In this poem of 
Bacchylides, the chorus interrogates Aegeus, and he is the 
‘answerer. But the tradition of dialogue is presumably the 
only link between the early dithyramb, from which tragedy 
originated, and this dithyramb written by Bacchylides in days 
when Attic tragedy was mature. The coryphaeus and Aegeus 
have alternate strophes of equal length. A result is that, while 
the questions of the coryphaeus are somewhat diffuse, the replies 

1 Robert in Hermes XXXII. p. 150: (Jahn). 

Weizsackeron Peirithous in Roscher’s Zex. 2 Baumeister, Dewkm. vol. Ill. pp. 
Ρ. 1783: Arch. Zeit. 23 (1865), fig. 195 1779 ff. 
J. B, 16 


234 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


of Aegeus are closely packed. It is not to be supposed that 
the older type of dithyramb was on such a model. This 
artificial structure has the stamp of developed lyric art, and, in 
the case of dialogue, is suited only to a poem on a small scale. 
Bacchylides is seen here, not as the inheritor of the old 
dithyramb, but rather as a precursor of the new. He illustrates 
a tendency in form which was carried much further by dithy- 
rambic poets in the latter part of the fifth century. The most 
prominent of these was Philoxenus (¢. 435—380 B.C.), in whose 
hands the dithyramb, with florid music and scenic accessories, 
approximated to the character of opera. One of his pieces, the 
Cyclops, is parodied by Aristophanes in a passage of the Plutus". 

§5. The subject, and the reference to Athens at the close, 
make it probable that this dithyrambof Bacchylides was performed 
by an Athenian chorus at an Athenian festival. Two of the 
principal occasions on which dithyrambic contests took place 
were the Great Dionysia, towards the end of March, and the 
Thargelia, towards the end of Μααν". At the Great Dionysia, 
there was a competition between five cyclic choruses of boys, 
and another between five such choruses of men. Each of these 
ten choruses represented one of the ten Attic tribes, which 
furnished the choregus, and all the fifty choreutae. 

The Thargelia was a festival in honour of Apollo and 
Artemis, especially as deities who bless the fruits of the earth 
(θαργήλια). The first day was devoted to certain expiatory rites: 
on the second, there was a contest of cyclic choruses. Now the 
expiatory rites of the Thargelia were said to have been founded 
by Theseus, when he visited the temple of Apollo Delphinius 


1 Ar, Plut. 290—315. Carion per- 2 The Great Dionysia, Thargelia, 


sonates Polyphemus, while the Chorus 
are his sheep (a parody, as the scholia 
attest, on the Cyclops of Philoxenus, from 
which some of the words are taken) : then 
he is Circe, and the chorus are swine. 
Carion and the Chorus sing alternate 
strophes of equal length, as do the persons 
in the dithyramb of Bacchylides. But 
we cannot be sure that this feature of the 
parody was taken from the dithyramb of 
Philoxenus. 


Prometheia, and Hephaisteia are men- 
tioned in Corp. Jnscr. Gr. no. 213 as 
festivals at which dithyrambic contests 
took place. From Dem. /z 2714. ὃ τὸ 
it appears that there was then no dithy- 
rambic contest at the Lenaea.—At the 
Oschophoria in Pyanepsion (October) the 
memory of Theseus, the reputed founder, 
was honoured: but there seems to be no 
evidence for a contest of cyclic choruses 
on that occasion. 


ODES XVII, XVIII. τς 285 


at Athens before his departure for Crete’. A dithyramb relating 
to Theseus would therefore have been especially appropriate at 
the Thargelia. But, whatever the occasion of performance may 
have been, this vivid little poem would doubtless have been 
welcome to an Athenian audience. 


OpE XVIII. [XIX] 


lo. For the Athenians. 


§1. The reference at the close to Dionysus and his cyclic 
choruses clearly indicates a dithyramb; and the place of per- 
formance was Athens (v. 10). Io was the mythical ancestress 
of Dionysus, the stemma being as follows :— 


Inachus+ Melia (daughter of Oceanus) 
Io+ Zeus 


| 
Epaphus + Memphis 


Libya + Poseidon 
Agenor (Phoenician) + Telephassa Belus (Assyrian) + Anchinoe 
| 
Cadmus + Harmonia | 
| 
Semele + Zeus Aegyptus Danaus 
| 


‘Dionysus 


Aeschylus, in his Supplices (c. 491 —490 B.C. ?) and Prometheus 
Vinctus (probably later than 468), is the oldest authority for the 
Io-myth. The maiden Io, daughter of the Argive king Inachus, 
and priestess of the Argive Hera (Suppl. 291), was urged in 
repeated dreams to visit the meadow by the marsh of Lerna, 
where she was destined to receive the embraces of Zeus. Her 
troubled father consulted the oracles at Delphi and Dodona. 
At first the responses were dark: but in the end Apollo clearly 
commanded him, on pain of destruction, to turn her out of 
house and home. He obeyed; for Zeus was driving him (Prom. 
V. 671). Then the god’s wrathful wife, Hera, whom Io had 


ΤΑ, Mommsen, Heortol. p. 421: Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 209. Plut. Zhes. 18. 


236 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


once served, transformed her into a cow (Szf/. 2900)", and sent 
the hundred-eyed Argus to watch her. But Zeus sent Hermes ; 
and by some sudden doom—the Io of Aeschylus does not define 
it (Prom. V. 698 f.)\—Argus perished. Even then Io was not 
free: Hera’s malice still pursued her. Vexed by a gad-fly 
(οἶστρος), she roamed from land to land. At last Zeus guided 
her steps to the Nile. There, by his touch (ἐπαφή), she was 
restored to the human form, and bore Epaphus, destined to be 
lord of Egypt and founder of a mighty race. 

The conception of the transformed Io in mythology and art 
exhibits three phases. (1) In the earliest, she is a white cow 
or heifer. (2) In the second,—which dates from the early part 
of the fifth century,—she is a maiden with the horns of a cow, 
the Bovxepws παρθένος of Aeschylus (Prom. V. 588). The 
dramatist himself may have been responsible, at least in part, 
for this compromise ; which was, indeed, inevitable, if Io was to 
be brought on the scene as a speaking person. The language of 
Bacchylides (verses 16—18) rather suggests that such an image 
was in his mind. (3) In the third and latest phase, Io is once 
more depicted as a white cow’. 

§ 2. Nothing could be slighter than the treatment of Io’s story 
by our poet, who scarcely fulfils the promise of his exordium. It 
will be noticed that his hesitation between the different traditions 
as to the death of Argus (vv. 29—36) is illustrated by the 
mysterious vagueness of Aeschylus on that subject (Pr V. 
698 f.). Evidently Io interests Bacchylides chiefly as the 
ancestress of Dionysus; the god’s birth is the climax towards 
which he hastens. 

Is the poem, as we have it, complete? It ends with the 15th 
line of an epode, and with a completed sense. That epode 
cannot have been much longer, or its length would be dispro- 
portionate to that of the strophe (18 lines). If, then, any 
considerable part of the poem has been lost, that part must have 
contained not less than 51 verses; and, since we have now taken 
leave of Io, they must have been occupied with Dionysus. 


1 According to another version it was (Apollod. 2. 1. 3). 
Zeus who transformed Io; then Hera 2 See Appendix on v. 16. 
obtained the cow as a gift from him 


ODES XVIII, XIX. 237 


That is possible ; but it seems hardly probable. Having regard 
to the author's manner of breaking off other poems of this class 
(as XV and XVII), we might well suppose that the Jo is 
complete as it stands. 


OpE XIX. [XX] 


Idas. For the Lacedaemonians. 


§1. Only the first eleven verses remain. ‘The maidens of 
Lacedaemon sang such a song as this, when Idas was bringing 
home Marpessa, after escaping death by the help of Poseidon’; 
such is their purport. 

Idas, son of the Messenian Aphareus and Arene, was a 
suitor for Marpessa, daughter of Evenus, king of Pleuron in 
Aetolia. Evenus compelled every suitor to contend with him, 
and slew those whom he vanquished. Already he had covered 
the roof of Poseidon’s temple with the skulls of his victims’. 
But Poseidon furnished Idas with a chariot drawn by winged 
steeds’; and in this, after defeating Evenus, he carried off 
Marpessa. Evenus pursued the fugitives as far as the Aetolian 
river Lycormas ; but, finding that he could not overtake them, 
slew his horses, and drowned himself in the torrent, which 
thenceforth bore his name*®. Idas brought Marpessa to his 
home; which the older form of the legend placed in Messenia‘. 
Apollo, enamoured of Marpessa, carried. her off® from her 
husband; but the undaunted Idas bent his bow against the 


1 Bacchylides mentioned that detail, 
no doubt in this poem: see n. on v. 7, 
and fr. 49 (= 61 Bergk). 

2 He gave like aid to Pelops, in 
carrying off Hippodameia from Oenomaus 
(Pind. O. 1. 86 f.). 

3 See n. on XV. 34. 

4 At Arene, mentioned along with 
Pylos in //. 2. 591. Aphareus came 
᾿Αρήνηθεν (Ap. Rhod. 1.152). In Apollod. 
1.7. 8 Idas brings Marpessa εἰς Μεσσήνην. 
Theocr. XXII. 208 Μεσσάνιος Ἴδας. 

5 Folk-lore connected the name Mdp- 
πησσα with the words μ᾽ aprace, ‘he 
has carried me off!’ Hence the 


legend of the rape by Apollo, and of 
her agonized cry,—in memory of which 
her daughter Cleopatra had heen called 
᾿Αλκυόνη. (There was a belief that the 
female halcyon, when separated from the 
male, continually utters a plaintive cry.) 
Cp. Z/. 9. 564 Kat’, ὅτε μιν ἑκάεργος 
ἀνήρπασε etc.: Paus. 5. 18. 3 (inscription 
on Cypselus-chest)”Iéas Μάρπησσαν καλ- 
λίσφυρον, av of ᾿Απόλλων | ἅρπασε, τὰν ἐκ 
ναοῦ ἄγει πάλιν οὐκ ἀέκουσαν. (Apollo is 
there supposed to have placed her for 
safety in his temple, pending the issue of 
his strife with Idas.) 


238 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


archer-god. Zeus interfered, and gave Marpessa her choice 
between her two lovers. She chose the mortal, fearing lest the 
god might forsake her when she grew old}. 

§ 2. The nature of this poem, when it was entire, can only 
be conjectured from the opening words :— 


Σπάρτᾳ ποτ᾽ ἐν ε[ὑρυχόρῳ 
ξανθαὶ Λακεδαιμον[ίων 
τοιόνδε μέλος κ[όραι ὕμνευν: 
the maidens sang ‘such a song as this’ We are reminded ‘of the 
hymenaeus with which, in the Birds of Aristophanes (1731 ff.), 
the Chorus welcome the newly-married Peithetaerus and Basileia, 
where the rhythm is somewhat similar :— 
Ἥρᾳ mor ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ 
τῶν ἠλιβάτων θρόνων 
ἄρχοντα θεοῖς μέγαν 
Μοῖραι ξυνεκοίμισαν 
τοιῷδ᾽ ὑμεναίῳ. 
Ὑμὴν ὦ Ὑμέναι᾽ ὦ. 
There, the words τοιῷδ᾽ ὑμεναίῳ are immediately followed by 
the refrain itself. But here Bacchylides proceeds to explain the 
occasion of the maidens’ song,— 
ὅτ᾽ ἄγετο καλλιπά[ρᾳον 
κόραν θρασυκάρϊ[ dios "Ἶδας--- 
when Idas was bringing Marpessa home, after escaping death at 
the hands of Evenus. The poet’s prefatory outline of the story 
has not yet been finished when, at the eleventh verse, our 
fragment breaks off: how much more space was given to it, we 
cannot tell. But, at any rate, when this introductory passage 
was complete, the poet much have returned to the theme 
announced at the outset,—rovdvde μέλος κόραι ὕμνευν. If those 
words could mean merely that the sawdject of the maidens’ song 
was the exploit of Idas, then, indeed, we might suppose that the 
rest of the poem consisted in the poet’s own narrative of the 
deed. But manifestly the phrase τοιόνδε μέλος promises that the 
poem is to give us some idea of the manner in which they sang. 


1 Simonides af. schol. //. 9. 556 = fr. 216 Bergk: Apollod. 1. 7. 8 9. 


ODE XIX. απὸ 


A chant of welcome by maidens to a newly-married couple on 
their home-coming would necessarily have the character of 
a hymeneal strain. The eighteenth Idyll of Theocritus is an 
epithalamium for Helen and Menelaus, sung by twelve Spartan 
maidens at the doors of the bridal chamber. Its themes are, 
praise of the peerless bride, congratulations to the bridegroom, 
and good wishes for their future. The song of the maidens for 
Idas and Marpessa need not be conceived as an epithalamium 
sung outside the thalamos. But at least it must have been 
somewhat in the style and tone of a hymenaeus: it must have 
had some reference to the nuptials. This would by no means 
preclude interwoven allusions to the details of the adventure by 
which the bridegroom had won the bride. We might conjecture, 
then, that the framework of the piece was of the following kind. 
(1) Bacchylides began with a short sketch of the story, sufficient 
to orientate his hearers. (2) Then he returned to the song of 
the maidens. They greeted Idas and Marpessa with a joyous 
nuptial strain, interspersed with references to the hero’s contest 
with Evenus, to his escape with his bride in the winged chariot, 
and to the fate of the baffled pursuer at the Lycormas. The 
poem of Bacchylides could not, of course, be classed as a 
ὑμέναιος. It was a free effort of lyric fancy in the treatment of 
the myth, so planned as to form a setting for the hymeneal song 
of the maidens. 

§ 3. One point, which is of some mythological and even 
historical interest, comes out clearly. The home to which Lace- 
daemonian maidens welcome Idas must be in Lacedaemon. Now 
Idas and his brother Lynceus, the Apharetidae, were originally 
Messenian heroes. As is indicated by the name Avyxevs, they were 
primarily Messenian gods of light, as the Dioscuri were at Sparta’. 
The best known episode in the story of the Apharetidae is their 
deadly feud with the Dioscuri. Pindar is our oldest source for 
it (Nem. X. 60-—72). The Dioscuri carry off the cattle of the 
Apharetidae. Idas slays Castor. Both the Messenian brothers 
are then pursued by Polydeuces, who overtakes them at the 
tomb of their father Aphareus. He there slays Lynceus, while 


1 See the article ‘ Idas’ by Weizsacker in Roscher’s Lexikon 11. 98. 


240 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 


Idas perishes by the thunderbolt of Zeus’. Whether that 
legend was shaped on the west or on the east of Mount 
Taygetus, the sentiment which animates it reflects the history of 
Spartan conquest. The cause of the Messenian brethren is 
overthrown ‘at the paternal tomb,—on the sacred soil of their 
fatherland; and the Spartan heroes, who have been the aggres- 
sors, gain a victory which Zeus confirms. Yet, before the 
beginning of the fifth century, the Apharetidae had been 
annexed by the mythology of Lacedaemon. Simonides is said 
to have described Idas as a Lacedaemonian ; though he mentioned 
Arene in Messenia as the place where Apollo sought to deprive 
him of Marpessa*. Pausanias saw a tomb of Idas and Lynceus 
at Sparta, near the rotunda called the Skias*. He observes 
that, according to a more probable account, they were buried in 
Messenia; and adds a pertinent remark. The overthrow and 
exile of the Messenians had, he says, left their local traditions at 
the mercy of any neighbours who wished to appropriate them. 
Indeed, during the interval between the Spartan capture of 
Eira, about 668 B.c., and the rebuilding of Messene in 369, the 
name of Messenia, as a distinct country, was virtually blotted 
out. That is the historical significance of the fact that Simonides 
and Bacchylides could make Idas a Lacedaemonian. 


that, according to the scholiast, Simonides 
named ᾿Ορτυγίαν τὴν ἐν Χαλκίδι, instead 
οὗ Pleuron, as the place from which Idas 


1 Theocritus (XXII. 137—213) varies 
the details. The cause of the quarrel is 
that the Dioscuri have carried off the 


daughters of Leucippus, to whom the 
Apharetidae were betrothed. At the 
tomb of Aphareus, Castor slays Lynceus, 
while Polydeuces merely looks on. Idas 
(as with Pindar) is smitten by Zeus. 
Theocritus had to provide an ἀριστεία for 
Castor, as the first part of this Idyll had 
told how Polydeuces vanquished Amycus. 
He makes the Apharetidae first cousins 
of the Dioscuri (Aphareus having been 
a brother of Tyndareus): v. 170. 

2 Simonides fr. 216. The Homeric 
scholiast’s summary of that poet’s story 
begins thus:—“Idas, ὁ ᾿Αφαρέως μὲν παῖς 
κατ᾽ ἐπίκλησιν, γόνος δὲ Ποσειδῶνος, Λακε- 
δαιμόνιος δὲ τὸ γένος. It is remarkable 


carried off Marpessa. 

3 Paus: 3. 13. 1: cp. E. Curtius, 
Pelop. 11. 220.—Lycophron (559) places 
the tomb of the Apharetidae at Amyclae, 
some three miles s. of Sparta. Ovid 
(Fasti 5. 708) mentions the Laconian 
Aphidna as the scene of the strife be- 
tween the Apharetidae and the Dioscuri. 
He follows Theocritus in representing the 
Leucippides as the cause of the quarrel ; 
and Aphidna was their home. Cp. Steph. 
Byz. 5.0. : Αφιδνα δῆμος ᾿Αττικῆς" ἔστι καὶ 
Λακωνικῆς, ὅθεν ἦσαν αἱ Λευκίππιδες κιτ.λ. 
Hyginus (Poet. Astron. 11. 22) also says, 
in oppido Aphidnis (so Lemaire, for 
Ariadnis), 


* 


r 


γ ὁ ΤΆ 


ΠΟ ΛΔΕΙΨΑΝΑ 


ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ. 


* * * 


> , 
eT. ἐς 3 


I. 


<APIFEIQI 
ΤΑΙΔΙ TTYKTHI 


KEIQI 
IZOMIA > 


- ἃς * * 


- σαφθέ- υὐ -vu-- 


to Ae τριτάτᾳ μεὶ“ - - 
s ἁμέρᾳ Μίνως pl jos 
6 ἤλυθεν αἰολοπρύμνοις 


5 7 


ναυσὶ πεντήκοντα σὺν Κρητῶν ὁμίλῳ" 


στρ. ς΄. 1 Διὸς Εὐκλείου δὲ (F)éxa- 
2 τι βαθύζωνον κόραν 


3 Δεξιθέαν δάμασεν" 


+ καί (F)ou λίπεν ἥμισυ λαών, 
> 


το savdpas ἀρηϊφίλους, 


I. 1—19 This fragment, representing 19 verses, is fr. 1 in Kenyon’s ed. princeps 


(p- 194). 


6th of an antistrophe. 


The column of the papyrus to which it belonged immediately preceded that 
with which the continuous text now begins. 
according to Blass, the 111th of the Ode: 


Verse τ was the 3rd of an epode, and, 
see Appendix. Verse 19 was the 


After it, g verses have been lost from the bottom of the 


I. 2 τριτάτᾳ. The passage which im- 
mediately preceded these verses probably 
described how Zeus and Apollo, coming 
to Ceos in human guise, were hospitably 
received by Dexithea and her sisters. 
(See Appendix.) One of the two gods 
may have predicted the high destiny 
which was in store for the maiden. 
τριτάτᾳ.. «ἁμέρᾳ is presumably the third 
day after the divine visit. What letter 
followed με, is wholly uncertain. If it 
was τ, μετὰ κείναν would be possible: 


if v, pevexdppas. 


8 dp..s. If the second letter was Pp, 
the word was probably ἀρήιος, scanned 
as apjos. Such a scansion of ἀρήϊος does 
not occur elsewhere ; but Theognis (552) 
has δηίων (δήων). Dialect forbids dpecos. 
The other possibilities are ἄριστος and 
dpwyés, but neither is so fitting. 

4 αἰολοπρύμνοις (only here), ‘with 
glittering sterns’ (cp. the Homeric aloXo- 
wlrpns),—referring to the gilding or 
painting of the ornamental ἄῴφλαστον, 
the high curved stern of the ship (Z/. 15. 
717, Ξε ἄκρα κόρυμβα of 7|. 9. 241). Cp. 


ODES OF VICTORY. 


I; 


for Argeius of Ceos, victor in the boys’ boxing-match 
at the Isthmus. 


* * * 


On the third day thereafter came warlike Minos, bringing epode 5. 


* * * 


a Cretan host, in fifty ships with gleaming sterns: 


and by the favour of Zeus who gives glory, he wedded the str. 6. 
deep-girdled maiden Dexithea; 


his folk, warriors 


same column; viz., vv. 7 


and left with her the half of 


and 8 of that antistrophe, and the whole of an epode. 


The continuous text then begins in a new column with πολ........ ν βαθυ-, the first verse 


of a strophe. 
1 αφθε. 


2 The faint traces of a letter before τριτάτᾳ suit σ. 
3 AP...C. The traces of the letter after A 


letter after we may have been 7 or v. 


Doubtful: only traces of the lower portions of the letters remain. 


It can hardly have been v.—The 


suit P best, but would also be consistent with Τ' or II (ἀρήιος Blass: d-yavés Platt). 


8 . BZIOEAN. The N was at first A. 


Soph. Ph. 343 νηὶ ποικιλοστόλῳ, a ship 
‘with gaily decked prow.’ 

5 ναυσὶ... ὁμίλῳ. The Ms. wrongly 
divides this verse into two, the first ending 
with σύν. It does not, however, so divide 
the corresponding verses, 51 and 7o. 

6 £. Διὸς Εἰὐκλείου. Zeus Εὔκλειος is 
here the god by whose grace the union of 
Minos with Dexithea is effected. The 
epithet suggests the renown which might 
commend the warrior to the maiden, and 
also the glory which was in store for their 
offspring. But some further associations . 
were probably blended with this thought. 
Among the Boeotians and Locrians Ar- 
temis Εὔκλεια, the virgin goddess of fair 
fame, received offerings from brides and 
bridegrooms before marriage (Plutarch 
Aristid. 20, βωμὸς yap αὐτῇ καὶ ἄγαλμα 
κατὰ πᾶσαν ἀγορὰν ἵδρυται, καὶ προθύουσιν 


αὐτῇ αἱ γαμούμεναι καὶ οἱ γαμοῦντε5). 
Again, Εὔκλεια is found associated with 
Πειθώ (C. /. Gr. 8364). There was a 
Corinthian festival called Ev«Xea (Xen. 
#7. τν. 4 ὃ 2), though we do not know to 
what deity it pertained.—EéxAesos is not 
elsewhere found as a title of Zeus. It 
occurs as the name of a month in the 
Corcyraean calendar (cp. Boeckh C. /. 11. 


- 93). 

(F ieceues, by grace of: cp. vV. 33 f. 
The ms. divides the verses wrongly, 
giving -κατι to v. 7. It has the same 
metrical error in the corresponding places, 
vv. 23f., 37 f., 52f., 6of.: see also n. on 
16. 
9 ἔοι, lit. ‘ for her,’ z.e., to protect her. 
This form occurs eight times in the odes, 
and always with Καὶ 


17—2 


244 BAKXYAIAOY (1 
6 τοῖσιν πολύκρημνον. χθόνα 
7 νείμας ἀποπλέων ᾧχετ᾽ ἐς 
8. Κνωσὸν ἱμερτὰν πόλιν 
ἀντ. ς΄. x βασιλεὺς Εὐρωπιάδας" 
15 2 δεκάτῳ δ᾽ Εὐξάντιον 
3 μηνὶ τέ κ᾽ εὐπλόκ μος 
+ νύμφα dep lexvde|t νάσῳ 
ee ae ds — ἰπρύτα νιν 
6 ν 
tere. * *& * * * * 
7 adda |€av θύγατρες 
Col.l στρ. ζ΄. « πόλιν - — -ν βαθυδεί- 
30 2 ελον᾽ [ἐκ Ta\s μὲν γένος 


3 ἔπλεί 70 καρτε]ρόχειρ 
+ ᾿Αργεῖος [ἡ - ¥] λέοντος 
s θυμὸν ἔχων], ὁπότε 


14 Evpwmidéas Β]4595". 


alone is certain. (av K.: 


* * * 


17 The Ms. has exvéé: Blass? ascribes to it exvdéi: 
but there is no trace which warrants the assumption of ἃ 
εὃν Bl.*, who suggests x]edr[-). 


20 AN] The » 


* * * 


28 ἕαν Otryarpes=fr. 34 Κι, placed here by Blass, the colour and shape of 


11 πολύκρημνον χθόνα. Ceos is a 
mountainous island, the highest summit 
(now Hagios Elias) being near the site 
of Iulis, the birthplace of Bacchylides. 
The ridges which traverse it, like those in 
some adjacent islands, are a prolongation, 
in a S.E.S. direction, of the range in 
which the Attic peninsula terminates at 
Sunium. 

13 Κνωσόν, with a single σ, is the 
more correct form. The Ms. has κνωσσὸν 
here, but κνωσιον in XVI. 120. In Soph. 
Ai, 699 the Laurentian gives κνώσια, 
while most of the other Mss. have 
κνώσσια.---ίμερτὰν πόλιν. Greek legend 
associated the embellishment of Cnosus 
with works wrought by Daedalus for 
Minos and his family. The recent ex- 
cavations have shown that Minoan 
Cnosus was a seat of rulers, whose 
palaces were adorned with works of an 
advanced art, at a period which Mr Arthur 
Evans would place c. 2500—1500 B.C. 

14 The Ms. has ETPQIITA, the final A 


having been made from A. We must 
therefore read Eipwmasas. The normal 
patronymic would be Εὐρωπίδης : but the 
irregular formation, prompted by metrical 
convenience, is analogous to that of 
Χαλκωδοντιάδης (J7. 2. 541) for Χαλκω- 
δοντίδης, and Τελαμωνιάδης (ὁ. 9. 623) 
for Τελαμωνίδης: see n. on Soph. PA. 
1333: 

15 δεκάτῳ. Before this word, two or 
three letters are lost in the Ms. These 
may have been the -as or -das of Evpw- 
πιάδας, carried over from v. 15. Another 
possibility is that τῷ, ἐν, or σὺν had been 
interpolated before δεκάτῳ. The division 
between the first and second verses of the 
strophe and of the antistrophe is wrong 
throughout in the MS.: see on ἐέκατι in 
v. 6. 
Evgdvriov: see Appendix. 

17 Kenyon supplies κούρα: Blass, 
νύμφα. The fact that κόραν has occurred 
in 7 is of no weight; Bacchylides, like 
other Greek poets of his age, is not 


1] ETTINIKOI 245 
to whom he gave the rocky land, ere he sailed away to Cnosus, 
lovely city, 


that king born of Europa. And in the tenth month the maiden 
with beautiful locks bore Euxantius, to be lord of the glorious 
isle. 

* * * * * * 


PAT the daughters (of Damon) had changed (their old abode) 


for the city steeped in sunshine. From that city sprang Argeius, 


strong of hand, with the dauntless heart of a lion, whenever 


the fragment being suitable. 29 Φ. The second word of v. 29 ended in N, 
and must have been an epithet of πόλιν (such as iueprdv).—AEIEAO] The first ε has 
been added by a corrector.—Before MEN there is a slight trace which would suit 


either C or T. 
faint trace points to O. 


32 The letter after APIEI is lost in the rent of the Ms., but a 


careful to avoid repetition of a word. 
κόρα or κούρα (usually ‘a maiden,’ Soph, 
Tr. 536 n.) is applicable to a young wife 
and mother,—though, in such a case, her 
father is usually named: ¢.g. V. 137 
Θεστίου κούρα (Althaea), XVI. 31 f. Φοίνι- 
kos...xdpa (Europa): 71. 6. 247 κουράων, 
Priam’s married daughters (Πριάμοιο 
standing in v. 246). Bacchylides uses 
κόρα or κούρα some 18 times, but νύμφα 
(as it happens) nowhere. And once, at 
least, he uses κόρα where νύμφα would be 
more fitting, viz. in ΧΙΧ. 4f., ὅτ᾽ dyero 
καλλιπάρᾳον κόραν θρασυκάρδιος "Ἴδας. 
Yet there is, I think, one reason for 
preferring νύμφα here.. A measurement 
of the space in the papyrus between 
εκυδέ and the point where the verse 
began shows that νυμῴα φερ- suits this 
space (N and M being broad letters), while 
koupa φερ- would be somewhat too short. 

φερεκυδέϊ νάσῳ (Blass) : as in XII. 183 
the poet calls Aegina gepexvdéa νᾶσον. 
The adj. is not found elsewhere. Each 
of the corresponding verses (9, 32, 40, 55; 
63) ends with a long syllable. 

18 πρύτανιν : a term applied in XVII. 
43 to Epaphus, ‘lord’ of the Egyptians. 
The lost word may have been an epithet 
(as μοιρίδιον). 


28 ff. ἄλλαξαν θύγατρες. This is the 
point at which the poet linked on his 
myth—the story of Dexithea—to his 
immediate theme, the victory of Argeius. 
The family of Argeius evidently belonged 
to the Cean town called Κορησσός or 
Κορησία, which was on the coast, near 


the port of Iulis (Strabo x. 486: A. 
Pridik De Cez rebus p.7). Ina fragment 
belonging to an earlier part of this ode 
(13 K.), one of Dexithea’s sisters proposes 
that they shall leave their ἀρχαίαν πόλιν 
for a new abode by the sea, open to 
the αὐγαῖς ἀελίου (see Appendix). A 
local legend doubtless connected the 
name Κορησσός with the migration of 
the κόραι. It seems almost certain that 
in the verses lost between 19 and 28 the 
poet mentioned or indicated Κορησσός, 
adding that it was so called, ‘decause (or 
after) the daughters (of Damon) had 
migrated to that sunny town. Thence 
sprang Argeius,’ etc. 

βαθυδείελον (found only here) probably 
means ‘steeped in sunshine.’ εὐδείελος, 
of which the Homeric sense is ‘ far-seen,’ 
appears to mean ‘sunny’ in Pind. P. Iv. 
76 (as an epithet of Iolcus), and may have 
that meaning in O. I. 111 (as an epithet 
of the Κρόνιον at Olympia). So the author 
of the Hymn to Apollo (438) speaks of 
Κρίσην εὐδείελον ἀμπελόεσσαν. 

81 καρτερόχειρ, like θρασύχειρος in 
Il. 4, indicates that the victory of Argeius 
was gained in boxing, or perhaps in the 
pancration (boxing and wrestling). 

32 ᾿Αργεῖος --- - λέοντος. We might 
supply ἐΐν τε or dei τε, the τε answering 
to that after ποσσίν in 35. Or ἀκμᾶτα, 
‘stubborn’: Soph. Amt. 352 οὔρειόν τ᾽ 
ἀκμῆτα ταῦρον (with initiala).—L. Barnett 
suggests ὀλοῖο : but ὀλὸς rests only on the 
doubtful ὦ ὀλὲ δαῖμον in Aleman fr. 55 (ὦ 
᾽λὲ Bergk. odde?). 


ant. 6. 


str. 7. 


246 


BAKXYAIAOY (1 


6. χρεῖ ὅς τι συμ]βολοῖ μάχας, 
35 7 ποσσί vt ἐλα ἰφρόϊ ς, πατρίων 
s τ᾽ οὐκ [ἀπόκλαρος κἰαλών, 


ἄντ. ζ΄. 


τόσα Παι θείδᾳ κλυτό |ro- 


2 ἔος ᾿Απόϊλλων ὦπασεϊν, 


> 4 | ee ’ 
3 ἀμφί T ἰατορίᾳ 
40 4 


’ 4 mS 
ξείνων τε φιλάνορι τιμᾷ 


sev δὲ λαχὼν Χαρίτων 

6 πολλοῖς τε θαυμασθεὶς βροτῶν 
τ αἰῶν᾽ ἔλυσεν, πέντε παῖ- 

8 das μεγαινήτους λιπών. 


45 ἐπ. ζ΄. 


1T@V ἕνα (F Jou Kpovidas 


2 ὑψίζυγος Ἰσθμιόνικον 
3 θῆκεν ἀντ᾽ εὐεργεσιᾶν, λιπαρῶν τ᾽ ἀλ- 
+ ov στεφάνων ἐπίμοιρον. 


34 The letter A has been deleted before XPE. After E there is a trace_of an accent, 


consistent with either ἔς (=e, p. 


137)s 


or et.—The letters BOAOI are certain. 


84 χρεῖός τι... μάχας, some need of, 
occasion for, fight; some call to it. Ar. 
Ach. 454 EY. τί δ᾽, ὦ τάλας, σε τοῦδ᾽ ἔχει 
πλέκους χρέος; Bion fr. 13. 2 μηδ᾽ ἐπὶ 
πάντ᾽ ἄλλω χρέος ἰσχέμεν. 

συμβολοῖ (Aesch. Theb. 352 ξυμβολεῖ 
φέρων φέροντι), ‘encountered him’ (Ar- 
geius). Cp. Eur. /. 7. 874 rls τύχα μοι 
συγκυρήσει; Soph. Az, 313 wav τὸ 
συντυχὸν πάθος. Plut. Srl. 2 συνήν- 
τησεν αὐτῷ Td τοιοῦτον .---ΤῊς optative of 
indefinite frequency in past time is cor- 
rect, since the principal verb ἔπλετο is 
in a past tense, and θυμὸν ἔχων = ὃς 
θυμὸν εἶχε (not ἔχει. These verses 
(30—36) contain a retrospect of the 
qualities shown by Argeius from early 
boyhood, before his success at the 
Isthmus. Next comes the eulogy of his 
deceased father (37—44), and then the 
reference to the Isthmian victory (45—48). 
The s. has -Bodot: but we should expect 
-Bodéor. The contraction may be due to 
a transcriber. 

Since xpel- is no less possible than 
xpet-, we might also suggest χρείαισι 
συμβολοῖ μάχας: ‘when he (Argeius) 
encountered the stress of fight’ (Arist. 
Pol. Vi. 8. 14 τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας: 
Scph. Ai. 963 ἐν χρείᾳ Sopds).—See 
Appendix. 


35—38 ἐλαφρός is betterthan ἐλαφροῖς 
here. —tarploy .. .kadov, ‘his father’s 
noble qualities’ (πατρίων = πατρῴων),-- 
‘all those which Apollo gave to Pan- 
theides.’ The meaning is that Argeius, 
as a boy, showed the promise of such 
mental gifts as made his father an eminent 
physician (v. 39), while he also mani- 
fested that kindly and generous disposi- 
tion which marked his father’s hospitality 
(v. 40). For ἀπόκλαρος (Housman), cp. 
Pind. 7. v.54. (Blass? reads καταισχυντάς, 
a form which does not seem to occur, 
though Aesch. Ag. 1363 Πα5 καταισχυντήρ.). 
Note the following points. (1) The 
reference to the origia of Argeius in 
v. 30 (ἐκ Tas μὲν γένο -)is clearly the 
first which occurred in ode; and the 
mention of Pantheides in 37 is also 
probably the first. Hence i 
presumption that πατρίων announced his 
relationship to Argeius. (2) τόσα as 
relative pron. in v. 37 is illustrated by 
XV. 11, where τόσα must be the relative 
to which ἄνθεα in v. g is antecedent. 
Cp. 7é6@ in 11. 19 as= where.’ [This 
use of τόσος is, however, rare, except 
where another τόσος precedes, as in Pind. 
LV. iv. 4f. οὐδὲ θερμὸν ὕδωρ τόσον γε μαλ- 
θακὰ τεύχει | γυῖα, τόσσον εὐλογία : Callim. 
A poll. 93 οὐδὲ πόλει τόσ᾽ ἔνειμεν ὀφέλσιμα, 


1] 


ETTINIKOI 


247 


a call to fight came upon him,—swift of foot, and not without a 
portion in his father’s noble gifts,— 


those which Apollo, glorious archer, bestowed on Pantheides, 
in respect to the healer’s art and the kindly honouring of 
strangers. Favoured by the Graces, and much admired among 
men, he passed from life, leaving five sons of high repute. 


In requital of his good deeds, the offspring of Cronus throned 
on high has made one of those sons a victor at the Isthmus, 
and has given him other bright wreaths for his portion. 


39 AM@I Τ᾿ IAT] The second I has been added above the line by the first hand. 


48 EIIIMOIPON A, corr, A’. 


τόσσα Κυρήνῃ. (3) Ifa full stop followed 
καλῶν, and τόσα meant ‘So many,’ verses 
37 ff. would not cohere in sense with 
what precedes; since the reference of 
τόσα is limited by vv. 39 f. (4) The Ms. 
does not punctuate after AAQN in 36. 
This fact is not, in itself, cogent ; but it 
comes into account.— These are the 
reasons which decide me against inter- 
preting πατρίων... καλῶν as ‘the exercises 
which Ceos holds in honour,’ such as 
boxing and wrestling: cp. 11. 6 ff. καλῶν 
...60°...€medelzauev, and VI. 5 ff. Kéov... 
πύξ τε καὶ στάδιον Kparedoay: when a 
word in the sense of ἀπαίδευτος or ἀγύ- 
μναστος would be required. 

The genitive Πανθείδα is preserved in 
11. 14. In the Cean inscription (Introd. 
§ 3), the vowels between @ and ὃ are 
lost. For the form Πανθείδης see Fick- 
Bechtel, Griech. Per sonennamen, 229. 

39 ἀμφί, with dat., ‘in respect to’: 
SO IX. 44 ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλαις. Apollo, as 
Παιών, can confer the gift of iaropia. 

40 φιλάνορι, ‘kindly.’ Pindar (fr. 256) 
‘spoke of the φιλάνορα....βιοτάν of dolphins 
(‘friendly to man’). In Aesch. Ag. 411 
the word refers to a wife (‘loving her 
husband’). Cp. //. 6. 15 πάντας γὰρ 
φιλέεσκεν, ὁδῷ ἔπι οἰκία ναίων (‘ was hos- 
pitable to all’). φιλοξενία is a gift of 
Apollo,.in so far as he bestows the graces 
of character which lend charm to it: while 
Zeus ξένιος or ἐφέστιος is the protector of 
the guest. 

41 εὖ δὲ λαχὼν Χαρίτων : the sense is 
strictly, ‘ having obtained a good portion 
in (or of) the Charites,—those goddesses 
being identified with their gifts: cp. 
Bergk fr. adesp. 53 ἐγώ φαμι ἰοπλοκάμων 
Μοισᾶν εὖ λαχεῖν. If the literal sense 
had been, ‘having received a good 


portion from the Charites,’ an acc. 
would have been added. Cp. vi. 1 f. 

Pindar (O. xiv. τ ff.), invoking the 
Χάριτες, says, ‘By your help come all 
things glad and sweet to mortals, whether 
wisdom is given to any man, or come- 
liness, or fame.’ In particular, the 
Charites give those qualities which win, 
and adorn, victory in the games (Pind. O. 
Il. 55, VI. 76: MW. Vv. 54, X. 38). With 
Bacchylides (as with Pindar) they are the 
goddesses who lend charm to poetry (v. 
9. VIII. 1, XVIII. 6), or to eloquence 
(xIv. 49). If Pantheides had been a 
successful athlete, that may be implied 
here ; but the meaning seems at any rate 
to include other things. He had received 
‘the gifts of the Charites’ in a large 
sense. There is a like generality in 
1X. 39, Χαρίτων τιμὰν λελογχώς : where, 
however, there is more reason than here 
to suppose a reference to the games. 

42 πολλοῖς: for the dat., cp. Thuc. 1. 
41 ὃ 4 τοῖς τε viv καὶ τοῖς ἔπειτα θαυ- 
μασθησόμεθα. 

44 μεγαινήτους, asin III. 64 μεγαίνητε: 
but in XVIII. 1 evaivere. 

45 ἔοι, ‘for him,’ ‘for his joy.’ (Cp. 
For above, in v. g.) The spirit of the 
deceased Pantheides will rejoice. So 
Pindar more than once speaks of the joy 
which a departed kinsman will feel in 
the victor’s success: O. XIV. 20 f. pe- 
λαντειχέα viv δόμον | Φερσεφόνας ἐλθέ, 
Εαχοῖ, πατρὶ κλυτὰν φέροισ᾽ ἀγγελίαν : see 
also O. vitl. 81 ff, 

47 f. εὐεργεσιᾶν : cp. 53 εὖ ἔρδων θεούς: 
nt. 21 f. θεόν, θεόν τις ἀγλαϊζέτω. 

ἄλλων στεφάνων. The Cean inscrip- 
tion (Introd. § 3) attests that Argeius 
won an Isthmian victory among the 
παῖδες, and a Nemean victory among the 


ant. 7. 


epode 7. 


BAKXYAIAOY (1 


248 
Ν Ἂς ’, , 
5 φαμὶ καὶ φάσω μέγιστον 
50 6 κῦδος ἔχειν ἀρετάν, πλοῦ- 
“A ε A 
7 τος δὲ καὶ δειλοῖσιν ἀνθρώπων ὁμιλεῖ, 
στρ. η΄. 1 ἐθέλει δ᾽ avéew φρένας ἀν- 


2 pds: ὁ δ᾽ εὖ ἔρδων θεοὺς 


3 ἐλπίδι κυδροτέρᾳ 
55 4 
Ἁ ΦΝ » 
s θνατὸς ἐὼν ἔλαχεν, 
6 


΄ ΄ : > φῶ" ΄ 
σαινει KEAN ει ὃ υγιειας 


, > ΕΝ > , » 
ζώειν T aT οἰκείων ἔχει, 
γ πρώτοις ἐρίζει᾽ παντί τοι 
, > 4 ’ 
8. τέρψις ἀνθρώπων βίῳ 


60 avr. η΄. I 


9 , , 
ἔπεται νόσφιν γε νόσων 


> 
2 πενίας τ᾽ ἀμαχάνου. 


> Go a" hey \ - 
ἶσον ὁ T adveos t- 


επαν- 


3 
4 / 4 ’ 
4 μείρει μεγάλων ὁ τε μείων 
‘ Ἁ 
Col. ἃ 5 παυροτέρων᾽ τὸ Ἵ 
> A sO 
65 6 των εὐμαρεῖν οὐδὲν 


γλυκὺ 


γθνατοῖσιν, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ τὰ φεύ- 
8. γοντα δίζηνται κιχεῖν. 


49—51 The words from φάσω to ὁμιλεῖ are quoted by Plut. de aud. poet. c. 14 
(Mor. 36 c), who, instead of φάσω μέγιστον κῦδος, has φάσωμεν πιστὸν κῦδος (the 


I of METICTON having become II, when N was added to ME). 


corr. by the first hand from ἀνθρώποις. 


51 ἀνθρώπων, 


Most mss. of Plut. /.c. have the genitive, 


ἀγένειοι. If that Isthmian victory was the 
same with which this ode is concerned, the 
Nemean victory was still to come. These 
‘other wreaths’ may have been won in 
local games of lesser note. Had Argeius 
already been a victor at Olympia or 
Delphi, it is improbable that the poet 
would have omitted to mention it. 
éripoipov. The only other place where 
the word occurs is in an extract (Sto- 
baeus Flor. 103. 27) from the treatise 
Περὶ Biov by the Pythagorean Eury- 
phamus: Bios ἀνθρώπω... ἀλόγων... ζῴων 
καθυπερέχει τῷ ἀρετᾶς καὶ εὐδαιμοσύνας 
ἐπίμοιρος ἦμεν. Cp. ἐπήβολος, ἐπίκλη- 


5. 

49—74. The merits and circum- 
stances of the deceased Pantheides sug- 
gest reflections which occupy the rest of 
the ode. ’Aper7 alone gives lasting fame; 
any man should be content who has 
health and a competence. The Ionian 
poet flows on in his quiet moralizing 


strain,—a contrast to Pindar’s abrupt 
and pointed γνῶμαι. He has a some- 
what similar passage in IX. 35—51 
(ματεύει δ᾽... χρηστόν). There, how- 
ever, he finally returns to his festal theme, 
with an apology for the digression. Here 
we have a singular instance of an ἐπινίκιον 
ending with twenty-five verses which are 
wholly ‘gnomic.’ Pindar would have 
brought in, before the close, some touch 
of allusion to the victory. 

51 £. καὶ δειλοῖσιν : and not with the 
ἐσθλοί alone.—The best punctuation here 
seems to be a comma after ὁμιλεῖ, and a 
colon (as in the Ms.) after ἀνδρός. 

ἐθέλει does not necessarily imply a per- 
sonification of πλοῦτος, but merely denotes 
(as often) what happens in accordance 
with a natural tendency or law: cp. Arist. 
περὶ αἰσθήσεως c. 5 (p. 445 α 21), ἔτι δ᾽ 
οὐδὲ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐθέλει αὐτὸ μόνον ἄμικτον ὃν 
τρέφειν .----Γ Ὡς form ἐθέλω occurs also in 
Vv. 14, 169; Χ. 73: and θέλω in five 


1] 


ETTINIKOI 


249 


The best glory is that of Virtue, so deem I now and ever: 
wealth may dwell with men of little worth, 


and will exalt the spirit; but he who is bountiful to the gods 


can cheer his heart with a loftier hope. 


If a mortal is blessed 


with health, and can live on his own substance, he vies with 


the most fortunate. 


if only disease and helpless poverty be not there. 


Joy attends on every state of life, 


The rich 


man yearns for great things, as the poorer for less; mortals find 
no sweetness in opulence, but are ever pursuing visions that flee 


before them. 


but some the dative. 
56 ἔλαχεν Al, ἔλακεν A. 
and added a comma after «. 


(νούσων) MS.: νόσων Housman, Blass, etc. 


above the line. 


55 vyeias. 
57 ἔχει) ἔχειν A: but a corrector has transfixed ν, 
58 IIPQTOC A: corr. Al? 


The first « has been added by A?. 


60 £. NOY|..N 
65 ETMAPEI A: A? has added N 


other places. Pindar always uses ἐθέλω, 
except in O. II. 107 (θέλων) and P. II. 5 
(θέλοντε:). 

αὔξειν φρένας, to ‘exalt’ or ‘elate’ 
the mind, making the rich man ambitious, 
proud, self-confident. So Pindar (fr. 218) 
says of the power of wine, aéfovras 
φρένας (‘men are exalted in spirit’) dp- 
πελίνοις τόξοις δαμέντες. Cp. IX. 44 f. 
ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλαις θυμὸν αὔξουσιν (they 
‘enlarge their ϑρισγι,᾽----. 6. ‘take their 
delight,’—in herds of oxen). 

53 ff. εὖ ἔρδων: cp. v. 47.-—k ᾳ: 
because imperishable fame (vv. 73 f.) is a 
more splendid prospect than the honour 
which ends with life. 

σαίνει κέαρ, ‘cheers his heart’: a 
strange and scarcely felicitous use of the 
verb, since the image involved in σαίνει 
(‘fawning on,’ ‘caressing’) so distinctly 
implies an agency external to the person 
soothed. The poet has used σαίνει, in 
fact, much as he might have used θέλγει 
or εὐφραίνει. 

ὑγιείας : cp. scolia fr. 8 (Bergk), ὑγιαί- 
νειν μὲν ἄριστον ἀνδρὶ Ovarw. Arist. RA. 
11. 21 ὃ 5 ἀνδρὶ δ᾽ ὑγιαίνειν ἄριστόν ἐστιν, 
ὡς γ᾽ ἡμῖν δοκεῖ. 

57 ἵώειν τ᾽ ἀπ᾽ οἰκείων. We might 
compare what Solon, in Her. 1. 31, says 
of Cleobis and Biton: τούτοισι... βίος τε 
ἀρκέων ὑπῆν καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ ῥώμη σώματος 
τοιήδε K.T.r. 

58 f. πρώτοις, the foremost in respect 
to (real) happiness, the most truly for- 
tunate.—travtl...Biw, not ‘every life,’ but 
rather ‘all human life,’ 2.6. life in every 
grade and phase. 


60 £. νόσφιν, ‘apart’ from them, /.e. 
provided they are absent.—The ms. had 
νούσων : but the first syllable answers to 
one which is short in the corresponding 
verses (6, 14, 29, 37, 52), showing that 
we must read νόσων. The corruption 
may have been due to the incorrect di- 
vision of these two verses in the Ms. (see 
n. on 6f.), leading a transcriber to prefer 
νούϊσων, because it gave a long syllable 
for the end of the verse. 

πενίας τ᾽ ἀμαχάνου, helpless, desperate, 
poverty. Alcaeus fr. 92 πενία.. .ἀμαχανίᾳ 
σὺν ἀδελφέᾳ : Her. VIII. 111 πενίην τε καὶ 
aunxavinv.—The short initial ἁ of ἀμα- 
χάνου answers to a syllable which is long 
in VV. 7, 15, 30, 38, 53- 

62 icov, as in fr. 2 ἀφθέγκτοισιν ἴσον. 
Elsewhere the poet has only tos. 

63 f£. ὅ re μείων, the lesser in respect 
to wealth; as in Soph. Az. τότ μικροτέρων 
are the men of humbler station.—travpo- 
τέρων, though opposed to μεγάλων, means 
strictly ‘fewer’ (not ‘smaller’) things. 
παῦρος (sing.) can mean ‘small,’ but the 
plural seems always to denote ‘few.’ (It 
is otherwise with ὀλέζων : 1]. 18. 519 λαοὶ 
δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀλίζονες ἦσαν, ‘ of smaller size.’) 

65 εὐμαρεῖν, ‘to have ease, abundance’ 
in all things: cp. Soph. PP’. 284 τούτου 
δὲ πολλὴν εὐμάρειαν, ‘ plenteous store’ of 
that. The verb, which occurs only here, 
takes a genitive, like πλουτεῖν, etc.— 
οὐδὲν (adverb) γλυκύ, is a thing nowise 
sweet : opulence, however great, fails to 
satisfy human desires. = 

66 f£. τὰ φεύγοντα : objects which for 
ever elude them; 2.5. as one prize after 


str. 8. 


ant. 8. 


250 


> ΄ Ψ ’ 
ἐπ. η΄. τ ὅντινα κουφόταται 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[1,1 


- θυμὸν δονέουσι μέριμναι, 


0 


4 μάν ᾿ ἀρετὰ 


3 ὅσσον ἄν ζώῃ λάχε τόνδε χρόνον τι- 
ἐπίμοχθος 


5 μέν, τεἰλευταθεῖσα δ᾽ ὀρθώς 
ο ἀνδρὶ κ]αὶ εὖτε θάνῃ λεί- 
7 te. πο]λυζήλωτον εὐκλείας ἄγαλμα. 


II. 
ΤΩΙ ΑΥ̓ΤΩΙ 


στρ. 


"Al ξεν a σεμνοδότει α Φήμα 
ρ bg 


ἐς Κέον ἱεράν, χαριτώ- 
νυμον φέρουσ᾽ ἀγγελίαν, 
ὅτι pl dx Jas θρασύχειρος ᾽Αρ- 
5 γεῖος ἄρατο νίκαν" 


73 The traces before EYTE seem to be those of ΑἹ: 


K. referred them to N.—AEI (of λείπει) 


Blass supplies ἀνδρὶ κἸαί. 
om. A, add. 43. 


another is gained, and proves unsatisfying, 
the vision of happiness continually re- 
cedes. 

68 f. κουφόταται.. μέριμναι, vain, 
empty ambitions, in contrast with the cul- 
tivation of doer}. Cp. Soph. O. C. 1230 
κούφας ἀφροσύνας. For μέριμναι, thoughts 
intent on certain objects or pursuits, 
cp. fr. 16. 6 ἀνδράσι δ᾽ ὑψοτάτω πέμπει 
pepiuvas.—Sovéover, as winds shake the 
branches of a tree: 71. 17. 55 τὸ δέ τε 
πνοιαὶ δονέουσι. So stormy waves are 
said δονεῖν θυμόν, to shake the mariner’s 
soul, Pind. 4. Iv. 58. 

70 f. λάχε τόνδε χρόνον. The normal 
metre of the verse is -~--, -~~-, 
~~--, as seen in the corresponding v., 
47 (the only one available for comparison), 
θῆκεν ἀντ᾽ εὐεργεσιᾶν, λιπαρῶν τ᾽ ἄλ.-. 
But the Ms. has χρόνον τόνδε λάχεν, so 
that an epitritus (-Ώ χρόνον rév-) is here 
substituted for the choriambus in v. 47 
(-epyeorGv). Blass holds this substitution 
to be legitimate. In any case, the metri- 
cal effect is intolerable. It is far more 
probable that the poet wrote λάχε τόνδε 
χρόνον, and that the words were wrongly 
transposed by a scribe, either through an 


oversight, or to obtain what he regarded 
as a clearer and better order. Similarly 
in IX. 20 ταχεῖαν ὁρμὰν (MS.), in XIV. 47 

ἄρχεν λόγων δικαίων (Ms.),and in XVI. 72 
χεῖρας πέτασσε (MS.), a transposition is 
required. 

τιμάν. The Ms. has a point after 
λάχεν, and another after μάν. If we 
read τί μάν; (guid vero?) the meaning 
is, ‘ How could it be otherwise?’ ‘ How 
else?’ Soph. Az. 668 ἄρχοντές εἰσιν, 
ὥσθ᾽ ὑπεικτέον᾽" τί μήν; ‘of course’ (we 
must yield). Aesch. Ag. 672 λέγουσιν 
ἡμᾶς ws ὀλωλότας" τί μήν; ‘of course’ 
(they do). The sense of the whole 
passage then is:—The man of frivolous 
ambitions has only his life-time for zs 
portion. τί μάν; How could it be other- 
wise? How could he expect a lasting 
renown? But τί μάν, in such a context, 
is weak: and the sense given to Adyer is 
also somewhat forced; since it implies 
that the man who leaves an enduring 
name could be said λαγχάνειν the space 
of time during which his posthumous 
renown lasts. 

The true reading is clearly (I think) 
τιμάν : the man of light ambitions ‘ w7rs 


I, 0] 


He whose mind is blown about by ambitions light as air, epode 8. 
wins honour only for his life-time. 


ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


251 


The task of Virtue is 


toilsome; but, when it has been duly wrought to the end, it 
leaves the enviable meed of bright renown, outlasting death. 


II. 


For the same. 


Fame, giver of glorious gifts, has sped to sacred Ceos str. 


with a message of gracious import, that Argeius has conquered 


in the strife of boxers; 


II, τωι avrw] added (by A*?) in the left margin, opposite v. 1. 
L. Levi, N. Festa, Blass, εἴς. : d[itov ὦ] K. 


1 a[itev a] 
2 ἱρὰν conj. Headlam, Blass. 


4 μάχας Blass, Festa: πάλας Wil. (but μ is certain). 


honour only for his life-time’ (τόνδε χρόνον, 
acc. of duration of time),—-as opposed to 
the man who wins a fame that survives 
his death (73 ἢ). τιϊμάν gives, too, the 
normal long syllable at the end of v. 70 
(cp. ἄλίλων in v. 47), so that there is a 
metrical reason also for preferring it. 
The erroneous punctuation after λάχεν in 
the Ms. may have arisen from the division 
of τιμάν between the two verses, leading 
a scribe to read it as τί μάν; 

‘71 ἀρετὰ δ᾽ ἐπίμοχθος. Hes. Of. 287 
τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν 
ἔθηκαν | ἀθάνατοι. 

72 τ θεῖσα. τελευτᾶν ἀρετὰν is 
a phrase like τελευτᾶν ἔργον,---ἰο ‘ac- 
complish’ ἀρετή, considered as a course 
of life-long effort. The epithet ἐπίμοχθος 
serves to mark this. 

74 πολυζήλωτον : for the 7, cp. V.,52 
(ἐπιζήλῳ), X. 63 πολυξήλῳ. Pindar has 
ζαλωτόν (Ο.ν τ]. 6).--- ἄγαλμα is something 
which confers splendour or delight, as a 
gift of honour, or an ornament: in Vv. 4 
the ode is Μοισᾶν γλυκύδωρον ἄγαλμα, as in 
IX. 11 ἀθάνατον Μουσᾶν ἄγαλμα. 

II. 1 ἀΓίξεν a] seems the most probable 
supplement. The good news has just 
come, and this short song welcomes it; 
the formal ἐπινίκιον (Ode 1.) was written 
afterwards. If ditov, ὦ were read, it 
would imply that the poet himself was at 
the Isthmus. O. Schroeder (Blass? p. Lv) 
prefers this, arguing, ‘de profictscendo apte 
dict ἀΐσσειν, non de veniendo.’ But, if 
one who sees a person start could say 


ἤϊξεν ἐκεῖσε, one who sees him arrive 
could surely say ἤϊξε δεῦρο. The words in 
11 f. καλεῖ δὲ Modo’ αὐθιγενὴς x.7.d. imply 
that the poet is in Ceos. 

σεμνοδότειρα, ‘giver of stately gifts’; 
she announces victory, and so gives 
renown. Cp. Aesch. 7%. 975 Μοῖρα 
βαρυδότειρα: Eur. Bacch. 419 ὀλβοδό- 
tepa: Orphic Argon. 354 Ἐρινύες 
alvodérecpa. —@ypa: the Doric form 
(always φάμα in Pindar) is modified’ to 
avoid twofold a: so V. 47 κυβερνήταν, 
167 ἀδμήτα, 200 εἰρήνᾳ. 

2 f. χαριτώνυμον.. ἀγγελίαν, a message 
‘of gracious import’; lit., ‘fraught with a 
gracious name,’ 2.¢. speaking of ‘ victory’ 
(v. 5). A thought of personified Νίκη is 
implied. [Not, ‘containing the welcome 
name of Argeius.’]—Another possible 
explanation would be, ‘a message 272 
terms of gracious omen’ (χαρίεντα ὀνό- 
para), so that the phrase would resemble 
adverns φάτις in Soph. O. 7. 151. But 
against this is the analogy of εὐώνυμος, 
δυσώνυμος, μεγαλώνυμος, etc., which always 
refer to a name. 

4 padxas..0pacrvxepos, probably the 
contest in boxing: cp. I. 31 καρτερόχειρ. 
Pind. P. Vit. 37 vixay Ισθμοῖ θρασύγυιον. 
—The letters « and -as being certain, the 
other possibilities are μέλας (‘ sunburnt,’ 
like μελαγχροιής in Od. τό. 175), or 
μέγας. Then θρασύχειρος would be a 
nominative, like éxaréyxeipos in //. 1. 
402. But μάχας seems better. 


252 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[1I, III 


lal δ᾽ > & PD > a 
καλών ανέμνασεν, oo ἐν κλεεννῷ 


αὐχένι (ξ)ισθμοῦ ζαθέαν 
λιπόντες Εὐξαντίδα va- 
σον ἐπεδείξαμεν ἑβδομή- 
10 κοντα σὺν στεφάνοισι. .. 4 ᾿ς 


ἐπ. καλεῖ δὲ Μοῦσ᾽ αὐθιγενὴς 
γλυκεῖαν αὐλῶν καναχάν, 
3 ’’ 
γεραίρουσ᾽ ἐπινικίοις 
Πανθείδα φίλον υἱόν. 


αὶ ἢ ἃ 


ΙΕΡΩΝΙ 


ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΩΙ 


ΙΠΊΤΟΙΣ ΟΛΥΛΛΠΙΑ. 


στρ. α΄. 


> , , , 
Αριστοκάρπου Σικελίας κρέουσαν 


Δάματρα (β)ιοστέφανόν τε κούραν 
ὕμνει, γλυκύδωρε Κλειοῖ, θοάς 7 Ὀ- 


λυμπιοδρόμους 
14 I[ANOEIAAI A, corr. Al. 


ε ᾽ὕὔ ν 
Ἰέρωνος ἱππους. 


iI. The title, written in minuscule (probably by A*), is in the left margin, 


opposite to vv. 1—3. 


6 ff. καλῶν.. ὅσ᾽... ἔἐπεδείξαμεν, ‘the 
goodly feats which we have displayed’: 
cp. III. 96 η.---κλεεννῷ, Aeolic, as in 
v. 12, 182, while κλεινός is used in six 
other places.—avyévt Εισθμοῦ, a pleo- 
nasm ; like Pindar’s in ἢ I. 9 τὰν ἁλιερκέα 
Εἰισθμοῦ δειράδ᾽, where depds= ‘ neck.’ 
Cp. O. VIII. 52 Κορίνθου δειράδ᾽, where 
the schol. rightly explains the word by 
τράχηλος. The Isthmus itself is a narrow 
plain, with hills N. and s. of it. In 
Her. VI. 37 τὸν αὐχένα τῆς Χερσονήσου Ξε 
τὸν ἰσθμὸν τῆς Χ. in VI. 36. But the 
pleonasm is not felt, Isthmus having 
become a proper name.—Pindar pre- 
fixes F to ἰσθμὸς not only in Z 1. 9 
(just cited, where ἁλιερκέος is unlikely), 
but also probably in 7. v. 5 viv aire 
Ἰσθμοῦ δεσπότᾳ, a reading which one of 
the scholia supports, though the Mss. 
have αὖτ᾽ ἐν. Elsewhere, however, he 
uses ἰσθμός without F, as in O. VIII. 48 
ἐπ᾿ ᾿Ισθμῷ ποντίᾳ. 

λιπόντες κιτ.λ.: ‘we,’ the subject to 


the verb, may include friends of the 
competitors who went with them from 
Ceos to the Isthmus. —Evgavrida νᾶσον : 
cp. I. 15, and Appendix II. (Euxantius). 
In a fragment belonging to the exordium 
of Ode 1., νάσοιό τ᾽ Εὐϊξαντιαδ]ἂν is 
conjecturally read: see Appendix. 

ἑβδομήκοντα σὺν στεφάνοισιν, with 
the result of winning seventy wreaths. 
This can only mean that, before the 
victory of Argeius, seventy others had 
already been won at the Isthmus by 
natives of Ceos. See Appendix. 

11 ff. καλεῖ δὲ κιτιλ. The Muse sum- 
mons the flutes to accompany her strains; 
much as in Pind. Z. vil. tof. the poet him- 
self is said χρυσέαν καλέσαι Motoav. These 
verses, written when the news first came, 
may have been sung to the flutes as a 
welcome to Argeius on his return; his 
presence is rather suggested by vv. 13 f.— 
αὐθιγενής : cp. Her. Iv. 49 τῷ αὐθιγενεῖ 
θεῷ.---ἔπινικίοις, sc. μέλεσι. Note the 
substantival use of the plural in this 


II, 111} 


and has renewed the memory of all those goodly feats which ant. 


ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


253 


have been shown forth at the famous Isthmus by us who came 
from the beautiful isle of Euxantius, winners of seventy wreaths. 


The native Muse summons the sweet clear sound of flutes, epode. 


honouring with strains of victory the beloved son of Pantheides. 


ΠῚ 


For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the four-horse 


chartot-race at Olympia. 


Cleio, giver of sweet gifts, praise Demeter, queen of fertile str. 1. 


(468 B.C.) 


Sicily, with her daughter of the violet crown; and sing of 
Hieron’s swift steeds that ran at Olympia. 


poetical phrase. (Pindar Δ]. Iv. 78 has 
ἐπινικίοισιν ἀοιδαῖς.) A substantival use 
of the singular, as a name for the ode of 
victory, occurs first in scholia of the 
Alexandrian age. 

14 Ilav@e(Sa: cp. 1. 37. 

mmr. 1—4 The names of Demeter 
and Persephone, the guardian deities 
of Sicily, lend majesty to this proem ; 
though, considering the peculiar awe 
which surrounded them, there is a certain 
crudeness in their close conjunction with 
the ‘swift mares.’ Hieron was the here- 
ditary priest of these goddesses (ἱροφάντης 
τῶν χθονίων θεῶν, Her. VII. 153): indeed, 
it has been held that he took his name 
from those rites of which the supreme 
charge belonged to his house: cp. Pin- 
dar’s address to him, fr. 105 ζαθέων 
ἱερῶν | ὁμώνυμε πάτερ. So the poet says, 
in effect:—‘Sing the dread goddesses, 
and the latest victory of their great 
Priest.’ Cp. Pind. O. νι. 93 ff. 

His brother and predecessor Gelon, 
who also was their hierophant, had built 
for them at Syracuse twin temples (ναούς, 
Diod. x1. 26), in the precinct called by 
Plutarch (Dion c. 56) τὸ τῶν Θεσμοφόρων 
τέμενος. This was the most famous of 
all their Sicilian shrines, next to that at 
Enna, the place from which Aidoneus 
was said to have carried off the Koré. 
It is curious to find that Bacchylides had 
somewhere made Crete the scene of that 
rape (schol. Hes. 7heog. 914),—a ‘heresy,’ 
as Freeman remarks (Sicily 11. 266), 


‘against all Sikel and Sikeliot belief.’ 

1 ἀριστοκάρπου: so Pind. AV. 1. 14 
describes Sicily as ἀριστεύουσαν εὐκάρπου 
χθονός, and in his fr. 106 it is ἀγλαόκαρπος, 
as in Aesch. P. V. 369 καλλίκαρπος. It 
is still, as in ancient times, a rich grana- 
ry, about three-fourths of the cultivated 
surface being given to cereals (chiefly 
wheat); the yield of fruit (especially 
of oranges) is also large.—xpéovorav, the 
fem. (not elsewhere found, except as a 
proper name) of κρέων (Pind., etc.), =the 
Homeric κρείων : xpelovoa occurs only in 
Il. 22. 48. 

2. F γον, as in VIII. 3 βμιοβλέ- 
gapov and 72 ρβιόπλοκον. But ἰοστεφάνων 
(-ov) has no fF in V. 3 or XII. 8g, nor 
ἰόπλοκος in XVI. 37. So Pindar assumes 
F in ἰόπλοκον O. VI. 30, but not in ἐσπλο- 
κάμων, P. 1. 1. 

8 £. Κλειοῖ, with εἴ. The only other 
example of this scansion is Pind. M. 111. 
83 Κλεοῦς, as most edd. now write it, 
with good Ms. authority, though Κλειοῦς 
is a v.d. It is tempting to write KAeot 
here. But there is no reason to doubt 
that Krewe could be ~— (2.5. Κλεγοῖ): 
cp. XVI. 92 n. 

Gods. . ἵππους : mares were most gener- 
ally used in racing: see, ¢.g., Pind. 7. Iv. 
4f., M.1x. 52: Soph. 2} 705. In the 
Homeric chariot-race, however (//. 23), 
there are three teams of horses, and two 
of mares, and the horses win the first and 
second places.—’OdvprioSpdpovs only 
here. 


[111 


στεφάνων κυρῆσαι. 


254 BAKXYAIAOY 
5 ἀντ. a’. σεύονἾτο yap σὺν ὑπερόχῳ τε Nixa 
σὺν ᾿Αγ]λαΐᾳ τε παρ᾽ εὐρυδίναν 
᾿Αλφεόν, τόθι A Ἰεινομένεος ἔθηκαν 
ὄλβιον [γόνον 
éx.a’. θρόησε δὲ ads ἀπείρων" 
10 a Tpirevdaipl ων ἀνήρ, 
Col. 3 ὃς παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχὼν 
πλείσταρχον Ἑλλάνων γέρας 
οἶδε πυργωθέντα πλοῦτον μὴ μελαμ- 
φαρέϊ κρύπτειν σκότῳ. 
15 στρ. β΄. βρύει μὲν ἱερὰ βουθύτοις “ἑορταῖς, 


δ. [σεύον]το K.—Nixg. 
7 τόθι Palmer. 


ρύουσι φιλοξενίας ἀγυιαί: 


'λάμπει δ᾽ ὑπὸ μαρμαρυγαῖς ὁ χρυσὸς 


ὑψιδαιδάλτων τριπόδων σταθέντων 


.᾽᾿Αγλαίᾳ Weil: 
9 ἀπείρων Blass. 


νίκᾳ.. ἀγλαΐᾳ K.—ovdv (in v. 6) Palmer. 
12 γέρα5] TENOC A, corr. Al. 


5 ff. cevovro. //. 22. 22 σευάμενος ws 
θ᾽ ἵππος ἀεθλοφόρος σὺν ὄχεσφιν: Pind. O. 
1. 20 (of the horse Pherenicus) παρ᾽ 
᾿Αλφεῷ otro. 

Νίκᾳ. .᾿Αγλαΐᾳ: personified attendants 
on the rushing steeds. The epithet 
ὑπερόχῳ might seem slightly in favour of 
writing νίκᾳ etc.: yet it is not unsuitable 
to the goddess. ᾿Αγλαΐα is with Pindar 
esp. the glory of victory: O/. xl. 14 f. 
ὔμμιν δέ, παῖδες ᾿Αλάτα, πολλὰ μὲν νικα- 
φόρον ἀγλαΐαν wracav | ἄκραις ἀρεταῖς 
ὑπερελθόντων ἱεροῖς ἐν ἀέθλοις. J. 11. 18 
ἐν ἹΚρίσᾳ δ᾽ εὐρυσθενὴς εἶδ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων μιν 
πόρε τ᾽ ἀγλαΐαν. 

εὐρυδίναν ᾿Αλφεόν: the Alpheus has 
this epithet again in v. 38: in v. 181 it 
is ἀκαμαντορόας, in VII. 49 dpyupodivas, 
in X. 26 καλλιρόας. Pindar in O. ν. 18 
has ᾿Αλφεὸν εὐρὺ ῥέοντα, but elsewhere 
dispenses with an epithet for the famous 
river.—E. Curtius (εξ. 11. 49) describes 
the Alpheus, at its entrance into Pisatis, 
as being about 180 feet wide. Leake 
writes (Morea 1. 23): ‘It is now [Feb. 25] 
full and rapid, but turbid: in summer the 
stream, though much clearer, is scanty, 
and divided into several torrents, running 
over a wide gravelly bed.’ 

7 £. Aewopéveos. Before a vowel one 
would prefer Aewouéveus, the form which 
the MS. gives in v. 35 (where ἀγέρωχοι 


follows): though the synizesis is natural 
before a consonant, as in Pind. P. 1. 179 
Δεινομένεος τελέσαις. In Simonides fr. 


141. 4 Δεινομένευς is read, where τὸν (or 
τοὺς) follows. 

ἔθηκαν.. κυρῆσαι: the acc. and inf. 
with τίθημι is not rare in poetry: Pind. 
fr. 177 πεπρωμέναν θῆκε μοῖραν μετατρα- 
πεῖν: Eur. Her. 900 Ἥρα με κάμνειν τήνδ᾽ 
ἔθηκε τὴν νόσον. 

9 ἀπείρων: 7. 24. 776 ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἔστενε 
δῆμος ἀπείρων. Cp. VII. 30 ᾿Ἑλλάνων 
6.’ ἀπείρονα κύκλον. (Another possibility 
would be ἀγασθείς.) 

10 The exclamation ὦ is regularly 
found in expressions of fily or reproof, as 
in the Homeric ἃ dein’ μι Il. 441 etc.): 
Soph. O. 7. 1147 4, μὴ κόλαζε: cp. Ph. 
1300 (n.). This seems to be the only 
classical example of it in an utterance 
of admiration. We should expect ὦ. 

12 πλείσταρχον ‘ Εἰλλάνων γέρας, ‘the 
privilege of ruling over the largest number 
of Greeks’: z.e., over more than are 
subject to any other ruler. πλείσταρ- 
Χον = consisting in πλείστη ἀρχή (cp. 
αὔχημα... εὔιππον, Soph. O. C. 710 f.): 
then ‘E\Advwy further defines the ἀρχή. 
Kenyon cp. Her. VII. 157 μοῖρά τοι 
(Gelon) τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐλαχίστη, ἄρχοντί 
γε τῆς Σικελίας. 

18 f. οἶδε.. μὴ... κρύπτειν, knows how 


It] 


Pre-eminent Victory and Glory were with them as they sped ant. 1. 


ETTINIKOI 


255 


by the broad tide of the Alpheus, where they won wreaths for 


the blest son of Deinomenes ; 


and a cry went up from the vast multitude: ‘O thrice-happy epode τ. 


man, honoured by Zeus with the widest rule in Hellas, who 
knows how to keep the lofty fabric of his fortunes from being 


wrapt in a mantle of darkness.’ 


The temples are rife with festal sacrifice of oxen, the streets str. 2. 


with hospitable feasting ; and the gold shines with flashing rays 
from high tripods, richly wrought, 


13 £ MEAAH A, MEAAM A’.—@APEIN A, corr. A': μελαμφαρέϊ Palmer. 


15 ἱερὰ) EPA A: ¢ has been added above the line (by A*?). 


conj. Blass. 


18 ὑψιδαιδάλων 


not to hide it, =knows how to manifest 
it: his instincts tell him what befits a 
prince. πυργω ο πλοῦτον: the image 
is that of a lofty and stately edifice (cp. 
Ar. Ran. 1004 πυργῶσαι ῥήματα σεμνά), 
made strong against assault: ‘Weir Smyth 
cp. Solon fr. 13. 9 f. πλοῦτον δ᾽ ὃν μὲν δῶσι 
θεοί, παραγίγνεται ἀνδρὶ | ἔμπεδος ἐκ vedrou 
πυθμένος els κορυφήν.---μελαμφαρέϊ.. σικό- 
τῳ: cp. Eur. Jon 1150 μελάμπεπλος Νύξ. 
Here, however, σκότος is scarcely per- 
sonified; the phrase rather means, 
*enshrouding darkness’; 2.6. the σκότος 
is itself the μέλαν φάρος. 

Pindar’s precepts against πλοῦτος κρυ- 


gatos (7. 1. 67, cp. MW. 1. 31) occur 
especially in odes which, like this, 


concern the chariot-race,—one of the 
most popular forms in which wealth 
could be shown. πλοῦτος ἀρεταῖς δεδαι- 
δαλμένος should be an ἀστὴρ ἀρίζηλος (O. 
11. 58 ff.). 

15 £ These two verses describe the 
rejoicings at Syracuse, where Bacchylides 
was perhaps Hieron’s guest.—Bpve.. 
ἑορταῖς : here βρύω takes the dat.,—its 
more frequent construction, the primary 
sense being to swell or burgeon (ἔρνος 
βρύει ἄνθεϊ, 71. 17. 56): in v. τό it takes 
the gen., as a verb of ‘fulness’ (cp. 
Soph. O. C. 16 f.), with no difference in 
sense, unless it be that the dative is more 
animated and picturesque. I would not 
change φιλοξενίας to -ίαις, though Plato 
has that plur. (Zegg. 953 A), and Pindar 
ξενίαις (O. τ. 15).---βρύει pév..Bpvovor. 
Note the absence of δέ. In such ‘ epana- 
phora,’ where μέν..δέ is normal, the 
omission of μέν is frequent (Soph. “12. 
606 n.), but that of δέ very rare: Plut. 


Mor. 965 C πολλοῖς μὲν ἐνάλου, ὀρείου 
πολλοῖς ἄγρας ἀκροθινίοις [where the 
chiasmus is against inserting δέ, as edd. 
do]. Platt cites Orphic hymn 22. 7 
μῆτερ μὲν Κυπρίδος, μῆτερ νεφέων épe- 
βεννῶν.---ἀγνιαί: cp. fr. 3. 12. 

17 ff. λάμπει δ᾽ «.7.A. While Syracuse 
rejoices in Hieron’s Olympic victory, his 
munificence has a witness at Delphi also; 
golden tripods, given by him and his 
brother Gelon, shine before the temple of 
Apollo. ὑπὸ pappapvyats, ‘with flash- 
ing rays’ (Od. 8. 265 μαρμαρυγὰς θηεῖτο 
ποδῶν): for ὑπὸ, cp. Pind. fr. 48 αἰθομένα 
δᾷς ὑπὸ EavOaior πεύκαις : but the gen. is 
more frequent in this sense.—It seems 
better to join ὁ χρυσὸς with τριπόδων 
than to Suppose a genitive absolute. 

ὑψιδαιδάλτων. This compound adj. 
signifies, ‘curiously wrought fo @ (certain) 
height’ from the ground. The only 
peculiarity is in the shade of meaning 
thus given to ὑὕψι-, rendering the com- 
pound equivalent in sense to ὑψηλῶν Kai 
δαιδάλων. In the few other verbal 
compounds where it occurs, ὑψε- means 
‘on high,’ as in ὑψίβατος, ὑψιτέλεστος, 
ὑψιφόρητος. [Weir Smyth renders ὕψι- 
δαιδάλτων *deep-chased,’ as though ὑψι- 
referred to ‘high relief.’ I cannot think 
this possible.]—The fourth syllable of 
ὑψιδαιδάλτων answers to one which is 
short in the corresponding verses, except 
64 (ὦ peyalynre—): hence Blass con- 
jectures ὑψιδαιδάλων. As, however, the 
fourth syllable is azceps when this verse 
is used in the Sapphic stanza, so it 
doubtless may be here also. 

τριπόδων σταθέντων. The French ex- 
plorers of Delphi have found the in- 


256 


ἀντ. β΄. 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[111 


, ν A ΄ ᾽ὔ ᾿ ¥ 
πάροιθε ναοῦυ, τόθι μέγιστον ἄλσος 


20 Φοίβου παρὰ Κασταλίας ῥεέθροις 


Δελφοὶ διέπουσι. 
ΕῚ - , ε 
ἀγλαϊζέτω, ὁ 
A 


ἐπ. B’. 


θεόν, θεόν τις 
γὰρ ἄριστος ὄλβων. 


5 ’ Ν / 
ἐπεί ποτε Kal δαμασίππου 


Λυδίας ἀρχαγέταν, 


25 εὖτε τὰν πε 


ὠμέναν 


Ζηνὸς Tere ιοῦσαι κρίσιν 
Σάρδιες Περσᾶϊν ἐπορθεῦντο στρατῷ, 
Κροῖσον ὁ χρυσαάΐ opos 


στρ. γ. φύλαξ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων. 


[ὁ δ᾽ ἐς ἄ]ελπτον dap 


380 μολὼν πολυδ᾽ ἀκρυον | οὐκ ἔμελλε 


22 APICTON OABON A: corrected to ἄριστος ὄλβων by A*, who has written σ and 


w above, also transfixing 2 and the first N. 


23 The MS. seems to have a circum- 


flex on ἐπεῖ.---Α later hand has sought to make the II of ποτε into K: so also in v. 72. 
25 f. πεπρωμέναν... τελειοῦσαι K. (τελέσσαντος Wackernagel): κρίσιν Weil and others 


(κτίσιν Kenyon, τίσιν Sandys).—Znves τελείου νεύμασιν Blass. 


27 ἐπορθεῦντο 


scribed bases which supported the tripods 
of Gelon and Hieron. These offerings 
stood side by side, under the open sky, 
before the E. front of the temple, a little 
N.N.E. of the Great Altar. To a visitor 
ascending by the Sacred Way, they were 
most conspicuous objects. 

Gelon’s goiden tripod, surmounted by 
a golden Victory, was the work, as the 
inscription on the base records, of an 
Ionian artist, Bion of Miletus. It was 
dedicated, doubtless in 479, to commemo- 
rate his victory over the Carthaginians 
at Himera in September, 480. Hieron’s 
offering was similar. From certain indi- 
cations afforded by the bases, M. Homolle 
infers that the two dedications were not 
separated by any great interval of time. 
On the other hand it seems probable that 
Hieron’s gift was made after his accession, 
on Gelon’s death in 478, to the rule of 
Syracuse.—See Appendix. 

The key-note of the ode is θεόν τις 
ἀγλαϊζέτω. This links Hieron’s victory 
by the Alpheus with his gifts at Pytho. 
His piety towards Apollo illustrates the 
grace shown him by Olympian Zeus. 
Our poet, aiming at the Croesus-myth, 
thus brings in Delphi; not, indeed, with 
perfect art, yet by a coherent thought. 

ἄλσος, a poetical word for the whole 


sacred enclosure (ἱερόν, τέμενος), contain- 


ing the various buildings of the sanctuary. 
So in Soph. Ant. 844 the city of Thebes 
is called ἄλσος, as ground sacred to its 
gods.—Kaeradlas: fitly named in this 
context, since its water was used by the 
priests for sacred purposes. Rising in 
the high cliffs above Delphi, the stream 
descends to the site of the temple, below 
which it joins the Pleistus. 

21f. θεόν, θεόν : cp. Diagoras fr. 1 
(Bergk) θεός, eds πρὸ παντὸς ἔργου 
βροτείου | νωμᾷ φρέν᾽ ὑπερτάταν. 

The scribe of the Ms. read ἀγλαϊζέθω 
γὰρ ἄριστον ὄλβον. The accus. must 
have been taken as being in apposition 
either with θεόν or with the sentence. 
But the correction by a later hand, 
ἄριστος ὄλβων, is doubtless right. And 
this confirms the view (first propounded 
by Otto Crusius in Philolog. tv. N. F. 
ΧΙ. p. 153) that θω in ἀγλαϊζέθω is a 
crasis of -τω with 6. For such a crasis 
there is, indeed, no proper parallel; and 
here the slight pause in the sense after 
ἀγλαϊζέτω is a further objection to it: 
but Alexandrian grammarians were some- 
times bold in such matters. Crusius 
proposed to read, dyhaiférw, S[s] yap 
ἄριστος ὄλβων, supposing the w to be 
shortened, and -~-—~~ to be substituted 


111] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


257 


set in front of the temple, where Delphians minister in the great ant. 2. 


sanctuary of Phoebus by Castalia’s stream. To the god let 
men bring their choicest gifts; that is the best pledge of 
welfare. 


For Croesus, lord of horse-taming Lydia, was preserved of 
yore by Apollo of the golden sword, when, in fulfilment of the 
on decreed by Zeus, Sardis was being sacked by the Persian 

ost. 


When he had come to that unlooked-for day, Croesus was 
not minded 


Housman: ἑάλωσαν Palmer, ἁλίσκοντο Wackernagel. 28 χρυσάορος Palmer: 
χρυσάρματος conj. K. 30 The Ms. has μολῶν. This mis-accenting of μολών 
(as of some other 2nd aor. participles) is very common in MSs.: see Appendix. 
There is no point after the N. Blass? says, ‘post quintam nunc punctum agnovi’: 
but the trace to which he probably refers seems to belong to the partly effaced right- 


hand stroke of N. 


for the -~—~ found in the corresponding 
verses. It seems better to suppose a 
synizesis of -tw and o (Blass compares Ar. 
Th. 269 ᾿Απόλλω οὐκ). But it must be 


etl 

allowed that such a synizesis, harsh at 
the best, is made much harsher by the 
slight pause before ὁ γάρ. It is, indeed, 
difficult to understand how so graceful 
and facile a poet could have written such 
a verse. For other conjectures see Ap- 
pendix. 

dyAailérw, honour, glorify (the god) 
with gifts: a rare use; but cp. Plut. 
Mor. οὔ roddois..dxpoOwias ἀγλαΐσας 
τὴν ’Ayporépay (Artemis). 

ὁ yap ἄριστος ὄλβων : for that (ὄλβος), 
—viz. τὸ θεὸν ἀγλαΐζειν, ---ἰΞ the best. [6 
should not be taken as=@eds.] The 
plural of ὄλβος occurs elsewhere only in 
Soph. fr. 297. 

28 2. ἐπεί. The story of Croesus is 
introduced as an illustration of the general 
truth just stated. As to the form of the 
myth adopted here, see Introduction to 
this Ode, ὃ 3.—8a ππου Avdlas : 
Her. (1. 79) speaks of the Lydian cavalry 
in the time of Croesus as unsurpassed in 
Asia. Cp. Mimnermus fr. 14. 3 Λυδῶν 
ἱππομάχων. 

25 f. τὰν πεπρωμέναν.. κρίσιν. The 
genitive Ζηνὸς makes it likely that the 
last word in v. 26 was a noun agreeing 
with τὰν πεπρωμέναν, though the latter 
could stand alone. κρίσιν seems slightly 


‘8: 


preferable to κτίσιν (=a deed ordained 
by the god, as in Pind. O. 13. 83), or 
τίσιν. 

28 ἄορος, with golden sword. 
The epithet suits Apollo as defender and 
rescuer: cp. J/. 15. 254 ff., τοῖόν τοι 
ἀοσσητῆρα Κρονίων | ἐξ “Iéns προέηκε 
παρεστάμεναι καὶ ἀμύνειν, | Φοῖβον ᾿Απόλ- 
λωνα χρυσάορον, ὅς σε πάρος περ | plop. 
In the only other Homeric passage where 
Apollo receives this epithet, it is again in 
his warlike character (71. 5. 509). [Om 
the other hand in Pind. P. v. 104, 
χρυσάορα Φοῖβον, Gildersleeve explains, 
‘hung with the golden φόρμιγξ᾽ : and acc- 
toschol. 71. 15. 256 Pindar called Orpheus 
xpvodopa.] Some vase-paintings arm 
Apollo with the sword in the Giganto- 
machia, and in his fight with Tityos 
(Preller 1. 232).—xpvodpparos would 
also be suitable, since he bears Croesus 
away (vv. 59f.). In Pind. P. 1x. 6 Apollo 
bears Cyrene to Libya in a golden chariot. 
But a regular epithet of the god is more 
probable. 

29—31 ὁ 8 ...8o0vAocbvav. The re- 
storation of this passage given above is 
mine, and was adopted in the editio 
princeps. A different restoration, by 
Blass, is discussed in the Appendix. I 
read ὁ δ᾽, rather than τὸ δ᾽, because the 
subject to ἔμελλε and ναήσατ᾽ is Croesus, 
and, after φύλαξ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων, some in- 
dication of this is needed. Then ὁ δ᾽ és 


18 


epode 2. 


str. 3. 


258 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[111 


μίμνειν ἔτι δουλοσύϊναν: πυρὰν δὲ 


χαλκοτειχέος προπάροιθεν αὐ λᾶς 


> , 
avT. γ- 


ναήσατ᾽, ἔνθα σὺϊν ἀλόχῳ] τε κεδνᾷ 


\ > ’ > > 4, > 3, 
σὺν εὐπλοκάμοις τ ἐπέβαιν ἄλαϊ στον 
35 θυγατράσι δυρομέναις" χέρας, δ᾽ ἐς 
αἰπὺν αἰθέρα σφετέρας ἀείρας 


γέγω ver: ὑπέρβιε δαῖμον, 


ποῦ θεῶν ἐστιν χάρις: 
ποῦ δὲ Λατοίδας ἄναξ; 
’ 3 ’ ’ὔ 
40 πίτνουσ Ἰιν Αλυάττα δόμοι, 
τίς δὲ νῦν δώρων ἀμοιβὰ] μυρίων 
φαίνεται Πυθωνόθεϊ]ν; 


στρ. δ΄. 


πέρθουσι Μῆδοι δοριάλωτο]ν ἄστυ, 


φοινίσσεται αἵματι χρυσο |divas 


Col. 4 


45 Πακτωλός: ἀεικελίως γυναῖκες 


ἐξ ἐὐκτίτων μεγάρων ἄγονται" 


ἄντ. δ΄. 


τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ ἐχθρὰ φίλα: θανεῖν γλύκιστον. 


τόσ᾽ εἶπε, καὶ ἁβροβάταν κέλευσεν 


81 δουλοσύναν Ji 33 ναήσατ᾽ Blass. 
σύν τ᾽ εὐπλοκάμοις K. 


40 πίτνουσι]ν Herwerden. 


37 ὑπέρβιε Blass. 
The letter before N is uncertain: 


84 σὺν εὐποκλάμοις τ᾽ (cp. Vv. 6) Platt: 
(There is not room for ὑπέρτατε.) 
it may have been I. 


is preferable to ὁ γάρ, because μολεῖν is 
seldom followed by an acc. without a 
preposition, except when the acc. denotes 
a place (or a folk); eg. γῆν, λαόν (Pind. 
yy Anes 36). In Eur. Med. 920 f., ἥβης 
τέλος μολόντες, the τέλος is conceived as a 
goal, 
μίμνειν : the pres. inf. θύεν follows 
μέλλω in XV: 18: the fut. φοινέξειν in 
XII. 165: in V. 164 τελεῖν is ambiguous. 
82 χαλκοτειχέος : plates of bronze 
are affixed to the walls; a mode of 
ornament which came into Hellas from 
Asia. Cp. Od. 7. 86 (in the palace of 
Alcinous), χάλκεοι μὲν γὰρ τοῖχοι ἐληλάδατ᾽ 
ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα. The pyre was built in 
front of the αὐλή; the courtyard of the 
king’s palace.—Bacchylides, following 
epic precedent, forms compounds either 
with xadxeo-, xpuoeo-, or with χαλκο-, 
χρυσο-: Pindar, with χαλκο-, χρυσο- only. 
88 ναήσατ᾽, rogum exstruendum cu- 
ravit; Doric for νηήσατο, from νηέω, ‘to 
heap up.’ This midd. aor. occurs in 


Zl. 9. 337, 279: also in Ap. Rhod. τ. 364, 
and later poets. 

34 £. σὺν εὐπλοκάμοις Te: Platt seems 
right in thus placing τε, on the ground 
that there is not room for NT between T 
and ΕΥ.---ἄλαστον, ‘inconsolably’: Od. 
I4. 174 νῦν αὖ παιδὸς ἄλαστον ὀδύρομαι. 

86 σφετέρας, -- ἑάς, ‘his,’ as often in 
posthomeric poetry. In Homer, and in 
classical prose, opérepos is always a plural 
possessive.—delpas: cp. the Homeric 
χεῖρας ἀνέσχον (fl. 3. 318, etc.). It is 
an epic trait in Bacchylides that he loves 
to mention this gesture, in connexion 
with prayer (XI. 100, XIII. 35, XV. 9), or 
with appeal to a heavenly sign (XVII. 72). 

37 ff. yéyovev, = ἐγέγωνεν, imperf. from 
γεγώνω, as in //. 14. 469 Alas δ᾽ αὖτ᾽ 


éyéywvev. (Not from perf. γέγωνα, as a 
vivid present.) 
δαῖμον: the Sky-father; it is Zeus 


who sends the rain (v. 55).—1rod θεῶν 
dpis; In Her. 1. go Croesus, after 
his fall, sends a message to Delphi, asking 


ut] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


259 
to await the further woe of grievous slavery. He caused a pyre 
to be built in front of his courtyard with walls of bronze ; 


he mounted thereon with his true wife and his daughters with 
beauteous locks, who wailed inconsolably; and, lifting up his 
hands to the high heaven, 


he cried aloud :—‘O thou Spirit of surpassing might, where is 
the gratitude of the gods? where is the divine son of Leto? 
The house of Alyattes is falling; [and what recompense for 
countless gifts is shown from Delphi? The Persians are sacking 
the city taken by the spear ;] 


the gold-fraught tide of Pactolus runs red with blood; women 


are ruthlessly led captive from the well-built halls: 


what once was hateful is welcome; ’tis sweetest to die.’ 


So 


spake he, and bade a softly-stepping attendant 


41 μυρίων] Before the M was C, but a line has been drawn through it. 
47 IIPOCOEN A A: πρόσθεν (without δ᾽ 


νίσσεται Blass : αἵματι χρυσο]δίνας K. 


44 φοι- 


Fraccaroli: πρόσθε δ᾽ K.—éx6pa Palmer.—vuy was inserted above ®IAA by A*; a 


notable instance of inattention to metre. 


48 AB..BAQTAN A, but © has 


been transfixed (by A*?).—Afpo8dray (as a proper name) Palmer, Jurenka. 


εἰ ἀχαρίστοισι νόμος εἶναι τοῖσι Ἑλληνικοῖσι 
Geoto..—Cp. Eur. 770. 428 ποῦ δ᾽ ᾿Απόλ- 
λωνος λόγοι; 

40 ff. ᾿Αλυάττα δόμοι, the palace of 
the Lydian kings at Sardis,—ra βασιλήϊα 
of Her. 1. 30, comprising the treasure- 
houses (θησαυροί) there mentioned. The 
prominence given here to the father of 
Croesus is historically correct. Gyges, 
of whom Croesus was the fourth successor, 
established the dynasty of the Mermnadae; 
but Alyattes, in his long reign (circ. 
617—560 B.c.), became the real founder 
of the Lydian empire. 

41. The word μυρίων clearly points 
to some such context as that which I 
restore (exempli gratia) above. The C 
cancelled before MYPIQN in the ms. 
suggests an acc. plural (as ἀμοιβὰς) 
written by error instead of a nom. 
singular. 

44 £. howlocerat: XII. 164 f. μέλλον 
dpa πρότερον διϊνᾶντα φοινίξειν Σκάμαν- 
ὃρον.--χρυσοδίνας: the Pactolus (now 
Sarabat) was said to carry gold-dust 
down from Mt Tmolus: Aen. το. 141 
(Lydia) «bz pinguia culta | exercentque 
uiri, Pactolusgue trrigat auro. Pliny 
H. N. 33. 21 § 1 (gold is found) 
fluminum ramentis (in the rubbish 
brought down by rivers), wt zz Tago 
Hispaniae, Pado Ltaliae, Hebro Thraciae, 


Pactolo Asiae, Gange Indiae. He might 
have added the auro turbidus Hermus 
(Virg. Geo. 2.137), into which the Pactolus 
flows. 

45 f. γυναῖκες.. ἄγονται. Cp. //. 9. 
591—4: καί ol κατέλεξεν ἅπαντα | κήδε᾽ 
ὅσ᾽ ἀνθρώποισι πέλει τῶν ἄστυ ἁλῴῃ" | 
ἄνδρας μὲν κτείνουσι, πόλιν δέ τε πῦρ 
ἀμαθύνει, | τέκνα δέ τ᾽ ἄλλοι ἄγουσι βαθυ- 
ζώνους τε γυναῖκας. 


47 τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ ἐχθρὰ φίλα, zc., 


ant. 3. 


epode 3. 


str. 4. 


ant. 4. 


the pains of death; θανεῖν γλύκιστον ..--- - 


The ms. has τὰ πρόσθεν δ᾽, against 
metre. It is rather more likely that the 
poet wrote πρόσθε (as in XVI. 45, the 
only other place where he has the word), 
than that 8" was interpolated. πρόσθεν 
being much commoner than πρόσθε, the ν 
might easily have been added. 

Fraccaroli supposes that v. 43 began 
with νῦν δ᾽ εὖτε, that ἄγονται should have 
only a comma after it, and that τὰ πρόσθε 
δ᾽ (etc.) is the last clause of the pro- 
tasis, θανεῖν γλύκιστον being apodosis: or 
else that τὰ πρόσθεν (without δ᾽) ἐχθρὰ 
φίλα is the apodosis. Rather, I think, 
we have a series of abrupt utterances, 
enumerating the calamities, down to 
ἄγονται. Then, at τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ ἐχθρὰ 
φίλα, he turns (as δέ marks) to his 
conclusion. 

48 ἁβροβάταν, ‘a softly-stepping 


18—2 


260 


ἅπτειν ξύλινον δόμον. 


50 παρθένοι, φίλας 


ἐπ. δ΄. 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[III 


ἔκλαγ ον δὲ 


T ἀνὰ ματρὶ χεῖρας 


ἔβαλλον: ὁ γὰρ προφανὴς θνα- 


nw » "4 
τοῖσιν ἔχθιστος φόνων" 
> > > ‘\ “ Ν. 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ δεινοῦ πυρὸς 
λαμπρὸν διάϊσσεν pé |vos, 
55 Ζεὺς ἐπιστάσας pedayxer Ἰθὲς νέφος 
oBévuey ξανθὰϊν φλόγα. 


στρ. ε΄. 


¥ 297 ψ a . 
απιστον οὐδέν, O τι θ] εῶν μέ]ριμνὰ 


τεύχει: τότε Δαλογενὴς ᾿Απόλλων 
φέρων ἐς Ὑπερβορέους γέροντα 


60 σὺν τανισ φύροις 


κατένασσε κούραις 


3 5 ’ 7 , 
δι᾿ εὐσέβειαν, ὅτι μέγιστα θνατῶν 


ἐς ἀγαθέαν ἀνέπεμψε ἸΤυθώ. 


49 ἔκλαγ]ον. 


The letter before ON was I or T. 
51 ΖΦ. 6va-] A wrote OIA, but then transfixed I, and wrote N above. 
The lower parts of the letters upos are on fragment 26 K. 


51 EBAAAEN A, corr. A’. 
53 πυρὸς] 
54 διάϊϊσσεν. 


attendant.’ So in Eur. 770. 820 Gany- 
mede, the young cupbearer of Zeus, 
is described as χρυσέαις ἐν οἰνοχοαῖς 
ἁβρὰ βαίνων, ‘softly moving’ while he 
ministers. (ἁβροβάτης occurs elsewhere 
only in Aesch. Pers. 1072, where Xerxes 
says to the Chorus of Persian elders, 
γοᾶσθ᾽ aBpoBdra,—z.e. ‘treading softly,’ 
as in a procession of mourners.) The 
use of the word here is significant. It 
shows that Greeks had noted a dainty 
or mincing gait as characterizing the 
effeminate palace-slaves of Asiatic princes. 
That trait would strike a Greek by its 
strong contrast with the manly bearing 
and the freedom in movement which 
Hellenic youth acquired in gymnasium 
and palaestra. Hence it is easy to 
understand how ἁβροβάτης could denote, 
—with only such aid as the context gives 


here,—an Asiatic attendant. See Ap- 
pendix. : 
49 δόμον, ‘structure’; Nairn cp. 


Pind. P. 111. 67 ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ τείχει θέσαν ἐν 
ξυλινῷ | σύγγονοι κούραν (when they 
placed Coronis on the pyre). 

50 ff. ἀνὰ. ἔβαλλον (tmesis), a stronger 
ἀνεῖχον, lifted in supplication. Cp. 36n. 


| π--προφανής:: a violent death is bitterest 


when seen beforehand (instead of being 
sudden and instantaneous). Cp. Soph. 
O. C. 1440 προῦπτον “Avénv: Her. IX. 17 
προόπτῳ θανάτῳ.---φόνων, forms of violent 
death (like θανάτων). The plur. φόνοι 
usu. = ‘slaughters’ (O. C. 1235, etc.). 
55 Ζεύς, the cloud-gatherer, the giver 
of rain or drought (Soph. fr. 481. 4), isa 
fitter agent than Apollo here. On a red- 
figured crater by Python (late 4th cent. 
B.C.) Zeus appears as quencher of a pyre 
on which Alcmena is about to be burned: 
he has cast his thunderbolts, and the 
Hyades are pouring rain on the pile 
(Journ. Hellen. Studies, vol. X1. pl. 6; 
see A. 5. Murray 7. p. 226).—In fr. 25 
Bacchylides has μελαγκευθὲς εἴδωλον (the 
shade of Odysseus), where the word seems 
to mean, ‘ shrouded in gloom’; the spec- 
tral form is dimly seen. If μελαγκευθὲς 
was the word here, the verbal element 
was active rather than passive: ‘a cloud © 
carrying rain in its dark bosom.’ Our 
choice is limited by the virtual certainty 
that the penult. was long (which excludes 
e.g. μελαμβαθές). κελαινανθές, which 
Herwerden suggests, had occurred to me 


11] 


kindle the wooden pile. 
their hands to their mother ; 


ETTINIKOI 


261 


The maidens shrieked, and threw up 


for the violent death which is foreseen is to mortals the most 


bitter. 


But when the bright strength of the dread fire began 


to rush abroad, Zeus brought a dark rain-cloud above it, and 
began to quench the yellow flame. 


Nothing is past belief that is wrought by the care of the 


gods, 


Then Delos-born Apollo carried the old man to the 


Hyperboreans, with his daughters of slender ankle, and there 


gave him rest, 


in requital of his piety; because of all mortals he had sent up 
the largest gifts to divine Pytho. 


The scribe erroneously placed marks of diaeresis on the first I as well as on the 


second. 55 μελαγκευθὲς K. 
Herwerden, Blass?. 


56 φλόγα Palmer. 
60 τανισφύροις MS.: τανυσφύροις Weir Smyth. 


58 τεύχει] τεύχῃ 
62 ἀνέ- 


πεμψε Housman and others (ἀν- lost after -av): ἔπεμψε MS. 


also: but it is not extant, though μελανθής 
is analogous. 

57 ἄπιστον κ.τ.λ. : the γνώμη prefaces 
the incident, just as in XVI. 117 ff.: cp. 
Pind. P. x. 48 ff. 

58 τεύχει need not be changed to 
τεύχῃ, though a subjunct. stands in the 
similar passage, XVII. 118. ὅστις often 
takes the indicative (instead of subjunct. 
with ἄν) in a relative sentence expressing 
a general condition: Soph. Amz. 178 f. 
doris... | μὴ τῶν ἀρίστων ἅπτεται Bovdev- 
μάτων : Thuc. 11. 64 86 οἵτινες... ἥκιστα 
λυποῦνται. 

Δαλογενής: the Ionian island-poet 
might naturally associate Apollo with his 
chief Ionian shrine. (In fr. 12 he says, 
ὦ περικλειτὲ AG’, ἀγνοήσειν μὲν οὔ σ᾽ 
ἔλπομαι.) But the epithet has a special 
fitness here. Delian legend connected 
Delos with the earliest offerings of the 
Ἱὑπερβόρεοι to Apollo (Her. 1v. 32-—35). 

59 φέρων ἡ vepBoptois: A passage 
of ‘some mythological interest. The 
Hyperborean land is here (as nowhere 
else) a paradise to which a pious mortal 
is translated, without dying, by Apollo. 
It takes the place of the Homeric 
Ἠλύσιον πεδίον (Od. 4. 563), and of the 
posthomeric μακάρων νῆσοι (Hes. ΟΖ. 
171, Pind. Ο. 1. 78), in the Far West. 
Pindar describes the Hyperboreans as 
δᾶμον ᾿Απόλλωνος θεράποντα (O. III. 


13—16), who worship him with sacrifice, 
feast, and praise (2. X. 29 ff.). He 
clearly thinks of them as dwelling 
‘beyond Boreas’ (cp. /. v. 23). Among 
them, Apollo passes his ἀποδημίαι from 
his southern shrines. Argive legend sent 
Heracles, Perseus, and lo thither,—but 
only as visitors.—As to the origin of the 
‘Hyperborean’ legend, see Appendix. 

60 τανισφύροις, with slender ankles.— 
The ms. has the wrong spelling rav- 
(instead of the correct ravv-) again in V. 59 
(τανισφύρου) and X. 55 (τανίφυλλον). The 
poet may have preferred that spelling in 
order to avoid the occurrence of v in two 
successive syllables, as he avoids such a 
recurrence of α (see II. 1, n. on Φήμα). 
In Od. 13. 102 (etc.) the mss. have 
τανύφυλλος, and in Hom. hymn. Cer. 2 
τανύσφυρον. 

62 ἀγαθέαν, ‘divine’: an epithet ap- 
plied only to A/aces connected with gods, 
—as to Pytho in Hes. 7heog. 499, Pind. 
P. 1X. 77. It probably comes from ἀγα 
(&ya-v, cp. ἀγήνωρ) and deo. ἀνέπεμψε, 
as to a sacred metropolis (cp. Polyb. 
I. 7 ἀναπεμφθέντων εἰς τὴν Ρώμην). 
Herodotus (1. 51 f.), in speaking of the 
gifts sent to Delphi by Croesus, says 
ἀπέπεμψε (thrice) or ἀπέπεμπε, ---ἰ πε 
fitting word from a Lydian point of 
view, as ἀνέπεμψε is from that of a 
Greek. 


epode 4. 


str. 5. 


ant. 5. 


[111 


262 BAKXYAIAOY 
ὅσοι ye μὲν Ἑλλάδ᾽ ἔχουσιν, οὔτις, 
ὦ μεγαίνητε Ἱέρων, θελήσει 
65 ἐπ. ε. φάμ]εν σέο πλείονα χρυσὸν 
Λοξίᾳ πέμψαι βροτῶν. 
εὖ λέγειν πάρεστιν, ὅσ- 
τις μὴ φθόνῳ πιαίνεται, 
θεοφιλῆ φίλιππον ἄνδρ᾽ ἀρήϊον, 
Ἴο τεθμ͵]ζου σκᾶπτρον Διὸς 
στρ. ς΄. ἰοπλόϊκων τε μέροϊς ἔχοντ]α Μουσᾶν' 
ὡς δ᾽ ἐν] Μαλέᾳ ποτέ, ἰ χεῖμα δαίμων 
ἐπ᾽ ἔθῆ]νος ἐφάμερον αἰἷψ᾽ ἵησι. 
καίρι]α σκοπεῖς: βραχὺς ἄμμιν αἰών" 
75 avr. ς΄. 


δολό)εσσα δ᾽ ἐλπὶς ὑπ[ὸ κέαρ δέδυκεν 


ἐφαμ]ερίων: ὁ δ᾽ ava€ [᾿Απόλλων 
ὁ βουκόΪλος εἶπε Φέρητος υἷι: 


68 ὅσοι γε μὲν] ye added by Wilamowitz, Blass and others.—The paragraphus, which 


should follow 64, is wrongly placed in the Ms. after 63. 
is a faint trace of E before N.—[{o]éo Palmer. 
faint trace after w might belong either to I or to N. 
Platt, a.o.: the trace before EIN suits either I or T. 
Palmer.—ialverac A: m added above by A®. 


and Blass?. 


65 φάμεν Thomas. There 
66 βροτῶν Nairn: βροτῷ K. The 
67 f£. εὖ | λέγειν Blass, 
(εὐλογεῖν Jurenka.)—és | τις μὴ 
69 θεοφιλῇ Herwerden : so Jurenka, 


(εὐθαλῆ Β1.1)---ἀρήϊον Blass: an apostrophe is traceable after ἄνδρ᾽ : one 
fragment supplies pyro and another (21 b) the final v. 
daptov) : ὀλβ]ίου Jurenka, which is too little for the space. 


70 ....1OT] τεθμ]ίου Blass (or 
71 The letters -a Mov, 


63 ὅσοι ye μὲν ϊλλάδ᾽ txovew,—as 
distinguished from non-Hellenes; the 
poet is not prepared to say that Hieron 
had surpassed Croesus: hence ye is right. 
Remark that pév, added to ye here, merely 
emphasizes the limitation (as in ἐγὼ μέν, 
etc.). This is not the Ionic γε μέν in the 
sense of ye μήν (‘however,’ //. 2. 703 
etc., Her. vil. 152), which occurs below 
in ν. go. 

64 ὦ μεγαίνητε “Iépwv. The hiatus 
before Ἱέρων, with lengthening of ε, is 
remarkable. A strong aspiration of i 
would help to explain it; and there may 
be also a metrical reason, viz., a slight 
pause after the fifth foot. In 92 (Μοῦσά 
νιν τρέφει. “Ἱέρων, σὺ δ᾽ ὄλβου) the hiatus 
occurs at the same place; but there the 
full stop after τρέφει makes a difference. 
That verse may, however, make us more 
cautious in assuming that v. 64 is corrupt. 
(Wilamowitz suggests ὦ μεγαίνητ᾽ ὦ: A. 
Ludwich, ὦ yey’ αἰνηθείς.)---Τέρων (like 


ἱερός) never had fF. 

65 ξ. φάμεν (Acolic)=gdva, Pind. O. 
I. 35, ΠΙ. 38, WV. VII. 19.----ΟΛοξίᾳ: a title 
given to Apollo especially in his oracular 
character, owing to the popular derivation 
from λοξός (‘ oblique,’ in ref. to indirect, 
ambiguous responses): Soph. Ὁ. 7. 853 


n.). 

᾿ 67 2. εὖ λέγειν πάρεστιν... ὅστις μὴ 
κιτιλ. The antecedent to ὅστις is τούτῳ 
understood (cp. Soph. Ant. 35 f. ὃς ἂν 
τούτων τι δρᾷ, φόνον πρόκεισθαι) : ‘any 
man who is not envious may well praise,’ 
εἴς.---πιαίνεται, battens on envy, feeds 
his heart on it: Pind. P. 11. 55 Woyepov 
᾿Αρχίλοχον, βαρυλόγοις ἔχθεσιν | πιαινό- 
μενον. 

69 θεοφιλῆ suits the space, and is 
appropriate: cp. IV. I—3, and Vv. I 
(εὔμοιρε. Pind. Z v. 65 f. πόλιν | 
θεοφιλῆ: Plat. Phileb. 39 E δίκαιος ἀνὴρ 
καὶ εὐσεβὴς... ap’ ob θεοφιλής ἐστιν; 

70 τεθμίου, Doric for θεσμίου (Pind. 


117 ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟ! 


263 
But of all who now live in Hellas there is not one, illustrious 
Hieron, 


who will say that he has sent more gold to Loxias than thou 
hast. Well may any man, who does not batten on envious 
thoughts, praise the favourite of the gods, the lover of horses, 
the warrior, who bears the sceptre of justice-guarding Zeus, 


and has fellowship with the Muses of violet locks. [Ὁ But, as oft 
at Malea, the god sends sudden stress of trouble on the children of a day. 
Thou lookest to the needs of the time: our life is short ;] 


but deceitful Hope has crept into the hearts of men, children 
of a day. Yet the lord Apollo [, the shepherd,] said to the 
son of Pheres :-— 


with wy (the last of v. 72) below, are on fr.21a@: -σᾶν on fr. 21 ὁ (placed by Blass). 
72 ποτί(ε) is certain: as in v. 23 a later hand has indicated a correction of II into Καὶ 
(xore).—Before QN (fr. 21 a) there are distinct traces of an upright stroke, with a 
slight trace of a stroke joining this from the left; M is possible, but doubtful. 
73 The trace before OC is merely an upright stroke, | , but such as to suggest N.— 
On fr. 21 a, below the final QN of 72, there is a very faint trace (little more 


than a dot) of the bottom of a letter which was the last of v. 73. 


that it was I: but N is equally possible. 
deleted (σ ?). 
Wilamowitz. 
to it. 


77 


Blass thinks 
74 After σκοπεῖς something has been 


75 δολόεσσα.. ὑπὸ κέαρ δέδυκεν J.: δολόεσσα.. ὑποφέρει μερίμνας 
97 oo AOC] The A is not quite certain, but the traces point 
ὁ βουκόλος con]. K.: ἐὼν φίλος Blass: ἑκαβόλος 7.---(τοιόν δ᾽ ἔπος Wilamowitz: 


τοιοῦτ᾽ ἔπος Jurenka: but even if II could be assumed, the space is too small for this.) 


—vit Platt, Wackernagel (vif Wilam.). 


NV. ΧΙ. 27 éoprav Ἡρακλέος τέθμιον) : the 
Zeus of law and justice, under whom 
Hieron is the guardian of civic order: 
cp. IV. 3 ἀστύθεμίν θ᾽ 'Τέρωνα : Pind. O. 
I. 12 (Hieron) θεμιστεῖον ὃς ἀμφέπει 
oxamrov. But θέσμιος does not elsewhere 
occur as an epithet of Zeus (nor does 
δάμιος, the other word suggested by 
Blass). ξεινίου (Nairn) seems too special 
for the context. 

71 μέρος ἔχοντα Μουσᾶν : cp. n. on 
I. 41. Hieron was said to have been, 
like Gelon, utterly indifferent to μουσική 
and literature, until the enforced leisure 
of an illness gave him a love for them, 
which thenceforth was ardent. (Aelian 
V. H. 4. 15: ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτῷ συνηνέχθη 
νοσῆσαι, μουσικώτατος ἀνθρώπων ἐγένετο.) 

.72-- 14 All that is certain as to the 
sense of these mutilated verses is that 
they formed a transition from the theme 
of Hieron’s achievements (69—71) to 
that of the brevity and insecurity of life 
(75—92). It would seem that the letters 
MAAEAI must be either (1) Madég, or 
(2) part of δειμαλέᾳ or ῥωμαλέᾳ. (1) Malea 
was a proverbial terror to sailors (Strabo 
Vill. p. 378). This ode was written after 


.for solace from the Muses.’ 


the Olympian festival of 468 : Hieron died 
of his disease in 467. At this time (as 
verses 85—g2 hint) it must have been 
known that he could not live long. 
Verses 72 f., as I tentatively restore them 
above, would express a general γνώμη 
(‘trouble oft comes suddenly on mortals’), 


epode 5. 


str. 6. 


ant. 6. 


veiling a reference to the fact that Hieron’s _ 


malady had lately become worse. καί- 
pia σκοπεῖς would be a tribute to his 
fortitude and resignation: he is calmly 
taking such measures as his state requires. 
Such a context would certainly agree well 
with the tone of 75—92.—(2) If the word 
in 72 was (δει)μαλέᾳ (with χειρί), the sense 
may have been: ‘ formerly thy hand was 
terrible in battle; but now thou lookest 
See Ap- 
pendix, where both alternatives are more 
fully examined. 

75 Sodderoa δ᾽ ἐλπὶς κιτιλ. In the 
immediately preceding words the poet 
had said, in effect, ‘life is short and 
uncertain.’ Azt hope beguiles men into 
looking for an indefinite term of pros- 
perity. 

77 Apollo served as βουφορβός to 
Admetus, son of Pheres, and king of 


[ΠῚ 


αρύω: βαθὺς μὲν 


Ἱέρων, σὺ δ᾽ ὄλβου 


264 BAKXYAIAOY 
Col. 5 θνατὸν εὖντα χρὴ διδύμους ἀέξειν 
: ᾿ ΄ Ψ > ¥ »¥ 
ἐπ. ς΄. γνώμας, OTL T αὔριον οψεαι 
8ο μοῦνον ἁλίου φάος, 
χὧτι πεντήκοντ᾽ ἔτεα 
ζωὰν βαθύπλουτον τελεῖς. 
9 “A » ’, “Ὁ Ν 
ὅσια δρῶν εὔφραινε θυμόν: τοῦτο yap 
κερδέων ὑπέρτατον. 
85 στρ. ζ΄. φρονέοντι συνετὰ 
αἰθὴρ ἀμίαντος: ὕδωρ δὲ πόντου 
᾿οὐ σάπεται: εὐφροσύνα δ᾽ ὁ χρυσός" 
ἀνδρὶ δ᾽ οὐ θέμις, πολιὸν πί αρ͵)έντα 
3 , Li 4 > > : , 
ἀντ. ζ. γῆρας, θάλειαν αὖτις ἀγκομίσσαι 
ν 3 a Ν > ’ 
90 ἥβαν. ἀρετᾶϊς γε μ)ὲν οὐ μινύθει 
βροτῶν ἅμα σώμα τι φέγγος, ἀλλὰ 
Μοῦσά νιν τρέφει. 
ἐπ. ζ. κάλλιστ᾽ ἐπεδὶ εἰξ Ιαο θνατοῖς 


ἄνθεα: πράξαϊντι] δ᾽ εὖ 


78 ETTAN A—a corrector (A??) added N above the line between T and T, and 


transfixed the final N. 
91 σώματι J. K. Ingram. 


88 παρέντα J. 


89 ATKOMICAI ms.: corr. K. 


Pherae in Thessaly; having been doomed 
by Zeus to become a mortal’s thrall, 
because he had slain the Cyclopes (Eur. 
Ak. 1—8). Kenyon’s supplement, ὁ 
βουκόλος, is very attractive.—vit: the 
last syllable of this verse must be short. 
Cp. XII. 100 υἷας. 

78 εὖντα-- ἐόντα: rare, but found in 
Theocr. 11. 3. Cp. XVIII. 23n. ἀέξειν, 
make to grow, ‘nourish’: Od. 17. 489 ἐν 
μὲν κραδίῃ μέγα πένθος ἄεξε. 

79—82 ὅτι τ᾽ αὔριον κιτιλ. This isa 
general precept from a friendly god. (It 
was he who, when the time approached 
for Admetus to die, persuaded the Moirae 
to accept another life in exchange: Eur. 
Ak. g—14.) ‘Be prepared to die to- 
morrow :—use your time as if you had 
none to spare. But reflect also that you 
may live for many years,—and exercise 
forethought accordingly.’ πεντήκοντ᾽ 
ἔτεα, acc. of duration, ‘for fifty (z.e. an 
indefinite number of) years’: there is no 
allusion to Hieron’s actual age. 

βαθύπλουτον (used by Aesch. and 


Eur.) like βαθύδοξος (Pind. P. τ. 66), etc. 
Cp. Soph. Az. 130 μακροῦ πλούτου βάθει. 
—redeis, accomplish, carry on to its 
goal. 

88 ὅσια Spav εὔφραινε θυμόν : 7.4. so 
long as you are doing your duty to gods 
and men, keep a cheerful spirit, and enjoy 
the present aright, without counting on 
the future. This is in a higher strain 
than carpe dient. 

85- 87 φρονέοντι συνετὰ yapiw. 
Veiled counsels of resignation and of 
comfort to the moribund Hieron. 

These three verses are remarkable for 
the open imitation of Pindar. With 
φρονέοντι x.7.A. cp. φωνάεντα cuveroiow 


(O. τι. 93, 476 B.C.). The short clauses 
(from βαθὺς to χρυσὸς) copy Pindar’s 
abruptness, and his splendour: cp. 
O. τ. 1 ff. (also of 476 Β.6.), ἄριστον μὲν 
ὕδωρ᾽ ὁ δὲ χρυσὸς αἰθόμενον πῦρ ἅτε δια- 
πρέπει k.T.X. But the strain hardly suits 
Bacchylides: a lapse comes at the tame 
word εὐφροσύνα (which has to mean, ‘a 
joy for ever’). Blass, indeed, in his 


IIT] 


ETTINIKOI 


265 


‘As a mortal, thou must nourish each of two forebodings ;— 


that to-morrow’s sunlight will be the last that thou shalt see; epode 6. 


or that for fifty years thou wilt live out thy life in ample wealth. 
Act righteously, and be of a cheerful spirit: that is the supreme 


gain.’ 


I speak words of meaning for the wise: the depths of air str. 7. 


receive no taint; the waters of the sea are incorrupt; gold is 
a joy: but for a man it is not lawful to pass by hoary eld, 


and to recover the bloom of youth. Yet the radiance of manly ant. 7. 


worth wanes not with the mortal body; it is cherished by the 


Muse. O Hieron, 


thou hast shown to mankind the fairest flowers of good fortune. epode 7. 


Toward one who has so prospered, 


2nd ed., changes it to a word which is 
not extant, εὐχροσύνα (as=‘a glory of 
colour’); citing Theognis 451 f. rod (gold) 
χροιῆς καθύπερθε μέλας οὐχ ἅπτεται ids, | 
οὐδ᾽ εὐρώς, αἰεὶ δ᾽ ἄνθος ἔχει καθαρόν. 

88 παρέντα: a mortal cannot 245: by 
old age, and enter (after middle life) on 
a second youth. Cp. Plat. Rep. 460 Ε 
ἐπειδὰν τὴν ὀξυτάτην δρόμου ἀκμὴν παρῇ, 
‘when a man has passed that moment 
in life’s course when the passions are 
keenest.’ Soph. O. C. 1229 εὖτ᾽ ἂν τὸ 
νέον παρῇ, when he has seen youth go 
by.—The initial being certain, the 
only alternative is mpoévra: which would 
be required to mean, ‘having let go,’ 
‘having given up,’ old age; a sense 
which, even if it were satisfactory, would 
rather demand προέμενον. Further, the 
space in the papyrus seems too large for 
προέντα: in this MS. the letter O takes up 
less room than A. 

ΘΟ ἀρετᾶς ye μέν. Here ye μὲν is 
equivalent to the Attic ye μήν, ‘however’: 
cp. 63 n. 

The ms. has μινύθει, ~~-— where we 
expect ~--. The ode contains seven 
strophes and seven antistrophes. There 
are therefore thirteen verses which answer 
metrically to this. In two of them (72 
and 76) the ending is lost. In all the 
other eleven, a bacchius (~——) and not 
an anapaest, answers to μινύθει. And to 
these eleven, verse 76 may be added, 
since ᾿Απόλλων is practically certain there. 
The probabilities, then, are very strongly 
against a solitary exception here; even if 
such a variation was admissible. Crusius 


and Blass hold that the substitution of 
-~~- for -~-—- in this place of the 
verse was legitimate. They refer to 
Alcman’s partheneion (Bergk, vol. 111. 
30 ff.). There we have remains of seven 
strophes. Of these, strophes 1, 3, and 
7 end with -~~-, while 4, 5, and 6 end 
with —~-—-. (The close of strophe 2 is 
lost.) Bergk suggests, however, that in 
Alcman’s poem these clausu/ae were not 
freely interchangeable; but that he varied 
the measure in the last verse of his strophe 
by rule, on some plan connected with the 
nature of the subject-matter. In any 
case, it seems rash to take the Aleman 
fragment (in which much is obscure) as a 
sufficient warrant for the isolated anomaly 
here. 

I have little doubt that μινύθει is 
corrupt. The poet may have written 
μινύνθη or μινύθη (a gnomicaor.). ἐμινύθη 
is the vulg. reading, though a doubtful 
one, in Hippocr. 3. 63 and 3. 219. Cp. 
v. 151. No pres. μινύνω or μινύνθω is 
extant. 

92 ff. τρέφει. ‘“Iépwv. On the hiatus, 
see v. ὅᾳ π.--ὄλβου.. ἄνθεα: cp. Pind. P. 
x. 17 f. ἕποιτο μοῖρα... | .. πλοῦτον ἀνθεῖν 
σφίσιν : ἢ. 4. 131 εὐζῴας ἄωτον. 

94 πράξαντι δ᾽ εὖ κιτ.λ. Silence is 
not meet in the case of (in regard to) one 
who has prospered. Cp. v. 187—190, 
χρὴ δ᾽ ἀλαθείας χάριν | αἰνεῖν... | εἴ τις εὖ 
πράσσοι Bporav.—The dative would more 
naturally denote the person who ought 
not to be silent (Soph. 4z. 293 γυναιξὶ 
κόσμον ἣ σιγὴ φέρει) : but εὖ πράξαντι 
cannot here refer to the poet. 


266 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[ II, IV 


95 ov φέρει κόσμον σιω- 


πά: σὺν δ᾽ 


ἀλαθείᾳ καλῶν 


»Ἱ ’ὔ ε ΄ ’, 
καὶ μελιγλώσσου τις ὑμνήσει χάριν 


Κηΐας ἀηδόνος. 


IV. 


TQ! AYTQI 
<ITTTTOIS > TTYOIA. 


¢ 
στρ. a, 


:- Ἔτι Συρακοσίαν φιλεῖ 


2 πόλιν ὁ χρυσοκόμας ᾿Απόλλων, 


3 ἀστύθεμίν θ᾽ 


Ἱέρωνα γεραίρει:" 


4 τρίτον γὰρ παρ᾽ ὀμφαλὸν ὑψιδείρου χθονὸς 
5 Πυθιόνικ[ os ἀείδε)ται. 

6 ὠκυπόδ᾽ ὧν ἀρετᾷ] σὺν ἵππων. 

7 παρὰ δ᾽ ἐὕὔρροον ᾿Αλφεὸν 

8 dis " Ἥρας (ρ)ου cb puBi jas ἀλέκτωρ 

9 γέρας Event ἑκόν τι νόῳ, 
το πρευμενὴς δ᾽ ἐπάκουεν ὕμνους 


στρ. β΄. 


: κελαδέοντας, οἷς ἰσό 


2 ροπον ἔχοντα Aik jas τάλαντον 


Col. 6 


96 καλέων Jurenka. 


id ’ > > ’ cs 
3 Δεινομένεός κ᾽ €yepal ipo lev υἱόν. 


98 In ἀηδόνος the scribe had written O for A, but corrected it. 


Iv. The title, in minuscule letters, has been added (by A*?) in the left margin. 


IMMIOIC is inserted by K. 
στεφάνοις W. Christ. 


8 AC AAEKTOP] Blass?, 


4 The faint traces after TAP indicate II rather 
than A, z.e. map’ (Blass) rather than ἀμφ᾽ 


6 ἀρετᾷ Crusius, καμάτῳ K.: 
who writes ds, finds an 


96 σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ καλῶν: ‘and 
along with his (Hieron’s) genuine glories’ 
(lit. ‘reality of glories’) ‘men will praise 
also the charm of the melodious nightin- 
gale of Ceos.’ For this sense of καλά, 
cp. Il. 6: for ἀλαθείᾳ, Thuc. vi. 33 §1 
τοῦ ἐπίπλου τῆς ἀληθείας, the ‘reality’ 
of it. We have already found in this 
poem a trace of Pindar’s first Olympian 
(85 ff.,n.). In the last words of that ode, 
Pindar links his own fame with Hieron’s: 
εἴη σέ τε τοῦτον ὑψοῦ χρόνον πατεῖν, ἐμέ 
τε τοσσάδε νικαφόροις | ὁμιλεῖν, πρόφαντον 
σοφίᾳ καθ᾽ “Ἕλληνας ἐόντα παντᾷ. Bac- 
chylides does the like here, only in his 
gentler Ionian fashion. 


If καλῶν were the participle, the sense 
would be: ‘and calling (the poet) so 
with truth, men will praise the charm of 
the..nightingale of Ceos.’ But then we 
should expect καλέων : cp. VII. 40 ὑμνέων, 


and (without synizesis) Vv. 152 ὀλιγοσθε- 
νέων, XII. 118 κλονέων. In I. 34, certainly, 
we find βολοῖ (-- βολέοι.. The presump- 
tion, however, is in favour of καλῶν being 
the noun. 

IV. 8 ἀστύθεμιν, ‘just ruler of cities.’ 
dorv- here defines the relation of θέμις : 
the compound means, ‘concerned with 
(upholding) themis in the city’: cp. 
Hymn. Hom. 5. 103 θεμιστοπόλων Bact- 
Ajwv.—See on Ill. 70. 


Ill, Iv] ETTINIKOI 


267 
silence is not meet. And along with thy genuine glories men 
se praise also the charm of the sweet singer, the nightingale 
of Ceos. 


IV. 
For Hieron, victor in the four-horse chariot-race at Delphi. 


Still is Syracuse dear to Apollo of the golden locks; still 
does he honour Hieron, just ruler of cities, who now for the third 
time, at earth’s central shrine beneath the lofty cliffs, is hymned 
as a Pythian victor, through the prowess of his swift steeds. 
[Twice, too, by the fair stream of Alpheus, was the prize given 
to him with good will by Hera’s wide-ruling lord; and graciously 
did Zeus hearken to those resounding songs 


wherewith] we used to honour the son of Deinomenes, who 
holds the scales of Justice in even poise. 


apostrophe before it: but Kenyon does not think that the faint trace suits an 
apostrophe. 11 2. Blass inserts frag. 19 K., which gives parts of the endings 
of two verses, viz. ICOP, and below that ACTAAAN. ἰσόρροπον Headlam: Blass’. 
18 Δεινομένεός κ᾿] The κ᾽ is clear and certain.—éyepatpouev] The letters E.EPA... MEN 


are certain. After the first Εἰ, the top of Τ' is also traceable. 


4 τρίτον. This victory with the 
τέθριππον was gained by Hieron at the 
Pythia of 470 B.c. He had twice been 
victorious there with the κέλης, viz. in 
482 and 478. He had also won with the 
κέλης at Olympia in 476 and 472. 

6 ὄν: Pind. P. xI. 9 Πυθῶνά re 
kal..yas ὀμφαλόν: Soph. O. 7. 398 τὸν 
ἄθικτον yas ἐπ᾿ ὀμφαλόν. The omphalos 
in the Delphian temple (Aesch. Zum. 40) 
was a large white stone, supposed to 
mark the centre of the earth (Pind. 2}. 
Iv. 74: Livy 38. 48 Delphos, umbilicum 
orbis terrarum). ὑψιδείρου, with high 
ridges or cliffs (δειρή-ε δειράς, Pind. O. 
IX. 63 Μαιναλίαισιν ἐν Sepais). Above 
Delphi rise the cliffs which were called 
Φαιδριάδες, with two peaks (the dirogos 
_ πέτρα of Soph. Anz. 1126). 

6 ἀρετᾷ suits the space. It is slightly 
prosaic here; yet cp. Pind. x. 23 ποδῶν 
ἀρετᾷ κρατήσας. Another possible word 
is ἀέθλοις: cp. Pind. P. ΙΧ. 125 σὺν δ᾽ 
ἀέθλοις (~~-—)..modGv, and MN. ΙΧ. 9 
ἱππίων ἄθλων. We might prefer στεφά- 
vos, but it is too long for the lacuna. 
καμάτῳ would be too suggestive of painful 
toil. 


For σὺν following its case, cp. Od. 9. 
332 ἐμοὶ σὺν μοχλὸν ἀείρας : Pind. NV. x. 
48 δρόμῳ σὺν ποδῶν. 

7—13 Here there was doubtless a 
mention of Hieron’s two victories at 
Olympia, parallel with. the notice of 
them in the seventh verse of the second 
strophe (v. 17). In v. 8 ἀλέκτωρ was, 
I conjecture, Hera’s spouse; as Apollo 
(v. 2) gives the crown at Delphi, so Zeus 
at Olympia. Cp. x. 51 f. ξανθᾶς παρέ- 
Spov σεμνοῦ Διὸς εὐρυβία, n. What 
Blass takes for a mark of elision before 
as may be a trace of the accent on 
evpuBias. (For ἀλέκτωρ = maritus cp. 
Soph. fr. 767 οὑμὸς δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε 
πρὸς μύλην: Lycophron 1094, where 
Tzetzes explains ἀλεκτόρων by ὁμολέκ- 
τρων, συζύγων.) I show above, exempli 
gratia, how vv. 7—g might be restored. 

In vv. 11, 12 Blass places fr. 19 K., 
containing the letters I(?)COP, and below 
them ACTAAAN, which he completes 
thus :—loép-|porov ἔχοντα Δίκας τάλαν- 
τον. This collocation of the fragment 
can scarcely be deemed certain ; but it is 
possible. In v. 13 Blass deletes the κ᾿ of 
the Ms. after Aevouéveos. But, even if, 


str. 2. 


str. 2. 


268 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[Iv, V 


+s πάρεστίν νιν ἀγχιάλοισ[ι Kpio jas μυχοῖς 
15 5 μοῦνον ἐπιχθονίων τάδε 
6 μησάμενον στεφάνοις ἐρέπτειν 


4 > > ’ 
7 δύο τ ὀλυμπιονίκας 
τί φέρτερον ἢ θεοῖσιν 


δον 
8 ἀείδειν. 


ο φίλον ἐόντα παντοῖὶ δα πῶν 
20 τὸ λαγχάνειν amo μοῖραν ἐσ Ἰθλῶν; 


V. 


<TQI AYTQI 


KEAHTI 


, 
OoTp. a. 


OAYMITTIA. > 


: Evpoupe Συρακοσίων. 
c 


2 ἱπποδινήτων στραταγέ, 
3γνώσει μὲν ἰοστεφάνων 
+ Μοισᾶν γλυκύδωρον ἄγαλμα, τῶν γε νῦν 


» 
5 αἵ τις ἐπιχθονίων, 


14 IIAPECTIAN] πάρεστίν νιν (with τρίτον yap wap’ in 4) Blass: 
πάρεστι μὰν Wilam.—AITXIAAOIC. Between this word and 


{with...dug¢ in 4): 


or πάρεστι viv 


ACMTYXOIC there is room for at least five letters; probably for six (assuming one or 


as Blass thinks, κ᾿ was made from another 
letter (€?),—which is doubtful,—we are 
not warranted in deleting it ; 3 least of all 
in a mutilated passage. κ᾽ ἐγεραίρομεν 
may mean, ‘we used to honour’; im- 
plying that, on each of the two occasions 
when Hieron won at Olympia, there were 
several songs in his praise. The alter- 
native explanation of ke would be to 
~ understand it in the ordinary conditional 
sense :—‘ (If we had not been unavoidably 
prevented,) we should have been honour- 
ing Hieron.’ The poet would then be 
excusing himself for absence from the 
celebration of Hieron’s Pythian victory; 
or, perhaps, for not having sent some 
worthier tribute than this short song. 
In view of the whole context, however, 
this interpretation seems less probable. In 
v. Io ὕμνους are presumably songs sung 
at Olympia. With these data, vv. 10 
and 11 might be tentatively completed 
somewhat in the manner suggested above. 

For ἰσόρροπον... Δίκας τάλαντον cp. 
XVI. 251. Δίκας ῥέπει τάλαντον (with n. 
there). Praise for even-handed justice 
was naturally acceptable to a τύραννος, 


more especially, perhaps, if his claim to 
it was disputable; and in Hieron’s case 
that praise is frequently given or implied. 
See above, v. 3: III. 70: V. 6 (εὐθύδικον): 
Pind. O. I. 12; VI. 93 ff.: 25. 111. 70 ff.— 
See Appendix. 

14—18 πάρεστίν viv seems a true 
correction of the Ms. παρ᾽ ἑστίαν. (The 
form of A in the Ms. would help a change 
of N into A.) This assumes τρίτον γὰρ 
παρ᾽ in v. 4. If, instead of παρ᾽, ἀμφ᾽ 
stood there, wdpeort νῦν could stand here. 
But we note that theeighthv. of the strophe 
also begins with ~—— (v. 18, ἀείδειν). The 
sense is:—‘We can crown him with 
wreaths as one who, alone of men, has 
compassed these triumphs in the recesses 
of Crisa near the sea (=at Delphi); and 
also sing of two Olympian victories.’ 
vTade,—three equestrian victories at 
Delphi,—a record which the poet avers 
to be unique. The point of νῦν is 
exultation in the total of Hieron’s vic- 
tories at the two greatest festivals. 

παρ᾽ ἑστίαν, if sound, would mean 
either ‘40’ or ‘ at’ (cp. Ix. 29 f.) Hieron’s 
hearth. Intrinsically this is quite possible. 


IV, V] ETTINIKOI 


269 

We can crown him with wreaths as one who, alone of 
mortals, has compassed such deeds in the hill-girt vale of Crisa 
by the sea, while we can sing also of two Olympian victories. 
What is better than to find favour with the gods, and to receive 
a full portion of blessings in every kind? 


V. 


To Heron, victor in the horse-race at Olympia. (476 B.C.) 


Blest war-lord of Syracuse, city of whirling chariots, thou, 
if any mortal, wilt rightly estimate the sweet gift brought in thy 
honour by the Muses of violet crown. 


more to be thin). The letter next before AC may have been either P or C : all that 
remains of it is a short curving stroke from the ἰορ.---ἀγχιάλοισιν Αἴτνας K.: ἀγχιάλοισι 
Κούρας Wilam.: Κρίσας J.: Képpas Blass? (Caias,=Delphi, Blt): γαίας Jurenka. 


20 ἐσθλῶν Wilam., Blass: ἀέθλων K. 
Ἧς 


The Ms. omits the title, which is supplied by K. In the other cases (odes 1, 


IX, XII, XV) where the title is wanting the MS. is mutilated. 


But ἐρέπτειν and ἀείδειν cannot tolerably 
be made infinitives of purpose (‘27 order 
to crown,’ etc.). Given παρ᾽ ἑστίαν, they 
must be governed by some verb or 
participle of ‘wishing’ or ‘ purposing.’ 
But that must have preceded v. 13. And 
on such a hypothesis, the sentence as a 
whole becomes extremely complex and 
cumbrous, in a manner foreign to this 
poet. With πάρεστι, on the other hand, 
the construction is clear and simple. 
The diction is also characteristic: see 
Ill. 65 εὖ λέγειν πάρεστιν (n.). 

Κρίσας μυχοῖς, with μησάμενον. Crisa 
was about two miles w.s.w. of Delphi. 
Cp. Pind. P. vi. 17 f. εὔδοξον ἅρματι 
νίκαν | Κρισαίαις ἑνὶ πτυχαῖς. Soph. 251 
180 (of Orestes at Delphi) ὁ τὰν Κρῖσαν | 
βούνομον ἔχων dxrdv,—which illustrates 
ἀγχιάλοισι.---8εε Appendix. 

17 ὀλυμπιονίκας from ὀλυμπιονίκη, a 
word used by Antiphon, fr. 131 ὀλυμπιο- 
νῖκαι καὶ πυθιονῖκαι καὶ οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἀγῶνες. 

18 ff. θεοῖσιν φίλον ἐόντα: such 
prosperity is indeed enviable when it is 
conferred dy the favour of the gods, and 
not gained by unworthy means.—trayto- 
ϑαπώῶν.. ἐσθλῶν, ‘good things of every 
kind.’ To power, wealth, warlike fame, 
Hieron added success in the games.—If 
we read ἀέθλων, the range of the thought 


would be. too narrow, and παντοδαπῶν 
(bearing its local sense) too wide. Cp. 
v.50 (of Hieron) ὄλβιος ᾧτινι θεὸς | μοῖράν 
τε καλῶν ἔπορεν K.T-A.— άνειν ἄπο-Ξ- 
ἀπολαγχάνειν (to receive a full portion). 
The preposition after the verb in tmesis 


is very rare. J/. 2. 699 τότε δ᾽ ἤδη ἔχεν 
κάτα γαῖα μέλαινα. <Aesch. Pers. 871 
(wéders) ἐληλαμέναι πέρι πύργον (com- 
passed with embattled walls): Eur. 
Bacch. 554 τινάσσων ἄνα θύρσον (where 
ἄνα should not be taken as vocative). 
Cp. Xvull. 7. 


V. 2 ἱπποδινήτων, whirled in chariots, 
(In Aesch. 7heb. 460 f. ἵππους... δινεῖ is 
said of the driver.) The reference is to 
the distinction of Syracuse in chariot- 
races: it seems improbable that there is 
any allusion to the Syracusan cavalry 
(though in Pind. P. 11. 2, Syracuse is 
ἀνδρῶν ἵππων τε σιδαροχαρμᾶν....τροφοῖ). 
Syracusan coins of the time of Gelon 
bear a guadriga, with a winged Νίκη 
above (Gelon was victorious at Olympia). 


str. I. 


On those of an earlier date a quadriga - 


appears without the Νίκη. (P. Gardner, 
Types of Greek coins, Pl. 11., and p. 107.) 

otpatayé. This may be merely a 
poetical title, ‘ war-lord’: as orparayéras 
is said of Minos (XVI. 121), or as Creon, 
βασιλεὺς of Thebes (Soph. Ant. 155), is 
called στρατηγός (zd. 8). It is also pos- 
sible, however, that Hieron held the office 
of στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ, as Gelon seems 
to have done at one time. Whether Gelon 
or Hieron was ever formally styled βασι- 
λεύς, is uncertain. Pindar calls Hieron 
so (0. I. 23, P. Ill. 70): Bacchylides does 
not; but the silence proves nothing. 
See Appendix. F 

8- 6 γνώσει... ὀρθῶς, wilt rightly re- 
cognize it for what it is,—rightly ‘wage 


BAKXYAIAOY [Vv 


270 
6 ὀρθῶς: φρένα δ᾽ εὐθύδικον 
7 ἀτρέμ᾽ ἀμπαύσας μεριμνᾶν 
8 δεῦρ᾽ ἐπάθρησον νόῳ, 
9 ἢ σὺν Χαρίτεσσι βαθυζώνοις ὑφάνας 
1ο ὕμνον ἀπὸ ζαθέας 
x νάσου ἕένος ὑμετέραν πέμ.- 
1. πᾶει κλεεννὰν ἐς πόλιν, 
13 χρυσάμπυκος Οὐρανίας κλει- 
14 νὸς θεράπων" ἐθέλει δὲ 
15 γᾶρυν ἐκ στηθέων χέων 
ἀντ. α΄. :αἰνεῖν Ἱέρωνα. βαθὺν 


2 δ᾽ αἰθέρα ξουθαῖσι τάμνων 
8: ὑψοῦ πτερύγεσσι ταχεί- 


8 ἐπάθρησον H. Richards: 
ei conj. Palmer. 


ἄθρησον MS. 


ΘΗ ms.: 7 K.: ἦ Platt: ἢ Blass: 


18 f. xre-vds] KAINOC A, corr. A*.—The Ms. wrongly 


it: cp. Aesch. Ag. 795 προβατογνώ- 
μων: 2b. 1099 θεσφάτων γνώμων ἄκρος. 
--ἰοστεφάνων: epithet of Persephone in 
111. 2; of Thetis in x11. 122.—Mowwav. 
This Aeolic form, always used by Pindar, 
occurs only here in Bacchylides, who has 
the Ionic and Attic Μοῦσα nine times. 
The Doric was Méea (Aleman fr. 3, etc.). 
- γλυκύδωρον ἄγαλμα, 1.6. the ode: ‘a 
sweet gift brought in thy honour’: for 
ἄγαλμα, see on I. 74.---τῶν γε νῦν κιτ.λ.: 
cp. Pind. Ο. 1. 103 ff. (written for this 
same victory), πέποιθα δὲ ξένον | μή τιν᾽ 
ἀμφότερα καλῶν τε FiSpev ἄμμε καὶ 
δύναμιν κυριώτερον τῶν γε νῦν κλυταῖσι 
δαιδαλωσέμεν ὕμνων πτυχαῖς. Thus both 
poets say that Hieron has no living su- 
perior as a judge of poetry. The scholiast 
on Pind. P. 1. 166 is the authority for 
the statement that Hieron preferred the 
odes of Bacchylides to those of Pindar 
(παρὰ ἹἹέρωνι τὰ Βακχυλίδου ποιήματα 
προκρίνεσθαι). 

6 f. εὐθύδικον: cp. III. 70, and Iv. 3. 
εὐθυδίκαν would be possible, but is not 
required by metre. A vowel at the be- 
ginning of the seventh verse follows 
πίσυνος in 21, Bopéa in 46, "Aida in 61, 
and ἀρηϊφίλου in 166. 

ἀτρέμ᾽ ἀμπαύσας : the adv. is proleptic, 
the phrase being a compressed mode of 
saying, dum. ὥστε ἀτρέμα ἔχειν. 

8 The Ms. reading, δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον νόῳ, 


gives -~-—~-, instead of -~—--~-, 
which we find in all the corresponding 
verses. Blass defends the text by sup- 
posing that the second syllable of ἄθρησον 
is prolonged. (He assumes the same 
licence in IX. 15, where see n.) It is 
far more probable that a syllable has 
dropped out. Kenyon supplies στὺν (easily 
lost after -σον). The phrase σὺν νόῳ is 
usually found in negative sentences, as= 
‘ without intelligence’ (Her. vill. 86 οὔτε 
σὺν νόῳ ποιεόντων οὐδέν : Plat. Crito 48 Ὁ 
τῶν ῥᾳδίως ἀποκτιννύντων.... οὐδενὶ ξὺν νῷ). 
Here the sense would be, ‘ with earnest 
attention.” But there is a metrical ob- 
jection, viz. the caesura after ἄθρησον: 
see p. 97- I now prefer to read, with 
Richards, ἐπάθρησον : cp. XII. 227 ἐπα- 
θρήσαις. The sense of νόῳ will then be 
adverbial, ‘attentively.’ Another possible 
emendation would be δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον εὐ- 
νοέων. But we should then have to sup- 


pose that, after the loss of ET, NOEQN 
(written ‘NOON) became NOI. —Cp. 
Pind. P. 11. 69f. τὸ Καστόρειον δ᾽ ἐν 
Αἰολίδεσσι χορδαῖς θέλων | ἄθρησον. 

9 f. The Ms. has Η. Should we read 
hs (2) 4, or (3) 4? 

1) His best. We must then suppose, 
indeed, that in the Ms. the letter I has 
been lost after H: but such a loss would 
be very easy. δεῦρο distinctly suggests 7. 
‘Look hither, with good heed,—to the 


v] 


Suffer thy mind, ever upright in judgment, to have repose from 
cares; bend thy thoughts hither, and see where a song woven 
with the aid of the deep-girdled Graces is sent from a lovely 
isle to your famous city by a guest-friend, a servant not in- 
glorious of Urania whose locks are bound with gold. Fain is he 
to pour forth his voice 


ETTINIKOI 271 


in praise of Hieron. The eagle, cleaving the deep ether on 
high with his swift tawny wings, 
places κλεινὸς wholly in v. 14, though in the antistr. it rightly divides mvo-\aiow 


between v. 28 and v. 29: corr. K. 16 αἰνεῖν] AINEI A: but the final N 
has been added above the line (by A*?). 


quarter in which (ἢ) a poet is sending 
his song.’ The present πέμπει also sup- 
ports the picturesque 9: Hieron is invited 
to note the advent of the poem, as if he 
could see in imagination the ζαθέα νᾶσος 
afar, and the ship on its way. 

(2) % (proposed by Platt) is also 
possible. Then there is a full stop (or a 
colon at least) after νόῳ. Pindar some- 
times begins a sentence with ἦ (0. I. 28: 
P.1. 47: N.vill. 24). The objections to 
ἡ are (1) that after verse 8, δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον 
k.T.’., a stop seems hardly fitting; and 
(2) that ἦ itself is here somewhat weak. 

(3) ἢ is read by Blass, who ex- 
plains it as=‘whether.’ But I can find 
no example of ἤ as ‘ whether’ (=e) in a 
single indirect question. In Homer we 
find, indeed, (1) ἠέ...ἤ, ‘ whether ’...‘or’: 
Od. τ. 174 ὄφρ᾽ év εἰδῶ | ἠὲ νέον μεθέπεις, 
ἢ καὶ πατρώϊός ἐσσι | Eetvos.—Palmer pro- 
posed to read εἰ. 

σὺν Χαρίτεσσι βαθυζώνοις: for the 
Charites as inspiring song, cp. VIII. I, 
xvi. 5f. Pindar has the same phrase 
in a like context, P. 1x. 1 ff. ἐθέλω... | σὺν 
βαθυζώνοισιν ἀγγέλλων | Τελεσικράτη Xa- 
ρίτεσσι yeywveiv,—written probably in 
474 (see Schréder’s ed., p. 67), z.¢. 
about two years after the date of this 
ode.—tpdvas: cp. ΧΥΠῚ. 8: Pind. fr. 
179 ὑφαίνω δ᾽ ᾿Αμαθυονίδαις ποικίλον | 
ἄνδημα (‘a wreath of Ξοηρ ἢ.--ζαθέας : 
cp. Hl. 7, X. 24: and see ἢ. on ἀγαθέαν, 
Ill. 62. 

11 ξένος, ‘guest-friend.” We do not 
know when Bacchylides first visited 
Syracuse. The date of this ode is 476. 
It was in that year, or in 477, that his 
uncle Simonides, according to Timaeus 
(fr. go, Miiller vol. 1. p. 214), effected 
a reconciliation between Hieron and 
Theron of Acragas. It seems probable 


that, before this ode was written, Bacchy- 
lides had been the guest of Hieron, and 
had thus become privileged to claim the 
tie of ξενίας. Pindar alludes to Hieron as 
ξένον in O. I. 103. 

This verse, and the corresponding v. 
of the antistrophe (26), are longer by a 
syllable than those which hold the same 
places in the other four systems. But 
the text is probably sound. See Ap- 
pendix. 

13 £. χρυσάμπυκος: Pind. P. 111. 89 
χρυσαμπύκων | ...Mocdv. The dumvé, a 
head-band, worn to confine the hair, was 
often plated with gold or silver, and 
sometimes set with gems. Artemis in 
Eur. Hec. 465 has a χρυσέαν ἄμπυκα. 
—kXevés, though we have just had 
κλεεννάν: a strong example of verbal 
repetition, which the change of dialectic 
form scarcely palliates. For similar in- 
stances in Sophocles, see n. on O. C. 
554.--ἐθέλει: see on I. 52. 

Verse 14, and the antistrophic v., 29, 
are longer by a syllable than the corre- 
sponding verses of the other systems. 
Here again, as in the similar case of 
verses 11 and 26, the text appears sound. 
See Appendix. 

16 ΖΦ. βαθὺν δ᾽ αἰθέρα «.7.’. Wide as 
air is the path opened by Hieron’s deeds: 
strong as an eagle’s is the poet’s soaring 
flight. The simile evidently involves 
both points. But it is quite unnecessary 
to suppose that this is a retort to Pindar, 
who in O. 11. 95—97 (written in this same 
year, 476) implies that Ze is an eagle, and 
that two other poets unnamed are crows. 
The eagle, as an image for the poet, 
occurs also in Pind. JV. v. 20 ἢ. (481 B.C. ?), 
and J. ΠΙ. 80 ff. (circ. 469—459). 

ξουθαῖσι... πτερύγεσσι : ‘tawny.’ The 
golden or mountain eagle (aguz/a chrys- 


ant. I. 


BAKXYAIAOY [Vv 


272 
+ ats αἰετὸς εὐρυάνακτος ἄγγελος 
20 5 Ζηνὸς ἐρισφαράγου 
6 θαρσεῖ κρατερᾷ πίσυνος 
γ ἰσχύϊ, πτάσσοντι δ᾽ ὄρνι- 
BORE λιγύφθογγοι φόβῳ: 
οοὔ νιν κορυφαὶ μεγάλας ἴσχουσι γαίας, 
2510 οὐδ᾽ ἁλὸς ἀκαμάτας 
Col.7 «= δυσπαίπαλα κύματα: νωμᾶ- 
2 ται δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρύτῳ χάει 
13 λεπτότριχα σὺν ζεφύρου πνοι- 
. alow ἔθειραν ἀρίγνω- 
3015 Tos μετ᾽ ἀνθρώποις ἰδεῖν: 
ἐπ. α΄. 


Ν ἴω Ν 3 Ἀ 7 ud / 
:τὼς νῦν Kal ἐμοὶ μυρία πάντᾳ κέλευθος 
2 ὑμετέραν ἀρετὰν 


ε lad , > ν 4 
3 ὑμνεῖν, κνανοπλοκάμου θ᾽ ἕκατι Νίκας 
¥ 
«χαλκεοστέρνου τ᾽ “Apyos, 


35 5 Δεινομένευς ἀγέρω- 


6 χοι παῖδες: εὖ ἔρδων δὲ μὴ κάμοι θεός. 


22 TACCONTI A: the first T corrected to II, and T added above the line (by .4.3}). 


23 φόβῳ] ΦΟΙΒΩΙ ms. 


24 METAAAIC A: I transfixed (by A??). 


26 NQ- 


MAI A: the I has been transfixed, either by the scribe himself (as seems probable), or 


aetus) ‘is of a rich dark brown, with the 
elongated feathers of the neck, especially 
on the nape, light tawny, in which imagi- 
nation sees a golden hue.’ (Prof. Alfred 
Newton in γε, Brit. Vil. p- 590.) 

20 ἐρισφαράγου : epithet of Poseidon 
(Γαιηόχου) in Hom. hymn. 3. 187. 
Pindar also used the word (Eustath. on 
’ Od. « p. 1636. 7). 

22 dpvixes. The forms from the stem 
ὀρνιχ-, always used by Pindar, occur 
also in Alcman (fr. 54), and Theocritus 
(5. 48, 7. 47). The Alexandrians called 
this inflexion Aeolic (cp. Meister Gr. 
Dialekte, p. 152): it was also Doric. 

26 2. δυσπαίπαλα κύματα, waves which 
offer a rough and difficult path to the 
mariner. (Compare Marlowe’s phrase in 
Dido 1. 3, | Neptune’s hideous hills.’) 
δυσπαίπαλος (formed from παιπάλλω, 
Hesych., =celw) occurs in Archil. fr. 115 
βήσσας. ὀρέων δυσπαιπάλους: Nicander 
Ther. 145 δυσπαίπαλος Οθρυς. The Ho- 
meric παιπαλόεις is similarly applied to 
hills, rocky islands, and steep or rugged 
paths. 


νωμᾶται.... λεπτότριχα.... ἔθειραν, he 
plies his wing of delicate plumage. The 
place of the words σὺν ζεφύρου πνοιαῖσιν 
shows that ἔθειραν depends on the verb, 
and must not be taken as acc. of respect 
with dplyvwros. The middle of νωμᾶν 
occurs elsewhere only in Quint. Smyrn. 
3. 439 οὐ γάρ τις πίσυνός ye σάκος μέγα 
νωμήσασθαι: but there is no reason for 
suspecting it here. It was read by the 
schol. on Hes. Zheog. 116 (see cr. n.). 
In Soph. fr. 855. 11 I would read νωμᾷ 
τ᾽ ἐν olwvoict που κείνη πτερόν (vulg. 
τοὐκείνης, but one MS. of Stobaeus has 
τοῦ κείνη : and Κύπρις is the subject of the 
preceding sentences in the frag.). Cp. 
also Anth. 9. 339 & ποτε παμφαίνοντι 
μέλαν πτερὸν αἰθέρι νωμῶν. 

ἀτρύτῳ, ‘illimitable’; a sense derived 
from that of ‘inexhaustible.’ Cp. vill. 
80 ἄτρυτον χρόνον (‘ unending’). Arist. 
De Caelo 2, Ρ. 284 a 35 ᾿Ἰξίονός τινα μοῖραν 

«ἀΐδιον καὶ ἄτρυτον. Theocr. Xv. 7 ἁ δ᾽ 
ὁδὸς ἄτρυτος. In the citation by schol. 
Hes. Zheog. 116 ἀτρυγέτῳ is evidently an 
error, due probably to the second T of 


v] ETTINIKOI 


273 


messenger of wide-ruling Zeus the lord of thunder, trusts boldly 
to his mighty strength; the shrill-voiced birds crouch in fear 
of him; the heights of the wide earth stay him not, nor the 
rough, steep waves of the unwearied sea; he plies his wing of 
delicate plumage in the illimitable void, sped by the breath 
of the west wind, conspicuous in the sight of men. 


And so for me a boundless course is open on every side epode τ. 


to hymn your prowess, ye lordly sons of Deinomenes, by grace 
of Victory, dark-haired queen, and of Ares with bronze-clad 


breast. 
by A’. 


πνοιϊαῖσιν Weil, a. o. 
Palmer. 


May Heaven weary not of blessing you ! 


27 darptry] Schol. Hes. 7heog. 116 Βακχυλίδης δὲ χάος τὸν ἀέρα ὠνόμασε, 
λέγων περὶ τοῦ ἀετοῦ" νωμᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρυγέτῳ xdeu. 
31 ΜΟΙ Ms.: ἐμοὶ Blass. 
35 £. The Ms. places dyépwxo wholly in 35: corr. K. Cp. 75 f.: 115 f. 


28 f. IINO|AICIN ms.: 
88 TMNEI ms.: corr. 


ἀτρύτῳ having become I’: ἀτρύγῳ would 
lead to ἀτρυγέτῳ. 

χάει, the ‘void,’ as a poetical term for 
‘space,’ or ‘the air’: a usage which 
occurs first in Ibycus (flor. εἴγε. 550 B.C.), 
fr. 28 ποτᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ χάει. It is 
possible, indeed, (though we can scarcely 
assume this,) that the schol. on Ar. Az. 
192, who quotes the words, confused 
Ibycus with Bacchylides, and intended this 
passage. Bergk suggests that ἀλλοτρίῳ 
may have been a slip of the scholiast’s, 
due to the verse on which he comments, 
διὰ τῆς πόλεως τῆς ἀλλοτρίας Kai τοῦ χάους. 
It might also be a corruption of ἀμέτρῳ 
(AA for M). 

29 f. dplyvwros per ἀνθρώποις. In 
v. 14 the δέ after ἐθέλει seems clearly in- 
dispensable, and is therefore presumably 
genuine. An asyndeton there would be 
unendurable. That is the reason against 
deleting per’ here. (μέγ᾽ would be weak, 
and οἰωνοῖς for ἀνθρώποις is improbable.) 
But the phrase ἀρίγνωτος μετ᾽ ἀνθρώποις, 
as applied to the soaring bird, can be 
explained only as a bit of rather careless 
writing. The thought in the writer’s mind 
is that the eagle’s flight is ‘much noted 
among men’; 2.6. a number of men follow 
his course with their eyes.—t8etv, not ὁρᾶν, 
because the poet thinks of the moment at 
which the eagle sails into view. 

$1 τὼς is used by the epic poets and 
by Aesch. (cp. Suppl. 61 τὼς καὶ ἐγὼ), 
but not by Pindar. μυρία πάντᾳ 
κέλευθος : cp. VIII. 47 f-: XVIII. I 
πάρεστι μυρία κέλευθος | ἀμβροσίων μελέων. 
In one of his Isthmian odes (111. 19=IV. 
1), composed perhaps in 478, and in any 


J. B. 


case before this ode of Bacchylides, Pindar 
writes: ἔστι μοι θεῶν ἕκατι μυρία παντᾷ 
κέλευθος, | & Μάλισσ᾽, εὐμαχανίαν γὰρ 
ἔφανας ᾿Ισθμίοις | ὑμετέρας ἀρετὰς ὕμνῳ 
διώκειν. This is the only instance in which 
a verbal parallelism between a passage of 
Bacchylides and an earlier passage of 
Pindar suffices to prove imitation on the 
part of the younger poet (cp. p. 65). 

88- 86 κυανοπλοκάμου, merely a 
general epithet for goddesses or heroines; 
as for Thebe in VIII. 53, and the Proe- 
tides in X. 83.—€katt, ‘by grace of’: 
cp. I. 6 f.—Nikas: here, more especially 
victory in the games.—xaAkeoo-répvov = 
χαλκοθώρακος. As to the form, see on 
Ill. 32.— Apyos, alluding chiefly to the 
victory over the Carthaginians at Himera 
(480 B.c.), in which Gelon’s glory was 
shared by his brothers. Simonides fr. 141 
φημὶ Τέλων᾽ ‘Tépwva Πολύζηλον Θρασύ- 
βουλον | παῖδας Δεινομένευς τὸν τρίποδ᾽ 
ἀνθέμεναι (τοὺς τρίποδας θέμεναι, schol. 
Pind) 2)... ἀρον, ah Pr URN το ds 
79 (470 B.c.), where he speaks of him- 
self as having sung of Salamis and 
Plataea, παρὰ δ᾽ εὔυδρον ἀκτὰν Ἱμέρα 
(the river Himeras) παίδεσσιν ὕμνον Δει- 
νομένεος τελέσαις | τὸν ἐδέξαντ᾽ dud ἀρετᾷ. 
Hieron succeeded Gelon in 478. We do 
not hear of any signal military exploits as 
having marked the interval between that 
year and the date of this ode (476). But 
Hieron had intervened as the protector of 
Sybaris against Croton (Diod. ΧΙ. 48), 
and of the Italian Locri against Anaxilas 
of Rhegium (477 B.c.: schol. Pind. ?, 
11.34). See Freeman, Szcily 11. 2337—241- 

Δεινομένευς...παὶ The collective 


19 


BAKXYAIAOY [v 


274 
7 ξανθότριχα μὲν Φερένικον 
8. ᾿Αλφεὸν παρ᾽ εὐρυδίναν 
9 πῶλον ἀελλοδρόμαν 
401 εἶδε νικάσαντα χρυσόπαχυς ᾿Αώς, 
στρ. β΄. . Πυθῶνί τ᾽ ἐν ἀγαθέᾳ" 
2 γᾷ δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων πιφαύσκω" 
3» c= & , 
Ξοὔπω νιν ὑπὸ προτέρων 
4 ἵππων ἐν ἀγῶνι κατέχρανεν κόνις 
45 5 πρὸς τέλος ὀρνύμενον᾽ 
6 ῥιπᾷ γὰρ ἴσος Βορέα 
7 ὃν ,κυβερνήταν φυλάσσων 
8. ἵεται νεόκροτον 
ο νίκαν Ἱέρωνι φιλοξείνῳ τιτύσκων. 
501. ὄλβιος ᾧτινι θεὸς 


89 ἀελλοδρόμαν] ἀελλοδρόμον schol. Pind. O. 1 argum. (fr. 6 Bergk). 
49 ΦΙΛΟΞΕΝΩΙ s.: 


PEAI A, corr. Al. 


46 BO- 


corr. K. 50—55 ὄλβιος... ἔφυ. 


address is interesting, because it shows 
that, so far as the poet knew,—and he 
was doubtless well-informed, — Hieron 
was now (in 476) on good terms with 
both his surviving brothers, Polyzelus 
and Thrasybulus. But shortly before 
this date (in 478—477) he appears to 
have been at enmity with Polyzelus. 
The latter, according to Diodorus (x1. 48), 
had sought refuge with Theron of Agrigas, 
who, on being reconciled to Hieron (in 
477—6), τὸν Πολύζηλον εἰς τὴν προῦπάρ- 
χουσαν εὔνοιαν ἀποκατέστησε. Thus Bac- 
chylides indirectly confirms Diodorus.— 
For the form of the genit. Δεινομένευς, 
ἐὺ ταὶ; ἢ: 

ἀγέρωχοι : ‘lordly.’ The word has a 
good sense in Homer (where it is an 
epithet of the Trojans and other nations, 
but only once of a single hero, Pericly- 
menus, in Od. 11. 286); also in Pindar 
{who applies it to victory, high deeds, 
wealth, but not to persons). Archilochus 
(fr. 154) and Alcaeus (fr. 120) are said to 
have used it in a bad sense (‘overbearing’). 
The derivation is uncertain: for the theo- 
ries, see Leaf on //. 2. 654. 

37 ξανθότριχα, ‘chestnut.’ In Soph. 
£1. 705 an Aetolian enters for the chariot 
race ξανθαῖσι πώλοις. Nestor speaks of 
having carried off 150 ἵππους ξανθάς from 
Elis (77. 11. 680). 


88 ᾿Αλφεὸν.. εὐρυδίναν: cp. 111. 6 f. 
89 πῶλον, not properly ‘colt,’ but 


merely Ξε ἵππον : cp. Soph. £7. 705 (n.)— 
748, where the word has this general 
sense throughout. At Olympia no special 
contest for πῶλοι existed before 384 B.C. 

v, paraphrased in v. 46. 
ἀελλόπος is the Homeric epithet of Iris 
(1. 8. 409, etc.): then Simonides (fr. 7) 
and Pindar (J. I. 6) spoke of ἀελλοπόδων 
ἵππων: cp. /1. το. 437 θείειν δ᾽ ἀνέμοισιν 
ὁμοῖοι. 

40 χρυσόπαχυς ᾿Αώς, who touches 
the earth with gold. (Cp. ῥοδοδάκτυλος.) 
Soph. Ant. 103 f. ὦ χρυσέας | duépas 
Prépapov.—In XII. 96 ῥοδόϊπαχυν is cer- 
tain.—The horse-races, like the chariot- 
races (Soph. Z/. 699 n.), were held early 
in the morning. 

41 IIv0avi τ᾽ ἐν ἀγαθέᾳ. Hieron had 
won with a κέλης at Delphi in 482 and 
478 B.C. Pherenicus was certainly the 
κέλης in 478; perhaps also in 482; but 
the only ground for thinking that this 
horse had won twice at Delphi is the 
plural στεφάνοις in Pind. PP. Ἴἶἷς. 73 ἴ. 
στεφάνοις | ods ἀριστεύων Φερένικος EN ἐν 
Κίρρᾳ ποτέ : which could, however, refer 
to a single victory. See Introd. to the 
ode, §1. For ἀγαθέᾳ, cp. 111. 62. 

42 γᾷ 8 ἐπισκήπτων, ‘laying (my 
hand) on the earth,’ calling it to witness: 
the full phrase occurs in VII. 41, γᾷ δ᾽ 
ἐπισκήπτων χέρα κομπάσομαι. The act of 
touching the sacred Earth meant that the 
person who did so invoked the χθόνιοι to 


v] 


ETTINIKOI 


275 


Morning with her golden ray saw Pherenicus, that chestnut 
steed swift as the wind, victorious by the wide-eddying Alpheus, 


as also at divine Pytho. 


And I call Earth to witness: never 


yet in a race has he been soiled by dust from horses in front of 


him, as he sped to his goal. 


Like the rush of Boreas, he darts 


onward, heedful of his pilot, winning for hospitable Hieron a 
victory greeted by fresh plaudits. 
Happy is he to whom the god 


Quoted by Stobaeus Flor. 103. 2 (fr..1, Bergk): who cites 53 (from o¥)—s5 also in 
flor. 98. 26. Verses 50-—53 (to διάγειν) are quoted by Apostolius ΧΙ. 65 e. 


punish him if he swore falsely. Similarly 
persons who invoke the 4e/p of the χθόνιοι 
strike the earth: //. 9. 568 f. (Althaea) 
πολλὰ δὲ καὶ γαῖαν πολυφόρβην χερσὶν 
ἀλοία, | κικλήσκουσ᾽ ᾿Αἴδην καὶ ἐπαινὴν 
Περσεφόνειαν : Hom. hymn. Apoll. 2. 162 
(Hera, invoking Tata and the Τιτῆνες), 
ὡς dpa φωνήσασ᾽ ἵμασε χθόνα χειρὶ παχείῃ" 
[κιψήθη δ᾽ ἄρα Ταῖα φερέσβιοςς. Pindar, 
too, often emphasizes praise by solemn 
asseveration: O. 11. 101 αὐδάσομαι ἐνόρκιον 
λόγον: VI. 20 καὶ μέγαν ὅρκον dudcoas 
τοῦτό γέ for σαφέως μαρτυρήσω: N. ΧΙ. 
24 ναὶ μὰ τὸν ὅρκον. 

The poet keeps the ἢ in ἐπισκήπτων, 
though he has σκᾶπτρον in 111. 7o.. Cp. 
I. 74 ἢ. 

43 προτέρων, iz front of him. This 
local sense of πρότερος is very rare, except 
when it is figurative (denoting precedence 
in rank, etc., as in Dem. or. 3 § 15 70... 
πράττειν τοῦ λέγειν... πρότερον τῇ δυνάμει 
καὶ κρεῖττόν ἐστι). But cp. Plat. Rep. 
βιός τῷ ὀξύτατα καθορῶντιτὰ παριόντα, 
καὶ μνημονεύοντι μάλιστα ὅσα τε πρότερα 
αὐτῶν καὶ ὕστερα εἰώθει καὶ ἅμα πο- 
ρεύεσθαι. [In Od. 19. 228 προτέροισι 
πόδεσσι-- προσθίοις. In //. 15. 569 (=17- 
274) πρότεροι is temporal. ] 

46 pimg...Bopéa: 7. 15. 171 ὑπὸ ῥιπῆς 
αἰθρηγενέος Βορέαο. Soph. Ant. 137 ῥιπαῖς 
ἐχθίστων ἀνέμων. 

47 ὃν κυβερνήταν φυλάσσων, ‘heedful 
of his pilot.’ He rivals the wind in 
speed; but his course obeys the hand that 
steers him. φυλάσσων means not merely 
‘ bearing his rider safe,’ but ‘attending to 
his guidance’: the word κυβερνήταν brings 
this out.—The Ionic 7 is retained in 
κυβερνήταν (cp. XI. 1), as in φήμα (11. 1) 
and ἀδμήτα (v. 167). Pindar has κυβερ- 
varas (P. τ. gt). 

48 ἵεται. The historic present here is 
unusual, but intelligible. Verses 37—45 
deal with the horse’s record as a whole. 


Now the poet comes to his latest victory. 
The historic present, combined with 
vedxporov, gives a touch of animation 
which marks the transition.—Cp. Pind. 
O. 1. 20 ff. (of Pherenicus) ὅτε παρ᾽ 
᾿Αλφεῷ σύτο δέμας | ἀκέντητον ἐν δρόμοισι 
παρέχων, | κράτει δὲ προσέμιξε δεσπό- 
ταν. 

veoKporoy, ‘greeted with fresh plaudits.’ 
κρότος 1s the regular word for ‘applause’ 
(Xen. Az. VI. 1. 13 ἐνταῦθα κρότος ἣν 
πολύς). In It. 9 the poet similarly refers 
to the shouts which greet Hieron’s victory 
(θρόησε δὲ λαὸς ἀπείρων). The only other 
extant compounds with κρότος refer to 
sound, viz. (1) εὔκροτος : Alciphron Zfzst. 
3. 43 ἀνάπαιστα εὔκροτα : (2) πολύκροτος: 
Hom. hymn. 19. 37, epithet of Pan, as 
‘making loud music’ on his pipe: Athen. 
Pp. 527 F epithet of the lyre xeAwvis (from 
the comic poet Poseidonius). On this 
view veéxporov is not merely a poetical 
equivalent for ‘new,’ but means ‘new 
and popular.’ 

Others take νεόκροτον to mean ‘ewly- 
welded,’ 1.6. ‘newly wrought,’ νεότευκτον, 
comparing Pind. fr. 194 κεκρότηται χρυσέα 
κρηπίς. The only extant derivative of 
κροτεῖν in the sense of ‘hammering or 
welding together’ seems to be evx, ‘os 
(though συγκρότητος may also have been 
in use). νεόκροτον in this sense would be 
a clumsy epithet,—made still more so by 
the neighbourhood of τιτύσκων, which 
would serve to emphasize the metaphor 
of ‘welding.’ No emendation is probable. 
The easiest, vedxprrov, would be unsuitable 
to this context: the race is being run. 

49 είνῳ. Cp. π|. 16: Pind. P. 
i. 71 (of Hieron) ξείνοις δὲ θαυμαστὸς 
πατήρ. 

50—55 The γνώμη which leads from 
the proem to the myth. A man is happy 
if he has (1) μοῖραν... καλῶν, ‘a portion 
of honours,’—such as those gained at 


19—2 


str. 2. 


276 


BAKXYAIAOY [ν 


τ μοῖράν τε καλῶν ἔπορεν 
2 σύν τ᾽ ἐπιζήλῳ τύχᾳ 
> ‘\ Ν / > 
13 ἀφνεὸν βιοτὰν διάγειν" ov 
4 γάρ τις ἐπιχθονίων 
5513 πάντα γ᾽ εὐδαίμων ἔφυ. 


ἀντ. B. «Kat μάν π͵οτ᾽ ἐρειψιπύλαν 
2 παῖδ᾽ ἀνίκ]ατον λέγουσιν 
nw A > tA 
3 δῦναι Διὸς ἀργικεραύ- 
Col. 8 


+ vov δώματα Φερσεφόνας τανισφύρου, 
eer 


4 7 
60 5 καρχαρόδοντα KUV α- 
3 5 / > 24 oh 
6 €ovt és φάος ἐξ ᾿Αἴδα, 
en » ’ὔ heey 4 
7 vlov ἀπλάτοι Exidvas: 
» ΄ an 
8. ἔνθα δυστάνων βροτῶν 
\ 5 4 ἈΝ » if , 
οψυχὰς ἐδάη παρὰ Κωκυτοῦ ῥεέθροις, 


65 10 


οἷά τε PUAN ἄνεμος 


τ Ἴδας ἀνὰ μηλοβότους 

2 πρῶνας ἀργηστὰς δονεῖ. 
13 ταῖσιν δὲ μετέπρεπεν εἴδω- 
4 λον θρασυμέμνονος ἐγ- 


0 15 


53 ἀφνειὸν MS., Stobaeus, Apostolius: corr. K. 


Flor. 103. 2, but not in 98. 26. 


χεσπάλου Πορθανίδα . 


55 πάντα Ὑ] Stob. omits Ὑ in 


56 καὶ μάν add. K.: καὶ γάρ Jurenka: δῦναι 


Weil, Wilam. (cp. n. on 58).---ἐρειψιπύλαν}] In the Ms. the second E has been trans- 


fixed, perhaps by the first hand. 


58 δῦναι Palmer: πατρὸς Weil: φῆμαι Wilam. 


Olympia and Delphi; (2) wealth, ddveov 
βιοτάν, combined with prosperous fortune. 
Hieron had now (in 476) been ruler of 
Syracuse since 478; his position was a 
splendid one, and he had met with no 
reverse: this is ἐπίζαλος τύχα. But no 
mortal is πάντα γ᾽ εὐδαίμων : and Hieron 
had weak health. The illness mentioned 
by Aelian (see n. on III. 71) seems to 
have occurred early in his life. He 
suffered from an internal disease (λιθιῶν, 
Plut. dor. 403 C: cp. schol. Pind. O. 
1.1, P. 1. 80, 111. 1). A strain of allusion 
to his malady appears in Pindar’s third 
Pythian (circ. 476—5 B.C.?), vv. 1—8, 
and especially 80—g2, where the Theban 
poet, like the Cean here, dwells on the 
blending of glory with suffering in Hieron’s 
lot. In Pyth. 1. 52—55 (474 B.C.) a 
parallel is implied between Hieron and 
Philoctetes, the warrior ἀσθενεῖ σὺν χρωτὶ 
βαίνων. See also above, 1Π. 85 (n.). 


The general sentiment of this passage 
has a close parallel in Pind. /. Iv. 12 ff. : 
δύο δέ τοι ζωᾶς ἄωτον μοῦνα ποιμαίνοντι 
τὸν ἄλπνιστον εὐανθεῖ σὺν ὄλβῳ, | εἴ τις εὖ 
πάσχων λόγον ἐσλὸν ἀκούσῃ" | μὴ μάτευε 
Leis γενέσθαι" πάντ᾽ ἔχεις, | εἴ σε τούτων 
μοῖρ᾽ ἐφίκοιτο καλῶν. 

56 καὶ μάν, ‘and verily’: as in XII. 
182. This formula implies that the myth 
illustrates and confirms the general truth 
just stated. καὶ μήν often introduces 
some new consideration, in support of a 
view which has already been urged (6. ν΄. 
Dem. or. 21 ὃ 56 καὶ μὴν ἴστε ye τοῦτ᾽ 
ἕτι: cp. Isocr. or. 4 ὃ 185). So, in drama, 
καὶ μήν announces a new comer on the 
scene (e.g., Soph. Az. 1168). Pindar has 
καὶ μάν in P. Iv. 289, WV. II. 13, εἴς. 

It is, however, difficult to choose here 
between kal μάν and kal γάρ. In favour 
of the latter, it may be noted that Pindar 
has kal γάρ ποτε in O. VII. 27, and M. VI. 


v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 277 


has granted a portion of honours, and a life of opulence, with 
enviable fortune : for no mortal man is blest in all things. 


And verily they tell how he who broke down the gates 
of cities, the unconquered son of Zeus, lord of the bright 
thunderbolt, descended of old to the house of Persephone with 
slender ankles, that he might bring up from Hades to the 
sunlight the hound with jagged teeth, offspring of unapproach- 
able Echidna. 

There, by the waters of Cocytus, he perceived the souls 
of hapless mortals, countless as leaves quivering in the wind, 
where flocks graze on the gleaming headlands of Ida. And 
well seen among them was the shade of the bold-hearted 
warrior, the spear-shaker, sprung from Porthaon. - 


69 ἐγ-] EN A: γ written above N by A®, 70 ΠΟΡΘΑΝΙ͂ ΔΑ A: o has 
been added above, between the first A and N (by A??).—The short mark above I, 
which at first sight seems to denote a long syllable, is like that on the « of éixrirwy in 


ΠΙ. 46 and on the second ε of ἐπιχθονίοις in v. 96. 


In all three places it may have 


been meant for™: in v. 96, indeed, it shows a slight curve. 


35, as a preface to mythical allusions. 
The fact that here οὐ yap τις comes just 
before, is a slight objection, but by no 
means decisive: iteration of γάρ is 
common. καὶ γάρ, as distinguished from 
Kal μάν, would assert more directly the 
logical connexion between the maxim 
and the myth. On the whole, I prefer 
καὶ μάν, because (1) it rather implies than 
asserts such connexion ; and (2) is, partly 
on that account, more impressive. 

The γνώμη links proem to myth by 
the thought, ‘even the most famous and 
prosperous mortal is not happy in all 
things.’ Heracles had won great glory, 
but also endured great trials. Meleager 
is an example of fame and valour pre- 
maturely struck down by fate. 

ἐρειψιπύλαν : Heracles took the Troy 
of Laomedon; also Oechalia, and Pylus 
(71. 11. 689 f.). Cp. Aesch. 7h. 880 f. 
δωμάτων ἐρειψίτοιχοι. 

59 τανισφύρου: cp. III. bon. 

60—62 καρχαρόδοντα: a general 
epithet for dogs in Homer (Z/. 13. 198). 
Heracles speaks of his descent to Hades 
as the crowning ἄθλος laid on him by 
Eurystheus (Od. 11. 623—6). 11. 8. 368 
ἐξ épéBevs ἄξοντα κύνα στυγεροῦ ’Atdao.— 
vidv..’ Ἐἰχίδνας, as in Hes. 7%. 310 (the 
father being Typhaon), Soph. 77. 1099: 
but in O. C. 1574 he is the son of 
Tartarus and Earth. 

64 ἐδάη here=Zéuafe in the sense of 
‘perceived.’ Similar, though not identical, 


is the use of the word in Pind. fr. 166, 
ἀνδροδάμαντα δ᾽ ἐπεὶ Pipes δάεν ῥιπὰν 
μελιαδέος οἴνου, ‘perceived’ (2.56. ‘ felt’) 
the impulse. 

65 old te: fc. ψυχὰς ἐδάη. (τοιαύτας) 
οἷά τε PUAN ἄνεμος δονεῖ, Ξε οἷά τε φύλλα 
ἐστὶν ἃ ἄνεμος δονεῖ. The use of οἷά τε 
for the simple ofa suits the epic manner. 
71. 2. 468 μυρίοι, ὅσσα τε φύλλα καὶ ἄνθεα 
γίγνεται ὥρῃ. For the simile, cp. also 
Ap. Rhod. Iv. 216: Virg. Aen. VI. 309 f. 
(of the departed spirits), Quam multa in 
silvis autumni frigore primo Lapsa cadunt 
folia. Seneca Ved. 600. Milton P. Z. 1. 
301 ff. 

67 πρῶνας ἀργηστάς, 
‘gleaming’ in the sunlight. ἀργηστής 
(from ἀργής, ἀργήεις, ‘shining,’ esp. 
‘white’) occurs as an epithet of foam 
(Aesch. 7%. 60), of a serpent (26. 181), 
and of swans (Theocr. xxv. 131). The 
use of it here may have been suggested 
by //. 16. 297 (when ‘Zeus removes a 
thick cloud from the summit of a great 
mountain’), ἔκ τ᾽ ἔφανεν πᾶσαι σκοπιαὶ 
καὶ πρώονες ἄκροι | καὶ νάπαι. 

Marlowe, speaking of a great host, 
says,—‘ Jn number more than are the 
quivering leaves Of Ida’s forest’ (Tam- 
burlaine pt 2, UI. 8. 3, quoted by 
Headlam). δι 

69 f. θρασυμέμνονος, of a brave spirit: 
epithet of Heracles in //. 5. 639, Od. τι. 
267. The -μέμνων is usu. referred to 
μένῳ (‘bravely steadfast’), but may better 


headlands 


΄ 


ant. 2, 


BAKXYAIAOY [ν 


ι τὸν δ᾽ ὡς ἴδεν ᾿Αλκμήνιος θαυμαστὸς ἥρως 


2 τεύχεσι λαμπόμενον, 
3 veupav ἐπέβασε λιγυκλαγγῆ κορώνας, 
4 χαλκεόκρανον δ᾽ ἔπειτ᾽ ἐξ- 


75 5 


εἴλετο (Ff γιὸν ava- 


4 / ~ ~ > > ’ὔ 
ὁπτύξας φαρέτρας πῶμα" τῷ δ᾽ ἐναντία 


τψυχὰ προφάνη Μελεάγρου 


8 καί νιν εὖ εἰδὼς προσεῖπεν" 


9 υἱὲ Διὸς μεγάλου, 
στάθί 7 ἐν χώρᾳ, γελανώσας τε θυμόν 


80 τὸ 


she oh 
στρ. γ. τμὴ ταὕσιον προΐει 


2 τραχὺν ἐκ χειρῶν ὀϊστὸν 
Ξψυχαῖσιν ἔπι φθιμένων᾽ 


+ οὔτοι δέος. 
85 -᾿Αμφιτρνωνιάδας, 


ὥς φάτο᾽ θάμβησεν δ᾽ ἀναξ 


Φ- » ΄, 3 ΄ 
6 εἶἷπέν τε' τίς ἀθανάτων 
γ ἢ Puathad τοιοῦτον ἔρνος 
la > ’ ’ 
8 θρέψεν ἐν ποίᾳ χθονί; 
ο τίς δ᾽ ἔκτανεν ; ἢ τάχα καλλίζωνος Ἥρα 


00 τὸ 


71 AAKMHIOC μΜμ8. : corr. K. 


κεῖνον ep ἁμετέρᾳ 


75 ξ. The MS. divides the verses wrongly, as in 


be connected with μέμαα, μένος (cp. 
᾿Αγαμέμνων).--ἐγχεσπάλον : epithet of 
warriors in the //zad (2. 131 etc.). 

Tlop8avi8a. Meleager was the son of 
Oeneus, and grandson of Porthaon, king 
of Pleuron and Calydon. See the stemma 
of the mythical genealogy in the Ap- 
pendix. Πορθανίδης is from Πορθάν, a 
compressed form of Πορθάων, as ᾿Αλκμάν 
(Pind. P. vit. 46) of "AAkudwv. The cor- 
rector of the Ms. wished to read [lop8ao- 
vi8a, which would be possible, with a 
synizesis of ao: but Πορθανίδα i is confirmed 
by the analogy of ᾿Αλκμανιδᾶν in Pind. 
P. vil. 2. 

ΕἾΝ ᾿Αλκμήνιος, son of Alcmena: cp. 

12 f. ᾿Αριστομένειον. .τέκος : 7]. τι. 
562 Τελαμώνιον υἱόν : Aesch. P. V. 7o 
᾿Ινάχειον σπέρμα : ee O. T. 267 τῷ 
Λαβδακείῳ παιδί. 

78 νευρὰν. .λιγυκλα He drew 
the bow-string taut, so that it gave a 
ringing sound at the sate Cp. Od. 21. 
410 f. (Odysseus proving his bow- -string, 
after stringing his bow): δεξιτερῇ δ᾽ dpa 


χειρὶ λαβὼν πειρήσατο νευρῆς᾽ ἡ δ᾽ ὑπὸ 
καλὸν ἄεισε, χελιδόνι Εεικέλη αὐδήν. 

κορώνας, the tip of the bow. A notch 
or hook in this received the loop of the 
string when the bow was strung. At the 
other end the string must have been 
fastened, either in a like way, or by 
being passed through a hole in the κέρας. 
Only the tip at the upper end of a bow 
seems to have been called κορώνη : that 
on the bow of Pandarus was gilt (77. 
4; 30%): 

75 f. ἐξείλετο lov. The hiatus indicates 
that the poet attributed Ff to ἰός, arrow. 
This ἰός (the Sanskrit zshas, Curt. Ztym. 
8 616) occurs in Jad, Odyssey, and 
Homeric hymns, but never takes £ See 
(e.g) ZZ 4. 116, the source of this 
passage: αὐτὰρ ὁ σύλα πῶμα papérpys, 
ἐκ δ᾽ ἕλετ᾽ ἰόν. But ἰός, poison (Skt 
visham, Lat. virus, Curt. § 591), had Ff. 
So also had ἴον, viola. The similarity of 
form between these words might easily 
lead to the false digamma which we find 
here; though the mistake shows that the 


v] ETTINIKOI 


279 

But when the wondrous hero, Alcmena’s son, beheld him epode 2. 
shining in armour, he drew the shrill bow-string to the horn 
of his bow; then he raised the lid of his quiver, and took 
out a bronze-tipped arrow. But the spirit of Meleager came 
and stood before his face, and spake unto him, for he knew 
him well: ‘Son of great Zeus, stay where thou art, and calm 
thy soul, 


and speed not vainly from thy hand a fierce shaft against the 
souls of the dead. There is no cause to fear.’ 

So spake he; but the princely son of Amphitryon marvelled, 
and said: ‘Who among immortals or among men, and in what 
land, was the parent of an offspring so glorious? And who 
was his slayer? Soon will fair-girdled Hera send that man 


epode αἴ (35 f.) and epode γ΄ (115 f.): corr. K. 78 ILPOCEEITIEN ms. : 


str. 3. 


corr. Κ᾿ 


80 re] The first hand wrote A instead of T, but corrected it. 


poet had not very closely observed his 
epic model.—Cp. XVI. 131n. 

78 εἰδὼς after ψυχά, constr. κατὰ 
σύνεσιν: Od. τι. go ἦλθε δ᾽ ἐπὶ ψυχὴ 
Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο, | χρύσεον σκῆπτρον 
ἔχων: 16. 476 ἱερὴ ts Τηλεμάχοιο | ἐς 
πατέρ ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἰδών: Tl. 11. 690 
ἐλθὼν γὰρ ἐκάκωσε βίη Ἡρακληείη. 

80 ἐν χώρᾳ, -- Πεῖε thou art. Xen. 
H. τν. 2 ὃ 20 ἐν χώρᾳ ἔπιπτον (at their 
post). Thuc. IV. 26 81 τὸ στρατόπεδον... 
κατὰ χώραν ἔμενεν. 

νώσας. γελανόω occurs nowhere 
else: but Pind. O. v. 2 has καρδίᾳ 
γελανεῖ (and P. IV. 121 θυμῷ γ.), ‘cheerful.’ 
γελάω and γαλήνη show respectively the 
stronger and the weaker form (yeX-, γαλ-) 
of a common root, expressing the idea of 
‘bright’ or ‘clear’: cp. γάλα, and Lat. gel. 

The primary sense of γελᾶν was 
* smiling,’ not ‘laughing,’-—as appears in 
the figurative uses (e.g. κυμάτων | ἀνήριθ- 
pov γέλασμα, Aesch. P. V. go). Thus 
γελανόω, to make γελανής, might well 
mean, ‘to ¢ranguiillize’; and it is needless 
to conjecture γαλανώσας. [The extant 
verbs from γαλην- are γαληνίζω (trans. in 
Hippocr. and Eur., intrans. in Arist.), 
γαληνιάω, and γαληνιάζω (intrans.)] 

81 ταὔσιον, ‘vain.’ This Doric form 
occurs also in a corrupt fr. of Alcman, 
no. 92. Cp. Od. 3. 316 rniioiny ὁδὸν 
ἔλθῃς. Theocr. ΧΧΥ. 230 Tniiciws. The 
deriv. is unknown: but the theory which 
connects it with rai’s, ‘ big’ (through the 
notion, ‘too big to be practicable’), takes 
some colour from Hom. hymn. Apoll. 
2. 36 εἴ δέ τι τηὔσιον ἔπος ἔσσεται, ἠέ τι 


ἔργον, where the sense is ‘rash’ (as 
ὕβρις in the next v. indicates): cp. μέγ᾽... 
ἔπος (Soph. Az. 128). 

82 τραχὺν, ‘fierce’; properly, ‘rough,” 
‘harsh,’ like war and the warrior’s spirit ; 
cp. Pind. P. 1. tof. “Apys, τραχεῖαν. 
ἄνευθε λιπὼν | ἐγχέων ἀκμάν. 

88 Ψψυχαῖσιν ἔπι φθιμένων. For this 
sense of ἐπί with dat., denoting hostile 
movement, cp. go; 133: it is frequent in 
poetry, from the Homeric ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοισιν 
ἰόντες (71. 3. 15 etc.) onwards. 

84 Σοὔτοι δέος, as we say, ‘there is no 
fear’ (2.6. cause for it). The phrase is 
Homeric, //. 1. 515, ἐπεὶ οὔ τοι ἔπι δέος : 
only that there τοι τε σοι (Zeus). Cp. 11. 
12. 246 σοὶ δ᾽ οὐ δέος ἔστ᾽ ἀπολέσθαι.--- 


Here it seems better to write οὔτοι than . 


to take οὔ τοι as=od σοι. 

86- 88 τίς... ἐν ποίᾳ χθονί; Cp. 
XV. 31: Od. τ. 170 τίς πόθεν εἷς ἀνδρῶν ; 
—tpvos, like θάλος and ὄζος: Pind. MV. 
vi. 64 ἔρνεσι Λατοῦς (Apollo and Ar- 
temis): JZ. II. 62 f. MeNioow.. | ἔρνεϊ 
Τελεσιάδᾳ: and so in Tragedy. In 
Homer a youth or maiden is sometimes 
compared to an ἔρνος (//. 18. 56 etc.), but 
is not called so. 

89 f. τίς δ᾽ ἔκτανεν ; Heracles assumes 
that the slayer of Meleager was some 
great warrior (κεῖνον, v. 90), whom Hera 
will next send against himself. He is 
presently to learn (136 ff.) that the death 
of Meleager was the work of Althaea. 
The touch of poetical art given by κεῖνον 
is like that of Sophocles in the Antigone 
(v. 248), when Creon, never dreaming 
that the breaker of his edict is a woman, 


BAKXYAIAOY [v 


280 
x πέμψει κεφαλᾷ: τὰ δέ που 
Col.9 1. Παλλάδι ξανθᾷ μέλει. 


13 τὸν δὲ προσέφα Μελέαγρος 
14 δακρυόεις" χαλεπὸν 


95 15 


lal la 4 
θεῶν παρατρέψαι νόον 


ἄντ. γ΄. τ ἄνδρεσσιν ἐπιχθονίοις. 
2 καὶ γὰρ ἂν πλάξιππος Οἰνεὺς 


Ioo 


ao un » ὦ 


παῦσεν καλυκοστεφάνου 
“A / > ’ὔ 4 
σεμνᾶς χόλον ᾿Αρτέμιδος λευκωλένου 
λισσόμενος πολέων 
a Ν 
T αἰγῶν θυσίαισι πατὴρ 


\ - ΄ 4 
7Kat βοῶν φοινικονώτων 


8 ἀλλ᾽ ἀνίκατον θεὰ 


ο ἔσχεν χόλον εὐρυβίαν δ᾽ ἔσσευε κούρα 


105 10 


κάπρον ἀναιδομάχαν 


τ ἐς καλλίχορον Καλυδῶ.- 
2 ν᾽, ἔνθα πλημύρων σθένει 
13 ὄρχους ἐπέκειρεν ὀδόντι, 


4 σφάζε τε μῆλα, βροτῶν 


106 ἐς Paimer: OC ms. The rough breathing may be due to A’. 


ΜΥΡΩΝ ms. 


107 ITAH- 


asks, τί φής; τίς ἀνδρῶν jv ὁ τολμήσας 
τάδε; 

91 κεφαλᾷ, ‘my life’: cp. 74. 17. 242 
ἐμῇ κεφαλῇ περιδείδια : Od. 2. 237 παρθέ- 
μενοι κεφαλάς (= ψυχὰς παρθέμενοι, 3.74): 
Soph. O. Ο. 564 ἤθλησα κινδυνεύματ᾽ ἐν 
τὠμῷ κάρᾳ (at the risk of my life), In 
other places, where the thought of 
danger is not present, κεφαλή is merely 
an emphatic ‘self,’ as in 71. 18. 82 τὸν 
ἐγὼ περὶ πάντων τῖον ἑταίρων, ἶσον ἐμῇ 
κεφαλῇ. So Pind. O. VI. 60 αἰτέων..τιμάν 
τιν᾽ ἑᾷ kepada (‘to crown him’): QO, VII. 
67 f. ἐᾷ κεφαλᾷ | .. γέρας ἔσσεσθαι. 

92 Παλλάδι, the hero’s guardian- 
goddess, who in //. 8. 363 says of him, 
τειρόμενον σώεσκον ὑπ᾽ Εἰὐρυσθῆος ἀέθλων. 
Speaking in Od. 11. 626 of his descent to 
Hades, Heracles says, Ἑρμείας δέ μ᾽ 
ἔπεμψεν ἰδὲ γλαυκῶπις ᾿Αθήνη. She often 
appears as his protrectress on Attic 
black-figured vases, and in other works 
of ancient art. Cp. Soph. 77. 1031, 
where he invokes her in his agony. 


94 f. χαλεπὸν κιτ.λ. The inflexibility 
of fate is illustrated by that purpose of 
Heracles which is declared at the end of 
the myth (v. 169),—to wed Deianeira. 
Cp. XV. 23 τότ᾽ ἄμαχος δαίμων | Δαϊανείρᾳ 
πολύδακρυν bpave | μῆτιν.--- θεῶν : for the 
synizesis cp. 50. 

97 πλάξιππος: Homeric epithet of 
Pelops (Z/. 2. 104), and other heroes. 
Cp. 77. 9. 581 ἱππηλάτα Oiveds. 

98 f. καλυκοστεφάνου, ‘crowned with 
flower-buds’ (epithet in x. 108 of the 
Proetides). Plutarch A/or. 993 E quotes 
an unnamed poet, who spoke of Ἥλιος 
as ἐπιστέψας κάλυκος στεφάνοισιν Ὥρας. 
Artemis was a goddess of vegetation and 
fertility (Callim. hymn. Dian. 125 ff.: 
Anthol. Pal. 6. 157, 267: Catullus 


4-17). 

Of the three epithets here given to 
Artemis, καλυκοστεφάνου denotes a con- 
ventional attribute; σεμνᾶς, divine rank; 
and λευκωλένου, a personal quality. A 
parallel series is that in ΧΙ. 194 f., 


v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


281 


to take my life; but golden-haired Pallas, I ween, is watchful 


against that.’ 


And to him spake Meleager with tears: ‘It is hard for 
mortal men to turn aside the purpose of the gods: 


else would my father, horse-smiting Oeneus, have appeased the ant. 3. 


wrath of Artemis crowned with flower-buds, the majestic, the 
white-armed, when he entreated her with sacrifices of many 


goats and red-backed oxen. 


‘But the maiden goddess had conceived anger that could 
not be overcome; and she sped a wild boar, of vast might, a 
ruthless foe, into the fair lawns of Calydon; where, in the flood- 
tide of his strength, he ravaged the vine-rows with his tusks, 
and slew the sheep, and every mortal ; 


Xpucdpuaros | σεμνὰ μεγάθυμος ᾿Αθάνα. 
(Cp. also xvi. 109 f. σεμνὰν.. βοῶπιν.. 
᾿Αμφιτρίταν.) 

100 πολέων, fem. The epic πολέες, 
πολέων, πολέσι, πολέας are always masc. 
in Homer and Hesiod (though πουλὺν ἐφ᾽ 
ὑγρήν occurs in 71. το. 27, etc.). But 
Callimachus has πολέας δ᾽ ἐπελέξατο 
νύμφας (Hymn. Dian. 42), and πολέες σε 
περιτροχόωσιν ἀοιδαί (Hymn. Del. 28). 

102 φοινικονώτων. Cp. X. 105 (βοῦς) 
φοινικότριχας : Pind. P. iv. 265 φοίνισσα 
δὲ Gpnikiwy ἀγέλα ταύρων (a ‘ red’ herd). 
In //. 23. 454 φοῖνιξ (ir7os) is chestnut, 
or perhaps light bay. 

104 ἔσχεν, ‘had conceived’ (aor.). 
It is only the context which shows the 
sense, as the word could also mean 
‘restrained’ (Od. 5. 451 ἔσχε δὲ κῦμα).--- 
Oeneus had failed to offer harvest first- 
fruits (θαλύσια) to Artemis (71. 9. 534). 

105 ἀναιδομάχαν (only here), ruthless 
in fight. Several of B.’s new words have 
this scansion, as ἀδεισιβόας (V. 155), 
depoiuaxos (XII. 100), drapBoudxas (XV. 
28) 


106 f. καλλίχορον, ‘with its fair 
lawns,’ or dancing-grounds. It is applied 
to Olympia (xX. 32); to the Phocian 
Panopeus (Od. 11. 581), Athens (Eur. 
Her. 359), Thebes (Hom. hymn. 15. 2). 
It is not merely a topographical epithet, 
but one which suggests the civic life and 
festivals. Thus Simonides (fr. 164, 2) 
calls Apollo Λητοίδην ἀγορῆς καλλιχόρου 
πρύτανιν. Here it depicts a city at peace, 
with fair lawns around it. There is no 
reason to suppose that it is (incorrectly) 
used in the sense of kadAlywpos: see 
ia’ πρρετ 


αλυδῶν᾽. The site of Calydon was 


identified by Leake, doubtless rightly, 
with a place called Kurt-ag4, a little to 
the west of the river Evenus (the Fidharz). 
The town stood on the lowest slopes of 
Mt Aracynthus (now Zygos), the range 
from which the coast plain of Aetolia 
stretches to the sea. This accounts for 
the Homeric epithets of Calydon (Z/. 2. 
640 πετρήεσσαν, 13. 217 αἰπεινῇ), though 
its actual position was not lofty. The 
territory of Calydon, in the plain between 
Aracynthus and the marshy seaboard, 
was fertile (Strabo p. 450 τῆς μεσογαίας... 
εὐκάρπου Te καὶ πεδιάδος). Cp. 71. 9. 577 
πιότατον πεδίον Καλυδῶνος ἐραννῆς. 

107 πλημύρων. I retain the spelling 
of the papyrus: good Mss. have the form 
with a single μα in Hippocr. De sacro 
morb. vol. 1. p. 604 (ed. Kiihn) πλημυρεῖν, 
and De Diaet. Acut. 11. p. 60 πλημυρίδα. 
The same spelling appears in Archilochus 
fr. 97 (as quoted by Eustath. Od. 1597, 
28) ἐπλήμυρον. In Od. 9. 486 πλημυρίς 
too has the best Ms. authority. If the 
word was formed directly, as Buttmann 
held, from the root πλε (πίμπλημι), the 
single « would be right: while the old 
deriv. from πλήν and μύρω would account 
for the doubling of μ. 

108 ὄρχους, rows (of vines). Od. 
7. 127 παρὰ νείατον ὄρχον (the furthest 
row of vines). Xen. Oecon. 20 ὃ 3 οὐκ 
ὀρθῶς rods dpxous ἐφύτευσαν. 

109 odate τε μῆλα. Wilamowitz 
assumes that our poet’s ‘sheep’ were 
suggested by a confused reminiscence 
of Homer's ‘apples’: //. 9. 541 f. (the 
boar) χαμαὶ βάλε δένδρεα μακρὰ | αὐτῃσιν 
ῥίζησι καὶ αὐτοῖς ἄνθεσι μήλων. A wild boar 
(he says) would not attack sheep. Apollo- 
dorus (1. 8. 2, § 2) agrees with Bacchylides: 


BAKXYAIAOY [ν 


282 
ΕῚ 9 > ’ ΜΝ 
11015 θ᾽ ὅστις εἰσάνταν μόλοι. 
ἐπ. γ. ττῷ δὲ στυγερὰν δῆριν Ἑλλάνων ἄριστοι 
2 στασάμεθ᾽ ἐνδυκέως 
a ¥ , > Ν Ν ΄, 
3€€ ἅματα συνεχέως: ἐπεὶ δὲ δαίμων 
+ κάρτος Αἰτωλοῖς ὄρεξεν, 
115 s θάπτομεν ovs κατέπε- 
fal > ΄ 3 oh “3 
6 ῴνεν σῦς ἐριβρύχας ἐπαΐσσων βίᾳ, 
> ad > “ > 3 
7 Aykatov ἐμῶν τ᾽ ᾿Αγέλαον 
8. φίζέρτ]ατον κεδνῶν ἀδελφεῶν, 
9 οὖς τέϊκεν ἐν μεγάροις 
1201 πατρὸς ᾿Αλθαία περικἰλειτοῖσιν Οἰνέος" 
στρ. 3’. ττῶν δ᾽ ὦ]λεσε μοῖρ᾽ ὀλοὰ 


2 πλεῦνας" οὐ γάρ πω δαΐφρων 


118 CTNEXEQC] A second N has been added above the line by A’. 


115 f. τοὺς 


Ms., Blass?: ods K., Blass':—The Ms. divides these two verses wrongly (cp. 35 n.): 


μηνίσασα ἡ θεὸς κάπρον ἐφῆκεν ἔξοχον 
μεγέθει τε καὶ ῥώμῃ, ὃς τήν τε γῆν 
ἄσπορον ἐτίθει καὶ τὰ βοσκήματα καὶ 
τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας διέφθειρεν. This boar 
was ἃ δαιμόνιον τέρας, which destroyed 
all living things that came in its way. 

110 εἰσάνταν. While εἴσαντα is 
Homeric (//. 17. 334 etc.), εἰσάντην is 
not found. But ἄντην is epic no less 
than ἄντα, and εἰσάνταν is certainly the 
true reading here.—eloavt’ ἂν μόλοι could 
be explained only as an archaizing imita- 
tion of the Homeric ὅς xe with optative 
in such places as Od. 4. 600, δῶρον δ᾽ 
ὅττι κέ μοι δοίης, κειμήλιον ἔστω (‘whatever 
gift you might give me’); Od. 4. 222 
ἐπὴν Kpnrnpt μιγείη, ‘whenever it was 
mingled.’ In Attic the simple ὅστις μόλοι 
would be normal: while ὅστις ἂν μόλοι 
would be admissible only if ἄν were joined 
with μόλοι as a potential optative. 

111 Σ. δῆριν... στασάμεθ᾽, 71. 18. 533 
στησάμενοι δ᾽ ἐμάχοντο μάχην (‘se¢ their 
battle 272: array, and fought’). Her. 
VIl. 175 TH τε στήσονται τὸν πόλεμον. 80 
too the active, Od. 11. 314 φυλόπιδα 
στήσειν. Cp. also 7. 17. 158 ἀνδράσι 
δυσμενέεσσι πόνον καὶ δῆριν ἔθεντο. The 
phrase marks the gravity of the task. 

ἐνδυκέως (as again in v. 125), ‘strenuous- 
ly.” Hes. Scwt. 427 (of a lion rending a 
carcase), ὅς τε μάλ᾽ ἐνδυκέως ῥινὸν κρατεροῖς 
ὀνύχεσσι | σχίσσας κιτιλ. The sense is 
similar in Od. 14. 109, ἐνδυκέως κρέα τ᾽ 


ἤσθιε πῖνέ τε οἶνον (‘eagerly’). But in 
Od. 7. 256 ἐνδυκέως ἐφίλει τε καὶ ἔτρεφεν, 
the meaning is softened into ‘ carefully,’ 
‘sedulously.’. (The deriv. is uncertain: 
one theory connects the word with dox-, 
so that the primary sense would be 
‘ reputably.’) 

113 συνεχέως, with Ὁ. So 71. 12. 26 
συνεχές, ὄφρα κε θᾶσσον κ.τ.λ. : Od. 9. 74 
δύο τ᾿ ἤματα συνεχὲς αἰεί: Hes. Theog. 636 
συνεχέως ἐμάχοντο. The v has been ex- 
plained by the root σεχ- (guas? cvocexés) : 
and this is confirmed by the remarkable 
scansion in Od. 19. 113, θάλασσα δὲ 
παρέχῃ ἰχθῦς (guast παρσέχῃ). Cp. also 
Zi. 1. 51 βέλος ἐχεπευκές égeln.—The 
alternative would be to suppose that the 
v is merely a licence excused by the 
metrical ictus in arsis: cp. θύγατέρα 
(Zl. 5. 37), δυναμένοιο (Od. 1. 276), 
Πελοπίδης (Her. VII. 159, in a parody of 
Lhe F125), <ete. 

114 Αἰτωλοῖς, instead of a simple 
ἡμῖν, is in keeping with the diction of 
vv. 111 f.; this was the struggle of a 
whole people against a supernatural pest. 

115 θάπτομεν ods «.7.4. In his 
second edition Blass reads τοὺς (with the 
MS.), assuming that —-~ — is here substi- 
tuted for the -- ~~ which stands in all 
the corresponding verses (35, 75, 155; 
195). ‘This seems metrically impossible. 
The Ms. has many small errors like that 
of τοὺς for οὕς. 


v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


that crossed his path. 


‘Against him we, the flower of the Greeks, strenuously waged epode 3. 
grim fight for six days together. 


283 


And when the god gave the 


mastery to us Aetolians, we buried those whom the squealing 
boar had slain in his violent onset, even Ancaeus, and Agelaus, 
that bravest of my trusty brethren, whom Althaea bare in the 
far-famed house of my father Oeneus. 


‘But deadly fate destroyed more than these; for the fierce str. 4. 


corr. K. 


117 ᾿Αγέλαον K.: ATTEAON ms. 
ὥλεσε].. AECEN s.; the N transfixed (by A??). 


121 τῶν δ᾽ J.: νῦν δ᾽ Blass*.— 
122 πλεῦνας Housman, and 


others; (πλέονας Smyth): πάντας Ludwich, Blass?. 


116 cis épiBpixas, ‘the squealing 
boar.’ βρυχᾶσθαι usually means to ‘roar,’ 
‘bellow’; it is said (e.g.) of a lion, a 
bull, ora manin agony. Plutarch applies 
it to the ‘trumpeting’ of an elephant 
(2yrrh. 33). 

117 ᾿Αγκαῖον, Ξοη of Lycurgus, a hero 
of Tegea; named in the //iad (2. 609) as 
father of Agapenor, leader of the Ar- 
cadians. He was an Argonaut, and, in 
right of his great strength, sat with 
Heracles on the middle bench of the 
Argo (Apoll. Rh. 1. 531). The temple 
of Athena ᾿Αλέα at Tegea displayed on 
its pediment the Calydonian boar-hunt, 
by Scopas; who had represented ’Ayxaior, 
ἔχοντα ἤδη τραύματα καὶ ἀφέντα τὸν πέ- 
λεκὺυν (his characteristic weapon), sup- 
ported in the arms of his brother, the 
hero Epochus. (Paus. 8. 45 § 6.) 

*Ayé\aov: mentioned (as ᾿Αγέλεως) by 
Antoninus Liberalis (c. 150 A.D.) in his 
Μεταμορφώσεων συναγωγή, c. 2: who, 
however, describes him as slain in the 
later fight with the Curetes (125 f.), and 
not by the boar. Apollodorus (1. 8 § 1) 
does not name him. 

118 Ὁ the other sons of 
Oeneus and Althaea, acc. to Antoninus 
Liberalis (7. c.), were Toxeus, Clymenus, 
Phereus, Periphas; while Apollodorus 
(Δ c.)° omits Periphas, and substitutes 
Thyreus for Phereus: the last name may, 
indeed, have been merely an error or a 
variant. 

119 £. ods τέκεν.. ᾿Αλθαίαᾳ. Wila- 
mowitz would read ὃν (Gétt. gel. Anz. 
1898 Nr. 2, p. 130). But οὕς seems right. 
The brothers of Meleager who took part 
in the boar-hunt were all, like himself, 
sons of Oeneus and Althaea. After her 
death, Oeneus married Periboea, daughter 


of Hipponoos, who bore Tydeus (Apollod. 
1. 8 § 5: Diod. Iv. 35: Hygin. fad. 69). 
Thus the plural pronoun has a point. 

121 2. τῶν δ᾽... πλεῦνας : Fate slew 
others besides Ancaeus and Agelaus; for 
the wrath of Artemis was not yet ap- 
peased. (πλεῦνας is probably to be read 
in vil. 46. For ev from εο, cp. evra in 
111. 78.)—This suits the context better 
than νῦν δ᾽... .πάντας (cr. n.), 2.4. ‘ but, as 
it was, Fate slew them all’ (referring to 
ἀδελφεῶν). 

ὥλεσε.. ὀλοά: the tautology, so in- 
elegant in a modern view, was perhaps 
hardly felt, since the familiar phrase μοῖρ᾽ 
ὀλοά was almost equivalent to a single 
word. (μοῖρ᾽ ὀλοή //. 16. 849, 21. 83, 
κε Od: “2, 3005-3. 88, 19. 1248, 
24. 135.) A similar phenomenon occurs 
where the stress is on the first element of 
a compound adj., while the second is 
identical with the verb; ¢.g. Aesch. 7h. - 
552 πανώλεις.. .«ὀλοίατο : and in epithets of 
proper names, when the etymology of the 
name is not present to the poet’s mind ; 
e.g. Ll. 2. 758 Πρόθοος 806s: Soph. Az. 607 
ἀΐδηλον “ Acday. 

122 δαΐφρων, bent on strife, ‘fierce,’ 
as in 137. In this sense the word is 
usually referred to dats, ‘strife’ (ἐν dat 
λυγρῇ, 71. 13. 286). In the //iad, where 
it is an epithet of heroes, ‘ warlike’ is 
everywhere a suitable meaning, except in 
Zl. 24. 325, where, as applied to the 
charioteer Idaeus, ‘prudent’ would be 
fitter. As used in the Odyssey, where 
it seems always to mean ‘prudent’ or 
‘skilful,’ it is commonly referred to δαῆναι. 
Nitzsch would harmonize the divergent 
senses by supposing that the word always 
means ‘skilled’ or ‘wise’ (dajvat),— 
whether the ‘skill’ be that of the proved 


284 


BAKXYAIAOY [ν 


Lal 4 5 ᾽ὔὕ 
3 παῦσεν] χόλον ἀγροτέρα 


59901.10 ὺὔὺχ 
125 


Λατοῦς θυγάτηρ᾽ περὶ δ᾽ αἴθωνος δορᾶς 
5 μαρνάμεθ᾽ ἐνδυκέως 


~ /, 

6 Κουρῆσι μενεπτολέμοις᾽ 

Cae, lee ae r \ ¥ 
γ ἔνθ᾽ ἐγὼ πολλοῖς σὺν ἄλλοις 

ν ’ 

8. Ἴφικλον κατέκτανον 

> / NEA ΄ Ν ’ 3 Ν 
οἐσθλόν τ᾽ ᾿Αφάρητα, θοοὺς μάτρωας" οὐ γὰρ 


130 το 


καρτερόθυμος “Apns 


4 ’ 3 "4 
τι κρίνει φίλον ἐν πολέμῳ: 
2 τυφλὰ δ᾽ ἐκ χειρῶν βέλη 
3 ψυχαῖς ἔπι δυσμενέων φοι- 
4 τᾷ θάνατόν τε φέρει 

« 


135 15 


ἄντ. δ΄. 


τοῖσιν ἂν δαίμων θέλῃ" 


a > > > Ζ Ἶ 
rTQaUT οὐκ ἐπιλεξαμένα 


2 Θεστίου κούρα δαΐφρων 
: μάτηρ κακόποτμος ἐμοὶ 

’ὔ ¥ > 4 re 
+ βούλευσεν ὄλεθρον ἀτάρβακτος yuva: 


140 s Kale τε δαιδαλέας 


126 KOTPHICI A: the first I transfixed (by A’?). 


129 A®APHATA Ms.: the 


third A transfixed by the first hand. This points to a ὡᾧ. 1. ᾿Αφαρῆα (Herwerden).— 


warrior, or another. F. W. Allen (Amer. 

Journ. of Phil. τ. 133 ff.) would refer it in 
all cases to dats, ‘torch’ (daiw, to kindle); 
the warrior is ‘fiery’; Penelope is ‘ high- 
spirited.’ This last sense, however, does 
not suit the ‘skilled’ maker of the σφαῖρα 
in Od. 8. 373. 

123 ἀγροτέρα (ἄγρα). the huntress: 
Zl. 21. 470f. πότνια θηρῶν, | “Aprems 
adyporépn. Under this name she had a 
temple at Athens in the suburb” Aypaz, on 
high ground near the Ilissus. She is also 
ἐλαφηβόλος, ἐλλοφόνος, θηροκτόνος, loxé- 
αιρα. 

Cp. Paus. 4. 31 ὃ 7 Καλυδωνίοις ἡ 
ἔΑρτεμις, ταύτην γὰρ θεῶν μάλιστα ἔσεβον, 
ἐπίκλησιν εἶχε Λαφρία. This title (con- 
nected with λαβ-, λάφυρα) probably de- 
signated her as the goddess who gives 
the spoils of the chase. 

124 αἴθωνος δορᾶς, fulvae εἰς. 
αἴθων seems to denote colour (rather than 
‘fiery spirit’) in //. 2. 838 f. ἵπποι | αἴθωνες 
μεγάλοι : 15. 690 αἰετὸς alOwy: τό. 487 
ταῦρον αἴθωνα μεγάθυμον (a more 


doubtful case): Pind. O. ΧΙ. 20 αἴθων 
ἀλώπηξ.---Ορ. 7... 9. 548 (they fought) 
ἀμφὶ συὸς κεφαλῇ καὶ δέρματι λαχνήεντι. 

125 ἐνδυκέως: ΓΙ2Π. 

126 Κουρῆσι: schol. 7. 9. 529, 
Κουρῆτες τὸ ἐθνικόν, κούρητες δὲ οἱ νεανίαι 
[Z7. 19. 123 κούρητας ἀριστῆας Παναχαιῶν]. 
But the ethnic was often written Kov- 
pyres: the Mss. and edd. vary; see 
Roscher A/y¢h. τι. 1587. These Curetes 
(distinct from the hieratic Curetes of the 
Cretan Zeus-myth) appear in legend as a 
tribe living in Aetolia at Pleuron. That 
is what Bacchylides supposes here; for in 
149 Tol refers to them, and Pleuron is 
their city (151). A scholiast on 77. 9. 
529, Κουρῆτές τ᾽’ ἐμάχοντο καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ 
μενεχάρμαι, explains that Αἰτωλοί is there 
a more general term for Καλυδώνιοι : 
Aetolia, he says, was divided into two 
regions,—the Calydonian, ruled by 
Oeneus, and the Pleuronian (the seat 
of the Curetes), ruled by Thestius. The 
Curetes were afterwards driven westward 
into Acarnania (Strabo p. 464). 


v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 285 
goddess of the chase, Leto’s daughter, had not yet stayed her 
wrath; and we fought strenuously for the beast’s tawny hide 
with the Curetes steadfast in battle. 

‘There slew 1, among many others, Iphiclus and doughty 
Aphares, gallant brethren of my mother : for the vehement spirit 
of War discerns no kinsman in fight, but missiles go blindly from 
our hands against the lives of foemen, fraught with death for 
whom the god will. 


‘Reflecting not on this, the fierce daughter of Thestius, my 
ill-starred mother, a woman without fear, planned my destruc- 
tion. She lifted up a voice of wailing, and set about burning 


οὐ γὰρ] Omitted by A, added by A’. 134 θάνατον) ABANATON A, corr. Al. 


137 κούρα] KOPA Ms., corr. K. 


127 πολλοῖς σὺν ἄλλοις : whom he 
slew. The words, by picturing a méée, 
add point to vv. 129 ff., οὐ γὰρ... κρίνει 
κιτιλ. 

Ἴφικλον : for ἵ before κλ, cp. vil. 9 f. 
κἔϊκληται: XVI. 127 f. ἔκλαγεν with initial 
€. Iphiclus was said to have been the 
first to hit the boar. On this ground 
he and his brothers, the Thestiadae, 
claimed the carcase. Hence the war 
between the Curetes, to whom the Thes- 
tiadae belonged, and the Calydonians 
(Apollod. 1. 8. 2, § 2): cp. v. 124 ff. 

129 ᾿Αφάρητα, from’ Agdpns. Plut. 
Mor. 315 ¥ (Paraillela 40) Ἴδας ὁ ᾿Αφά- 
pnros. Cp. ᾿Αφαρητίδαι (Pind. VV. x. 65). 
᾿Αφαρεύς was the more usual form. No 
son of Thestius is elsewhere so called. 
The best-known Aphareus is a Messenian 
hero, son of Περιήρης and Τοργοφόνη 
(daughter of Perseus); Apollod. 1. 9. 5. 
Pindar’s Apharetidae are his sons, Idas 
and Lynceus; whom Ovid (27εΐ. 8. 304) 
calls duo Thestiadae, proles Aphareia: 
showing that he, at least, supposed their 
father to be this son of Thestius. The 
sons of Thestius, acc. to Apollod. 1. 7. 
1o, were Iphiclus, Euippus, Plexippus, 
Eurypylus. 

Homer (//. 9. 567) says of Althaea, 
πόλλ᾽ ἀχέουσ᾽ ἠρᾶτο κασιγνήτοιο φόνοιο, 
as if only one of her brothers had been 
slain. Since this contradicted the legend, 
Aristarchus and others wished to write 
κασιγνητοῖο (adj., ‘fraternal’). Apollo- 
dorus (1. 8. 2) says merely, ἐξελθόντος δὲ 
Μελεάγρου, καί τινας τῶν Θεστίου 
παίδων φονεύσαντος, ᾿Αλθαίαν ἀράσασθαι 
κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 

θοούς denotes ‘dash,’ the impetuous 


valour of the warrior, rather than the 
mere rush of war-chariot or horseman: 
Ll. 5. 536, θοὸς ἔσκε μετὰ πρώτοισι μά- 
χεσθαι: 2b. 571 Boos περ ἐὼν πολεμιστής : 
13. 477 βοῇ θοόν. 

131 φίλον, a ‘friend,’ meaning here 
akinsman. Meleager’s uncles were now 
fighting against him, on the side of the 
Curetes (cp. 127 n.), as δυσμενέων (133) 
indicates. But τυφλὰ (132) implies that, 
even so, he would not wittingly have 
slain a Thestiad. 

133 ψυχαῖς ἔπι : for the prep. cf. 83 n. 

136 ἐπιλεξαμένα = λογισαμένη, an 
Ionic phrase; Her. 1. 78, etc. 

137 δαΐφρων, ‘fierce,’ as in 122 (n.). 
Phrynichus called her aivas, κακομηχάνου 
(n. on 142). 

139 ἀτάρβακτος : Pind. ?. Iv. 84 
γνώμας ἀταρβάκτοιοτεἀταρβάτου: where 
Hermann proposed ἀταρμύκτοιο (Hesych. 
ταρμύξασθαι, φοβηθῆναι). 

140—142 The construction καῖε 
φιτρὸν ἐκ λάρνακος is harshly compressed, 
but not impossible. I should not retain 
ἀγκλαύσασα (my correction of the Ms. 
ἐγκλαύσασα), if any satisfactory emen- 
dation could be found which would supply 
a participle in the sense of ‘ having taken 
out.’ The least unsatisfactory would 
be ἐκλύσασα (ἐγλύσασα, Wilamowitz) : 
‘having released’ the brand from the 
chest, by undoing the fastenings of the 
latter. But this is not likely to have 
become ἐγκλαύσασα. The same may be 
said of ἑλκύσασα (Housman), which is 
also metrically dubious, since the ὕ 
answers to a syllable which is long in 
7, 22, 47, 62, 102, 127, 167, 182, and 
anceps only in 87 (the rot- of τοιοῦτον). 


ant. 4. 


BAKXYAIAOY [ν 


τύχον μὲν 


286 
> 4 > 4 
6 ἐκ λάρνακος ὠκύμορον 
Ν 5 ’ Ν \ 
> φιτρὸν ἀγκλαύσασα, τὸν δὴ 
8 μοῖρ᾽ ἐπέκλωσεν τότε 
9 ζωᾶς ὅρον ἁμετέρας ἔμμεν. 
14510 Δαϊπύλον Κλύμενον 
“ον ὦ > , 
τι παῖὸ ἄλκιμον ἐξεναρί- 
12 ζων ἀμώμητον δέμας, 
13 πύργων προπάροιθε κιχήσας᾽" 
4 ToL δὲ πρὸς εὐκτιμέναν 
15015 φεῦγον ἀρχαίαν πόλιν 
ἐπ. δ΄. 


: Πλευρῶνα: μινύνθη δέ μοι ψυχὰ γλυκεῖα, 


a > 5 ’ Γ- 
2 γνῶν δ᾽ ὀλιγοσθενέων 
>A, , x ΄ ΄ , 
3. αἰαῖ πύματον δὲ πνέων δάκρυσα τλάμων 
+ ἀγλαὰν ἥβαν προλείπων. 


142 ἘΓΚΛΑΥΟΛΟΑ Ms.: ἀγκλαύσασα J.: 


ἐκκλάσασα or ἐγλύσασα (-Ξ:ἐκλύσασα) 


Wilamowitz: ἐγκλᾷσασα or ἐγκλάξασα Tyrrell: ἑλκύσασα Housman: ἐγκαύσασα Festa 


Tyrrell’s ἐγκλάσασα is excellent as an 
explanation of the Ms. reading, and 
gives a possible, though somewhat in- 
volved, sense (she burned the bea 
‘which she had formerly locked up’ ; 

λύει πεδήσας in Soph. Ai. 676): but tt 
leaves the construction καῖε ἐκ λάρνακος 
unmitigated. ἐκκλάσασα (Wilamowitz) 
would mean ‘having shut out’ (not 
‘having unlocked’). 

Weir Smyth defends ἐγκλαύσασα 
(though ἐγκλαίω is otherwise unknown), 
as meaning that ‘she shed tears over the 
brand’ when she drew it from the chest. 
In this sense, however, we should rather 
expect ἐπικλαίω (used with a dative by 
Nonnus 30. 114). éyxAalew, were it used, 
would be rather to weep a¢ something, 
z.g. κακοῖς. (In Aesch. 4g. 541 ἐνδα- 
κρύειν ὄμμασιν is strictly ‘to have tears 
in the eyes’.) 

ϑαιδαλέας, curiously carved: Simon. 
fr. 37. 1 Adpvaxt...€v δαιδαλέᾳ. 

φιτρόν: Homer does not mention Al- 
thaea’s brand, but only the curse which 
she invoked on Meleager (//. 9. 567). 
But the brand was probably a very old 
element in the story,—older, it may be, 
than the epic sources used by the Homeric 
poet of the Πρεσβείαᾳ. Phrynichus, says 
Pausanias (10. 31, ὃ 4), was the first to 
mention it ἐν δράματι: the. drama was 
his Πλευρώνιαι (fr. 6, Nauck*®, p. 721): 


κρυερὸν γὰρ οὐκ | ἤλυξεν μόρον, ὠκεῖα δέ 
νιν φλὸξ karedalcaro | δαλοῦ περθομένου 
ματρὸς ὑπ᾽ αἰνᾶς κακομαχάνου. That play 
was probably earlier than the date of this 
ode (476 B.c.). Cp. Aesch. Ch. 604 ff.— 
See Appendix. 

143 f. ἐπέκλωσεν, ‘ordained’; here 
with acc. and inf., as in Aesch, Eum. 335 
τοῦτο γὰρ λάχος διανταία | μοῖρ᾽ ἐπέκλωσεν 
ἐμπέδως ἔχειν. ---τότε, of yore. Apollod. 
1. 8. 1 τούτου δὲ (Meleager) ὄντος ἡμερῶν 
ἑπτὰ παραγενομένας τὰς Μοίρας φασὶν 
εἰπεῖν" τότε τελευτήσει Μελέαγρος, ὅταν 
ὁ καιόμενος ἐπὶ τῆς ἐσχάρας. δαλὸς κατακαῇ. 
τοῦτο ἀκούσασα τὸν δαλὸν ἀνείλετο ᾿Αλθαία 
καὶ κατέθετο εἰς λάρνακα. 

ζωᾶς ὅρον dperépas: the limit or canon, 
the ‘measure’ of his life. Cp. Dion 
Chrysost. or. 67 § 7 (Μελεάγρῳ) δαλόν τινα 
λέγουσι ταμιεύειν τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον. 
Aesch. Ch. 607 ff. (Althaea) καταίθουσα 
παιδὸς Sapowdy δαλὸν ἥλικ᾽ ἐπεὶ 
μολὼν | ματρόθεν κελάδησεν, | ξύμμετρόν 
τε διαὶ βίου | μοιρόκραντον ἐς ἄμαρ. 

145 Δαϊπύλου Κλύμενον, one of the 
Curetes, otherwise unknown. The name 
Κλύμενος, a frequent one, was also borne 
by one of Meleager’s brothers (117 n.). 

146f. ἐξεναρίζων. The ἐξαναρίζων of 
the Ms. is a mere error: in no dialect 
would the ev- become ap-. 

148 πύργων προπάροιθε, before the 
battlemented walls of Pleuron, to which 


v] ETINIKOI 287 
the brand of speedy doom, taken from the carven chest,—the 
brand which fate had ordained of yore to be the measure of 
my life. 

‘It so befell that I was in the act of slaying Clymenus, the 
valiant son of Daipylus, a warrior of noble mien, whom I had 
overtaken in front of the walls,—for our foes were in flight to 
their ancient city of Pleuron ;— 


when the sweet life grew faint within me, and I knew that 
my strength was ebbing away. Ah me! and as I drew my 
latest breath, I wept, hapless one, at passing from my glorious 
youth.’ 


(with daze in 140), Desrousseaux (with εἷλε. 1465. ἐξεναρίζων] EZANAPIZOQN ms. 
151 MINTNOA Ms.: μινύνθα (=mrivOn) L. C. Purser: μίνυνθεν or μινύνθει Hous- 
man: μένυθεν Wilamowitz. 154 προλείπων K.: ΠΡΟΛΙΠΩΝ ms. 


the Curetes were being driven in flight 
from Calydon. 

149 ff. τοὶ δὲ... ova: a paren- 
thesis, explanatory of v. 148. Ancient 
Pleuron (ἡ παλαιά, Strabo p. 451) stood 
in the fertile μεσογαία of Aetolia, some 
seven or eight miles N.w.N. of Calydon. 
About 230 B.c. that site was deserted, 
and a new Pleuron (7 νεωτέρα) was 
founded more to the s. w., not far from 
the modern Mesolonghi. A schol. on 
Zl. 9. 529 describes the Κουρῆτες as 
οἱ τὴν Πλευρῶνα οἰκοῦντες, and Strabo 
(Ρ. 451) speaks of ἡ Κουρητική as ἡ αὐτὴ 
τῇ Πλευρωνίᾳ. He also mentions a moun- 
tain named Κούριον as πλησίον τῆς παλαιᾶς 
Πλευρῶνος. 
᾿.151 If plyuvOa δέ μοι, the reading of 
the Ms., be sound, we have here -- ~ ~ - 
where, in three of the other four epodes, 
we find --~-— (vv. 31, 71, 111). But 
the fifth epode has the same metrical 
peculiarity, if in v. 191 the Ms. τάδε 
be sound. Hence the case of μένυνθα is 
different from that of an isolated metrical 
anomaly like μινύθει in 111. go, or δεῦρ᾽ 
ἄθρησον νόῳ in Vv. 8. It is more like the 
case of Vv. 11 and 14, where the metrical 
peculiarity occurs also in the antistrophe 
(11=26, 14=29). That is, we have to 
ask :—Did the poet, in these last two 
epodes, deliberately modify the metre of 
the first verse? In order to judge of this 
question, the sense yielded by μίνυνθα 
must be considered. In 2. 1. 416 ἢ. 
Thetis says to Achilles: αἴϑ᾽ ὄφελες παρὰ 
νηυσὶν ἀδάκρυτος καὶ ἀπήμων | ἧσθαι, ἐπεί 
νύ τοι αἷσα μίνυνθά περ, οὔ τι μάλα 
δήν :—‘ seeing that thy lot [is] very brief’ 


(literally ‘is only for a little while’: cp. 
11. 4. 466 μίνυνθα δέ οἱ γένεθ᾽ ὁρμή, ‘his 
effort lasted only a little while’). In the 
Homeric ἐπεί νύ τοι αἶσα μίνυνθα, the use 
of the adverb with ἐστί understood is 
most unusual, if not unique: but the 
sense, at any rate, is clear. Now, if 
μίνυνθα be genuine in this verse of Bac- 
chylides, there is the same singularity, 
but in a far harsher form, since we have 
to supply, not ἐστί, but ἦν. And when 
ἦν has been supplied, what is the sense? 
‘My life was but for a short while.’ 
The meaning required, however, is: ‘grew 
feeble, —‘began to ebb away.’ 

The true reading may be μινύνθη. A 
scribe may have changed this to μινύνθα, 
wrongly supposing the latter to be the 
Doric form; as in Theocr. I. 7 the Mss. 
have ποιμάν. A reminiscence of the ady. 
μίνυνθα in 71. 1. 417 may have helped. 
In v. 191 τάδε is easily corrected to τᾷδε. 
—Cp. III. gon. 

152 ὀλιγοσθενέων : the verb is not 
found elsewhere (though the adj. occurs 
in schol. Oppian Hai. 1. 623). The poet 
may have felt that, in relation to the 
sufferer’s consciousness (yv@v), this word 
was fitter than the Homeric ὀλιγοδραν ων 
or ὀλιγηπελέων (Z/. 15. 24, 246 etc.), 
which are more objective.—yvev without 
augment: //. 4. 357, Hes. 7%. 551. 

Cp. Swinburne, Atalanta in Calydon, 
p- 88 (the dying Meleager speaks) :—‘ My 
heart is within me As an ash in the fire’... 
And the Semichorus, 26. p. 83: ‘He wastes 
as the embers quicken; With the brand 
he fades as a brand.’ 


154 ἀγλαὰν ἥβαν. 


Simon. fr. 105 


epode 4. 


288 


155 5 φασὶν ἀδεισιβόαν 
Col.ll 6 


BAKXYAIAOY [v 


᾿Αμφιτρύωνος παῖδα μοῦνον δὴ τότε 


7 τέγξαι βλέφαρον, ταλαπενθέος 
8 πότμον οἰκτίροντα φωτός. 
9 Kat νιν ἀμειβόμενος 


16010 ToL 


, 
στρ. €. 


eda’ θνατοῖσι μὴ φῦναι φέριστον, 


: μηδ᾽ ἀελίου προσιδεῖν 


2 φέγγος: ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ τίς ἐστιν 

3 πρᾶξις τάδε μυρομένοις, 

4 χρὴ κεῖνο λέγειν ὅ,τι καὶ μέλλει τελεῖν. 
165 ς ἢ ῥα τις ἐν μεγάροις 


6 Οἰνῆος ἀρηϊφίλου 


7 ἔστιν ἀδμήτα θυγάτρων, 


8 σοὶ φυὰν ἀλιγκία; 


οτάν κεν λιπαρὰν ἐθέλων θείμαν ἄκοιτιν. 


170 τὸ 


Ν Ν / 
τὸν δὲ μενεπτολέμου 


n ψυχὰ προσέφα Μελεά- 
τ γρου" λίπον χλωραύχενα 
1. ἐν δώμασι Δαϊάνειραν, 


160 rot’ Housman, A. Ludwich: ΤΟΙΔ A: but a corrector (*?) has altered this to 
TAA’ by transfixing I with a sloping line which at the same time converts O into A.— 


τάδ᾽ ἔφα Blass: τόδ᾽ ἔφα K. 


160—162 The words θνατοῖσι.. 


«φέγγος are quoted 


by Stobaeus Flor. 98. 27, who, placing a comma after φέγγος, adds in the same line 


οἵδε wap Εὐρυμέδοντά ποτ᾽ ἀγλαὸν ὥλεσαν 
ἥβην : Theognis 985 αἶψα γὰρ ὥστε νόημα 
παρέρχεται ἀγλαὸς ἥβη. 

1552. ade v, only here ana} in xX. 
61: cp. ἀδεισιδαίμων (Clem. Alex. p. 302) 
ἀδεισίθεος orac. ap. Iulian. p. 297 D.— 
᾿Αμφιτρύωνος. This lengthening of the z 
in Amphitryo is very exceptional: it is 
short above in v.85, andin Xv.15. Pindar, 
who uses the name in six places (/. Ix. 
81; MV. 1. 52, IV. 20, X. 13: 7. 1. §5, VI- 
6) always has t. In the Amphitruo of 
Plautus the Ζ is regularly short, and no- 
where appears to be necessarily long. 
The name does not seem to be extant in 
Greek iambic verse ; possibly we might 
have found examples of this scansion in 
the ᾿Αμφιτρύων of Sophocles, of Aeschylus 
Alexandrinus (Nauck? p. 824), or of the 
comic poet Archippus. Cp. ᾿Αμφιτρίτη 
(Od. 3. 91, etc.). 

157 v: the sing., as in XI. 17; 
twice in Sophocles (A w+. 104, fr. 645), and 
often in Euripides. Homerand Aeschylus 


have only the plur. βλέφαρα, Pindar only 
γλέφαρα. — saneerblon, lit. ‘ bearing 
grief’? (Od. 5. 222): in XV. 26 it means 
‘ grievous.’ 

160 tot’ ἔφα. The first syllable is 
long in three at least of the corresponding 
verses (40, 80, 200): and presumably 
long, though anceps, in the fourth (120, 
πατρός). And the first hand wrote TOIA, 
which a corrector has changed into TAA’. 
Blass (praef. p. XLII) defends τάδ᾽, 
holding that ~~-—- could be substituted 
for -~—-— at the beginning of the verse. 
To the ear at least, such a change in the 
rhythm is very unpleasing. It seems much 
more probable that the author wrote rot’ 
ἔφα. It is true, as the same critic ob- 
serves, that we do not elsewhere find 
τοῖα 45 -- τοιάδε, before a speech: but it is 
not doubtful that a poet could have so 
used it. The objection would be met by 
reading τᾷδ᾽ (cp. τοι n.): but the Ms. 
reading points rather to rot’. 

θνατοῖσι μὴ φῦναι φέριστον : the first 


v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


280 


*Tis said that then, and then alone, tears came to the eyes of 
Amphitryon’s intrepid son, in pity for the ill-fated hero’s doom ; 
and he answered him with such words as these: ‘It were best 
for mortals that they had never been born, : 


and never looked upon the sunlight. 


But, seeing that these 


laments avail not, a man should speak of that which he can 


hope to accomplish. 


In the halls of the warrior Oeneus is there 
a maiden among his daughters like in form to thee? 
I to make her my queenly bride’ 


Fain were 


And to him spake the spirit of Meleager steadfast in war: 
‘I left Deianeira at home, in the fresh bloom of youth, 


ὄλβιος δ᾽ οὐδεὶς βροτῶν πάντα χρόνον, a fragment otherwise unknown (Bergk fr. 2). 


161 μηδ᾽ Stobaeus: MHT’ ms. 
(by A*?). 


164 χρὴ] KPH ms., but with X written above 
169 ΘΕΛΩΝ Ms., corr. K.—AKOITAN A: corr. A!? 
TONKE Ms., with A written above (by A??). 


170 τὸν δὲ] 
172 χλωραύχενα)] The grave accent 


was at first placed on the letter v, but two lines have been drawn through it. 


half of the familiar maxim; Theognis 
425 ff. πάντων μὲν μὴ φῦναι ἐπιχθονίοισιν 
ἄριστον, | μηδ᾽ ἐσιδεῖν αὐγὰς ὀξέος ἠελίου. | 
φύντα δ᾽ ὅπως ὦκιστα πύλας ᾽᾿Αΐδαο περῆσαι 
k.T..: Soph. O. C. 1225 ff., etc. This 


passage illustrates the pathetic power of 


Bacchylides. It is impressive, indeed, 
that this should be said by Heracles, 
‘the unconquered’ (v. 57). Yet a subtler 
poet would scarcely have made him say 
it here, within the gates of Hades, to 
Meleager, whose fate he pities. For 
the first part of the adage,—‘It is best 
not to be born,’—inevitably suggests 
that other which is not spoken,—‘and 
next best, to die soon.’ Contrast the 
manner in which the whole γνώμη is in- 
troduced by Sophocles (1. ¢.). As uttered 
by the men of Colonus, it is not only a 
comment on the trials of Oedipus, but 
also a thought which turns the mind 
towards his approaching release. 

161 προσιδεῖν, aorist, like ἐσιδεῖν 
αὐγὰς in Theognis 426 (see last n.), be- 
cause the moment of birth is meant: cp. 
71. 16. 187 f. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ τόν γε μογο- 
στόκος Εϊλείθυια | ἐξάγαγε πρὸ φόωσδε καὶ 
ἠελίου ἴδεν αὐγάς. 

162 ξ. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ πράξις κ.τ.λ.: 
Od. το. 202 ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ τις πρῆξις ἐγίγνετο 
μυρομένοισιν (‘no effect,’ πο good). 74. 24. 
524 οὐ γάρ τις πρῆξις πέλεται κρυεροῖο 
γόοιο. Bacchyl. fr. 12 τί γὰρ ἐλαφρὸν ἔτ᾽ 
ἐστὶν ἄπρακτ᾽ ὀδυρόμενον δονεῖν | καρδίαν ; 

164 μέλλει, sc. τις, easily supplied 
from the indefinite plural partic. in 163. 
(Not: ‘a word which is likely to have 


1: 


effect.’)—reXetv is here probably the fut., 
though it might be the pres.: cp. ΠΕ 
30 n. 

165 ἦ pa, interrogative, as in 77]. 5. 
421; Pind. P.1x. 40, /. Vil. 3 ; Soph. Az. 
172 (lyric). Some edd. prefer to write 
ἦρα (2.4. ἢ -- ἄρα) in this sense. 

167 ἀδμήτα: Hom. hymn. Ven. 82 
παρθένῳ adunry: Aesch. Suppl. 149 (the 
prayer of the Danaides to Artemis), 
ἀδμάτας ἀδμάτα | ῥύσιος γενέσθω. In 7]. 
and Οὐ. this form of the word is applied 
only to cattle; but παρθένος ἀδμής occurs 
in Od. 6. 109, etc.—The Ionic ἢ is kept 
here to avoid a double a sound; but cp. 
X. 84 ἄδματοι.---θθβυγάτρων, partitive gen. 
with τις in 165. 

169 λιπαράν. 
epithet is that 


The notion of the 
of rich adornment, 
splendid surroundings. It may perhaps 
be rendered by ‘queenly.’ Cp. Hes. 
Th. got δεύτερον ἠγάγετο λιπαρὴν Θέμιν. 
Except in Od. 15. 332, where λιπαροὶ 
κεφαλάς is said of youths whose heads 
are anointed with oil, λιπαρός is never in 
Homer the epithet of a person, nor is it 
ever so used by Pindar. 

θείμαν ἄκοιτιν. Od. 21. 72 ἱέμενοι 
γῆμαι θέσθαι τε γυναῖκα. Aesch. 7h. 930 
πόσιν αὑτᾷ θεμένα. ἢ 

Pindar represented Meleager as pro- 
posing the marriage with Deianeira to 
Heracles, in order that he might defend 
her from her dread suitor, Achelous 
(schol. 77. 21. 194). See Appendix. 

172£. χλωραύχενα, with the freshness 
(the fresh bloom) of youth upon her neck. 


20 


[Vv 


290 BAKXYAIAOY 
4 κνηὴϊν ἔτι χρυσέας 
17513 Κύπριδος θελξιμβρότου. 
dvr. ε. τλευκώλενε Καλλιόπα, 


lal ΜῈ 
2 στᾶσον εὐποίητον ἅρμα 
3 αὐτοῦ" Δία τε Κρονίδαν 
4 ,ὕμνησον ᾿Ολύμπιον ἀρχαγὸν θεῶν, 


180 «τόν T ἀκαμαντορόαν 
6 ᾿Αλφεόν, Πέλοπός τε βίαν, 
Ν , » > ες Ν 
γ καὶ Πίσαν, ἔνθ᾽ ὁ κλεεννὸς 
8 ποσσὶ νικάσας δρόμῳ 
ο ἤλθ]εν Φερένικος « ἐς εὐπύργους Συρακόσ- 
1851 σας Ἱέρωνι φέρων 


τι €VO Ιαιμονίας πέταλον. 


179 OATMIIION] ὦ has been written by A® above the second O: a notable instance 
of a true reading depraved by this corrector, though metre clearly forbade. 


Nightingales, when they begin their song 
in the early Greek spring, are called 
χλωραύχενες by Simonides (fr. 73), who 
meant (I think) ‘with fresh throat,’ i.e. 
with throat of fresh, youthful vigour,—in 
Keats’s phrase, ‘full-throated.’ ‘Thus for 
both poets χλωραύχην implies xAwpds as 
an epithet, not of colour, but of young 
life; though with diverse applications. 
See Appendix. 

Aaidvepay, see Xv. 23 ff. The bare 
mention of her name suffices here: enough 
has been said_to enforce the truth, χαλε- 
mov | θεῶν παρατρέψαι νόον (94 f.). 

174 f. χρυσέας, with v, as in XV. 2, 
Pind. P. Iv. 4 etc. This ¥ was borrowed 
from the lyrists by the dramatists. but 
only in lyrics (Soph. O. 7: 157, etc.). In 
Homer the v is always long, and such 
forms as χρυσέης are to be scanned as 
two syllables (with synizesis) ; cp. //. 1. 
15 χρυσέῳ ἀνὰ σκήπτρῳ. - θελξιμβρότου, 
the enchantress, who bewitches mortals. 
In 74. 14. 214 ff. is described the 
embroidered cestus (κεστὸν ἱμάντα) οἵ 

Aphrodite, wherein are ‘all her enchant- 
ments’ (θελκτήρια) .----ἴονε, desire, and 
sweet converse, that steals the wits even 
of the wise.’ 

176 ff. Καλλιόπα is now bidden to 
turn from the heroic myth to the im- 
mediate theme of the epinikion. In Xviit. 
13 she is the Muse who inspires a dithy- 
ramb concerning Io. Above, in 13 f., 
the poet is Οὐρανίας... θεράπων, as in Vv. 


1r Urania again prompts his strain; 
while in Xv. 3 she moves him to sing of 
Heracles. In III. 3, XI. 2, and ΧΙ. 228 
it is Κλειώ who presides over the ode of 
victory. Bacchylides uses the names of 
these Muses interchangeably, without 
assigning a special function to each. 
Pindar names Καλλιόπα only once (0. 
x. 16), Κλειώ once (4. m1. 83), and 
Οὐρανία nowhere: he usually speaks of 
Μοῖσα or Μοῖσαι. In later mythology 
Calliope was the Muse of heroic song, 
Cleio of history, and Urania of astronomy. 
177 στᾶσον x.7.\.: cease to pursue 
the story of Heracles, and revert to 
Hieron’s victory. T he example of an 
abrupt .return from myth to theme was 
set by Pindar in the earliest of his 
extant odes, written in 498 B.C., when he 
was only twenty; 2. X. 51 κώπαν σχάσον 
k.7.r.: cp. V. ν. 15 f. στάσομαι: P. Iv. 
(462 B.C.) 247 f. μακρά μοι νεῖσθαι κατ᾽ 
ἀμαξιτόν: wpa yap συνάπτει" καί τινα | 
οἷμον ἴσαμι βραχύν " where he adds, 
πολλοῖσι δ᾽ aynuat σοφίας ἑτέροις, words 
which imply that other lyric poets (like 
Bacchylides here) had imitated this trait. 
εὐποίητον : Hom. Hymn. A poll. 265 
ἅρματά τ᾽ ebrolnra.—dppa : the ‘chariot’ 
is Pindaric, but Pindar always gives it 
to ‘the Muses’ collectively, and never 
materializes it by such an epithet as 
‘ well-wrought’: he conceives the poet 
as borne along in it (O. Ix. 81 ἐν Μοισᾶν 
δίφρῳ) : the singers of old are they of 


Ὑ] 


ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


[2ΟΙ 


a stranger still to golden Aphrodite the enchantress.’ 


White-armed Calliope, stay thy well-wrought chariot there ; 
and now sing Zeus, son of Cronus, Olympian ruler of the gods,— 
and Alpheus, of untiring stream, with mighty Pelops, and Pisa, 
where the famed Pherenicus prevailed by his speed in the race, 
ere he returned to the embattled walls of Syracuse, bringing 
Hieron the leaf of good fortune. 


184 f. ἤλθ]εν and és are supplied by Housman (κῦρεν.. ἐς Ludwich).—Zvpaxotccas 


Ms., K., Herwerden: Συρακόσσας Blass. 


χρυσαμπύκων | és δίφρον Μοισᾶν ἔβαινον 
(Λ τι. 2): the patron τόδ᾽ ἔζευξεν ἅρμα 
ἹΠερίδων (P. Χ. 65): in a poetic effort, 
ἔσσυται... | Μοισαῖον ἅρμα (7. v1.61). As 
the chariot is an image for the poet’s ὁρμή, 
and belongs to the Muses only in their 
relation to the poet, it is not attributed 
to the Muses, or to any of them, in 
ancient art. 

180 ἀκαμαντορόαν : cp. III. 6n. 

181 Ilé\omds τε βίαν : cp. vil. ad fin. 
ἐν Πέλοπος Φρυγίου | κλεινοῖς ἀέθλοις : X. 
24 ἴ. ἐν ζαθέοις | ἁγνοῦ Πέλοπος δαπέδοις. 
Hero and god are similarly linked in 
Pind. O. x. 26 ff.: ‘The ordinances of 
Zeus have moved me to sing of the 
peerless festival which Heracles founded 
by the ancient tomb of Pé/ops, with altars 
six in number’ (the βωμοὺς é& διδύμους 
of O. v. 5, which Heracles dedicated to 
six pairs of deities). In the altis at 
Olympia, west of the great altar of Zeus at 
which the Iamidae divined by ἔμπυρα, was 
the precinct called the Πελόπιον, enclosing 
the hero’s traditional grave,—a low tumu- 
lus of elliptic form. A Doric propylaion, 
with three doors, gave access from the 
S.W. side. Here sacrifices, the αἱμακουρίαι 
of Pind. O. 1. 91, had been offered to the 
spirit of Pelops from early times: Pau- 
sanias (5. 13 ὃ 2) mentions the yearly 
offering of a black ram. 

182 Πίσαν, with f: so Pindar (0. 
11. 3, etc.). But Simonides fr. 158 has 
Ilioy:- cp. Theocr. Iv. 29 ποτὶ Πῖσαν. 
Euripides (7. 7. 1 and Helen. 393) has 
Πῖσαν (so edd.), but in the fifth foot: cp. 
7. 7. 824 παρθένον Πισάτιδα, where the 
quantity of the cis doubtful. The name 
is probably connected with πῖσος (πίνω), 
‘ water-meadow.’—Pisa, the old Achaean 
capital of Pisatis, the mythical seat of 
Oenomaus and Pelops, seems to have 
stood about three-quarters of a mile east 
of the temple of the Olympian Zeus. 


The site has been conjecturally identified 
with a hill near the stream Miraka, an 
affluent of the Alpheus. (Cp. E. Curtius, 
Pelop. 11. 51.) Pisa was destroyed in 
572 B.C. by the Eleans, who then 
succeeded to the presidency of the games. 
Pindar uses Πίσα as a poetical synonym 
for Olympia: O. 1. 18 Πίσας τε καὶ 
Pepevixov χάρις : VIII. 9 ὦ Πίσας εὔδενδρον 
ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αλφεῴ ἄλσος. So Herodotus (11. 7) 
measures the distance from Athens ἔς τε 
Πῖσαν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν νηὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ 
᾽Ολυμπίου. 

184 f. ἦλθεν... és εὐπύργους κιτ.λ. We 
must insert és, lost after -os through the 
recurrence of σε (-OCECETIITPIOTC). 
ἐϊπύργους is inadmissible, because the ὕ of 
ἐῦ- is always short before a single con- 
sonant. There is, indeed, one apparent 
exception, Od. 14. 63 κλῆρόν τε évpopddv 
τε γυναῖκα, but there the v./. πολυμνηστήν 
is doubtless right. The ὕ is long only 
when the consonant is doubled, as in 
éijuuedins, éiippoos, ἐὔσσελμος.---Σδυρακόσ- 
σας. 
the double σσ indicates that the Doric 
form should be restored by deleting v. 
The forms were (1) Doric Συράκοσαι 
(Pind. P. 11. 1), or metré gratia Συράκοσ- 
σαι: (2) Attic Συράκουσαι: (3) Ionic 
Συρήκουσαι. 

186 εὐδαιμονίας πέταλον : alluding to 
the garland of wild olive (κότινος) which 
was the prize at Olympia. The singular 
πέταλον is poetically substituted for the 
plural, as in Soph. O. C. τοι φύλλον 
ἐλαίας. It is a phrase resembling that in 
Ill. 92 ff. ὄλβου .. ἄνθεα. Victory is the 
leaf which εὐδαιμονία puts forth. There 
is a like metaphor in 198, πυθμένες 
θάλλουσιν ἐσθλῶν. The use of πέταλον, 
instead of ἄνθος, is fitting, since the word 
is intended to suggest the olive-wreath : 
cp. Pind. 4. τ. 17 ᾿ολυμπιάδων φύλλοις 
ἐλαιᾶν χρυσέοις : O. VIII. 76 στέφανος 


20—2 


ant. 5. 


The ms. has CYPAKOTCCAC, but - 


BAKXYAIAOY [ν 


292 
12 xp?) δ᾽ ἀλαθείας χάριν 
Col. 12. 3 αἰνεῖν, φθόνον ἀμφοτέραισιν 
τὰ χερσὶν ἀπωσάμενον, 
19015 εἴ τις εὖ πράσσοι βροτῶν. 
ἐπ. ε΄. 


: Βοιωτὸς ἀνὴρ τᾷδε φώνησεν, γλυκειᾶν 


2 Ἡσίοδος πρόπολος 


3 Μουσάν, ὃν <av> 


ἀθάνατοι Ty pact, TOUT@ 


4 Kal βροτῶν φήμαν ἕπί εσθαι. 


195 5 πείθομαι εὐμαρέως 
187 ἀλαθείας Blass; AAHOEIAC ms. 


191 τᾷδε Wilamowitz, for τάδε: see 


comment.—After φώνησεν K. supplies παλαιός : Wilam., λιγειᾶν : Bruhn, γλυκειᾶν (so 


Blass): Pingel, Baév@pwy.—Housman conj. τάνδε φώνησέν ror’ ὀμφάν. 


193 f. ὃν 


φυλλοφόρων an aye: XV. Vi. 65 dvée 
᾿Ολυμπιάδος. 

Some take pitiehee as ‘a voling-leaf,’ 
Pind. 7. vil. 43 μηδὲ Νηρέος θυγάτηρ 
νεικέων πέταλα δὶς ἐγγυαλιζέτω | ἄμμιν, 
‘place leaves of strife in our hands’ 
(force us to vote on opposite sides): a 
passage which shows that the use of 
leaves in voting was known long before 
the Syracusans employed the πέταλον 
ἐλαίας (Diod. x1. 86) in the form of 
ostracism called πεταλισμός. (‘ Petalism’ 
was instituted probably ¢. 454 B.C., and 
abolished after no long interval: Diod. 
ΧΙ. 87: Freeman Sicily 11. 332.) Leaves 
were used in the Athenian Βουλή when 
the senators voted on the question of 
expelling one of their own number: 
Aeschin. or. 1 ὃ 111 7 βουλὴ Katayvotca 
τουτονὶ ἀδικεῖν καὶ ἐκφυλλοφορήσασα. 
What, then, would be the exact sense of 
εὐδαιμονίας πέταλον" It has beenrendered, 
‘a token of heaven's favour.’ But that 
meaning can be reached only through 
the literal one, ‘a suffrage for (Hieron’s) 
happiness,’ —given by the god who de- 
creed the victory. That, however, is too 
artificial: it seems also too obscure, 
without help from the context. There is 
a further objection; viz. that, on the 
analogy of φέρειν ψῆφον (suffragium 
ferre), φέρων πέταλον should refer to the 
voter. 

187 ἀλαθείας: the Ms. has ἀλη- 
here, but the Doric a is found in all the 
five other places where the poet uses the 
word (Ill. 96; Vil. 42f.; ΙΧ. 85; XII. 
204; fr. 10). 

Bacchylides refers more than once to 
the φθόνος which may put constraint on 


a man’s inward sense of merit in others, 
and keep him silent, while ‘truth,’ 
candour, makes the poet speak out : see 
ΠΙ. 67 ff; vu. 85 ff. σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ 
βροτῶν x.7.d.: XI. 199 ff. εἰ μή τινα 
θερσιεπὴς | φθόνος βιᾶται, | αἰνείτω σοφὸν 
ἄνδρα | σὺν δίκᾳ... | a δ᾽ ἀλαθεία φιλεῖ | 
νικᾶν κατιλ. His tone is that of one who 
praises because it is the plain duty of a 
fair mind. 

188 f. ἀμφοτέραισιν χερσίν, ‘with 
might and main.’ Cp. the proverbial 
phrase, οὐ τῇ ἑτέρᾳ ληπτέον (Plat. Soph. 
226 A).—d&tmwodpevov. Housman would 
write ἀπωσαμένους, as εἰ follows. The 
last syllable of the verse is, indeed, long 
in all the strictly corresponding verses 
(54, 69, 94, 109, 134, 149, 174). Verses 
14 and 29, though holding the same 
place, are, as we saw, metrically peculiar 
in having an additional syllable: still, 
ἐθέλει δέ in v. 14 suggests that here also 
the final syllable could be amceps. As a 
matter of idiom, the singular seems here 
more natural than the plural. 

190 εἴ τις εὖ πράσσοι, after χρὴ 
(187). In general statements or maxims 
the present indicative is sometimes thus — 
followed by ei with the optative, where 
we should rather expect a _ general 
supposition expressed by εἰ with pres: 
indic., or ἐάν with pres. subjunctive. 
Od. 14. 56 ξεῖν᾽, οὔ μοι θέμις Ext, οὐδ᾽ εἰ 


κακίων σέθεν ἔλθοι, | ξεῖνον ἀτιμῆσαι. 
Pind. P. vill. 13 κέρδος δὲ φίλτατον, | 
ἑκόντος εἴ τις ἐκ δόμων φέροι. Similarly 


when the condition is contained in ἃ 

relative clause: Soph. Ant. 666 ἀλλ᾽ ὃν 

πόλις στήσειε, τοῦδε χρὴ κλύειν. 
191—194 Hieron’s success and glory 


Vv] 


ETTINIKOI 


293 


We must give praise, for truth’s sake, and thrust envy away 
from us with might and main, if any man should prosper. 


Thus spake the Boeotian, Hesiod, servant of the sweet 
Muses: ‘Whomsoever the immortals honour, the good report 


of men goes with him also.’ 


Readily am I won 


epode 5. 


-- ἂν ----τιμῶσι τούτῳ... ἕπεσθαι Housman: and Wilamowitz (but with κείνῳ instead _ 


of τούτῳ). 
χρῆναι). 


So also Blass*, but with χρῆμεν after τιμῶσι (Pingel having conjectured 
195 πείθομαι] πειθόμεθ᾽ Blass. 


are so manifestly given dy the gods, 
that envy is put to silence, and men’s 
applause cannot be withheld. The poet 
constantly refers Hieron’s victories to the 
favour of heaven: cp. above, 36: IV. 
I—3, and more especially 18—20, τί 
φέρτερον ἢ θεοῖσιν | φίλον ἐόντα κ.τ.λ. 

Βοιωτὸς ἀνήρ. Virgil’s Ascraeus senex 
(Zel. 6. 70); so Homer is Χῖος ἀνήρ 
(Simonid. fr. 85. 2) ; Simonides, ἀοιδὸς ὁ 
Κήϊος (Theocr. Xvi. 44); Pindar, Dzrcaeus 
cygnus (Hor. C. Iv. 2. 25); Alcaeus, 
Lesbius civis (id. C. 1. 32. 5); Anacreon, 
ὁ Thios κύκνος (Antipater Sidon. in Anh. 
7- 30). 
τᾷδε, ‘on this wise’: cp. Soph. £7. 
643 τῇδε γὰρ κἀγὼ φράσω (where, how- 
ever, ‘on this wise’ means ‘ darkly,’— 
not, ‘in these terms’): O. C. 1300 κἀπὸ 
μαντέων ταύτῃ κλύω (‘and so I hear’...). 
The Ms. τάδε cannot be sound, if in 151 
μίνυνθα is (as it seems to be) corrupt: 
see n. there. 

φώνησεν. All Dorian dialects have 
-σω, -noa in fut. and 1st aor. of verbs in 
-é#. In Pindar WV. v. 44 Boeckh read 
φίλασ᾽ (as also in other places of Pindar) ; 
but recent editors agree in giving φίλησ᾽. 
In O. xi. 67 W. Christ and others give 
φώνασε, though φώνησε in NV. X. 76, and 
φωνήσαις in 7. v.51. The form φωνάω, 
of which ἐφώνασα would be the Doric 
aorist, does not seem to occur, though 
it would be the natural form for the verb 
from φωνά. 

The word lost after φώνησεν may have 
been an epithet of Μουσᾶν (such as 
λυκειᾶν or λιγειᾶν). Both the poet’s 
style and the rhythm of the passage 
suggest this as probable. 

ὃν ἂν ἀθάνατοι «.7.A. The supple- 
ment given in the text seems the best 
(see cr. n.). τούτῳ is not grammatically 
indispensable, since a dat. could be 
understood (cp. Soph. Anz. 35 f., ὃς ἂν 
τούτων Tt δρᾷ, φόνον πρόκεισθαι) : but it 
makes the sentence clearer; and the 
emphasis is fitting here.—In Hesiod’s 


extant poems and fragments there is 
nothing nearer to this sentiment than the 
passage in 7heog. 81 ff., ὅντινα τιμήσωσι 
Διὸς κοῦραι μεγάλοιο | ,... | τοῦ μὲν ἐπὶ 
γλώσσῃ γλυκερὴν χείουσιν ἐέρσην, | ...08 
δέ νυ λαοὶ | πάντες ἐς αὐτὸν ὁρῶσι κ.τ.λ. : 
where he says that the Muses give 
winning eloquence to kings, and fame to 
poets. But Theognis v. 169 is exactly 
apposite: ὃν δὲ θεοὶ τιμῶσ᾽, ὃν καὶ 
μωμεύμενος αἰνεῖ, 1.6., a man, though 
inclined to blame, is constrained to praise. 
I cannot think that Bacchylides was 
alluding to Hes. Zheog. 81 ff. Refer- 
ences of this kind to other poets are, as 
a rule, verbally close: see, ¢.g., Pind. Z. 
v. 67 Λάμπων δὲ μελέταν | ἔργοις 
ὀπάζων Ἡσιόδου μάλα τιμᾷ τοῦτ᾽ ἔπος 
(alluding to Hes. Of. 410 μελέτη δέ τε 
ἔργον ὀφέλλει). The saying may have 
occurred in some lost passage of Hesiod, 
—possibly the source of Theognis 169: 
or our poet may have meant the verse 
of Theognis, and named Hesiod by mis- 
take. 

195 f. πείθομαι κιτ.λ. ‘Readily do 
I consent to send’... This is a phrase, 


like many in Pindar, intimating that the - 


epinikion was written by invitation. Cp. 
O.X111.96 Motoas γὰρ ἀγλαοθρόνοις Ex wy | 
᾿Ολιγαιθίδαισίν τ᾽ ἔβαν ἐπίκουρος : P. V. 
43 f. ἑκόντι τοίνυν πρέπει | νόῳ τὸν εὐερ- 
γέταν ὑπαντιάσαι.---εὐκλέα. scanned ---: 
Soph. O. 7. 161 has (θρόνον) εὐκλέα 
(-~~). In Pind. P. XII. 24 εὐκλεᾶ (acc. 
sing., for εὐκλεέα) 15 -- “ —. εὐκλέα γλῶσ- 
gay means ‘an utterance fraught with 
glory’ (for Hieron): cp. Pind. 4. v1. 29 
ἐπέων... οὖρον | εὐκλεῖα (=evdxdeéa): O. 11. 
go εὐκλέας ὀϊστούς (‘shafts of song, winged 
by fame’).—For γλῶσσαν, cp. Pind. O. 
IX. 44 φέροις δὲ IIpwroyevelas | ἄστει 
γλῶσσαν (‘lend thy voice’ to Opus): WV. 
Iv. 86 xeivos...€uav | γλῶσσαν εὑρέτω 
κελαδῆτιν, ‘Let him (in the shades) be- 
come aware that my song is resounding.’ 
So here the γλῶσσα is a song sent from 
Ceos. 


[v, VI 


6 εὐκλέα κελεύθου γλῶσσαν οὐκ ἐκτὸς δίκας 


γὰρ 


Ζεὺς ἀκινήτους ἐν εἰρήν[ᾳ φυλάσσοι. 


ΚΕΙΩΙ 


204 BAKXYAIAOY 

7 πέμπειν ἹἹέρωνι" τόθεν 

8. πυθμένες θάλλουσιν ἐσθλ! ὧν, 

9 τοὺς ὁ μεγιστοπάτωρ 

200 τὸ 
VI. 
AAXQNI 
<TIAIAI> STAAIE! OAYMITTIA 

στρα. Λάχων Διὸς peyiotou 


λάχε φέρτατον πόδεσσι 
κῦδος ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αλφεοῦ προχοαῖς, [κάλ᾽ αὔξων 


δι ὅσσα πάροιθεν 


5 ἀμπελοτρόφον Κέον 
+ ’ > > ΄ 
ἄεισάν ποτ΄ ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ 


196 After γλῶσσαν only the letter o remains, the rest of the verse having been torn 
off.—ovx ἐκτὸς δίκας J. (1898), and (independently) A. Drachmann: οὐκ ἐκτὸς θεῶν 


Blass: οὐκ ἐκτὸς mpoels Jurenka: οἰακοστρόφον. Κ. : οἰωνὸν καλᾶς Platt. 
200 φυλάσσοι Wilamowitz, Platt. 


Jurenka, Blass: ἐσθλοί K. 
supplied by Palmer. 


198 ἐσθλῶν 
φυλάσσει was 


οὐκ ἐκτὸς (κελεύθου) δίκας : the poet’s 
strain of praise kas not wandered from 
the path of justice. Cp. X. 26 δίκας 
κέλευθον: and for ἐκτὸς, 1X. 51 f. τί 
μακρὰν γλῶσσαν ἰθύσας ἐλαύνω | ἐκτὸς 
ὁδοῦ; Both Bacchylides and Pindar fre- 
quently claim that their praise is in 
accord with δίκα: XII. 201 f. aiveirw 
σοφὸν ἄνδρα | σὺν δίκᾳ : X. 123 f. δικαίας 
ὅστις ἔχει φρένας εὑρήσει κιτ:λ. : Pind. }. 
VIII. 7of. κώμῳ μὲν ἁδυμελεῖ | Δίκα παρέ- 
στακε: NV. Ill. 29 ἕπεται δὲ λόγῳ δίκας 
dwros, ἐσλὸς (acc. pl.) αἰνεῖν. 

197 2. τόθεν, ‘thence,’ referring to 
εὐκλέα γλῶσσαν : by means of the just 
praise of the poet. Αβθάλλουσιν indicates, 
πυθμένες ἐσθλῶν are (literally) ‘the stocks 
or stems of happy fortunes’ (ἐσθλά), here 
compared to plants or trees. The just 
praise of the poet is as the dew which 
makes them flourish. The poet confers 
a glory which is the flower and crown of 
established prosperity. (For the diction, 
cp. Aesch. Suppl. τος f. νεάζει πυθμὴν | .. 
τεθαλώς, the old stock puts forth new 
buds and blossoms.) Pindar has a like 
thought in WV. ν ΠΙ. 40 ff., αὔξεται δ᾽ ἀρετά, 


χλωραῖς ἐέρσαις ws ὅτε δένδρεον docet, | ἐν 
σοφοῖς ἀνδρῶν ἀερθεῖσ᾽ ἐν δικαίοις τε 
πρὸς ὑγρὸν | αἰθέρα: ‘As, watered by 
fresh dews, a tree shoots upward, so 
grows the fame of manly worth, when it 
is lifted towards the liquid air of heaven 
by masters of song who give just praise.’ 
For ἐσθλῶν, cp. IV. 20 μοῖραν ἐσθλῶν : 
XVI. 132 ἐσθλῶν τύχαν : Hom. hymn, 
Cer. 225 θεοὶ δέ τοι ἐσθλὰ πόροιεν. 

199 f. μεγιστοπάτωρ = μέγιστος πατήρ: 
SO XVIII. 21 μεγιστυάνασσα: Soph. PA. 
1338 Ἕλενος ἀριστόμαντις.---ἀκινήτους : 
the πυθμένες of MHieron’s ἐσθλά are 
already well-set; the prayer is that they 
may never be uprooted.—eipyve : for the 
form, see on II. 1. There is an allusion 
to the security gained for Sicily by the 
victory at Himera four years earlier 
(480 B.c.). Cp. ΧΙ. 188 f. (of Eévouia) 
ἄστεά T...| ἐν εἰρήνᾳ φυλάσσει. Here 
φυλάσσοι is preferable. Pind. O. vin, 
ends with a like wish,...ar7juavtov ἄγων 
βίοτον | αὐτούς τ᾽ ἀέξοι καὶ πόλιν (sc. Ζεύς) : 
while O. x11l. and 4. 1x. end with a 
direct prayer to Zeus. 


V, VI] ETTINIKOI 


295 
to send Hieron the song that tells forth his fame, without 
swerving from the path of justice; for by such praise it is that 
happy fortunes, once firmly planted, flourish: and may Zeus, the 
supreme father, guard them steadfast in peace. 


VI. 


For Lachon of Ceos, victor in the foot-race for boys 
at Olympia. (452 B.C.) 


Lachon has won from great Zeus surpassing glory by his str. s. 
speed, where the waters of Alpheus seek the sea; enhancing 
those goodly deeds for which ere now vine-nurturing Ceos 


has been sung at Olympia, 


Vi. The title has heen added by A? 


in the left margin. ΠΑΙΔῚ is inserted by 


Blass, as the Oxyrhynchus fragment of the Olympic register shows that Lachon’s 


victory was in the παίδων στάδιον. 


8 AAPELOT A: corr. K.—After προχοαῖσ 


K. supplies -ἰ σεμναῖς (and so Jurenka), Housman ἀέθλων, Blass -ἰ νικῶν (with a full 


stop): J., κάλ᾽ αὔξων. 


VI. 1£. Λάχων. Inthe Oxyrhynchus 
fragment of the Olympic register the entry 
referring to this victory gives the name as 
Λάκων. But Λάχων is confirmed by the 
agonistic inscription of Ceos (see Intro- 
duction to Ode 1. ὃ 3), where [Λ]άχων 
᾿Αριστομένεος παίδων occurs (twice) among 
the Nemean victors. The origin of such 
short names as Λάχων and Λάχης is illus- 
trated by the Attic Λαχέμοιρος (C. 7. A. 
11. No. 1512 ὁ 2add.): cp. Fick-Benseler, 
Griech. Personennamen, Ὁ. 184.—The 
play on words in Λάχων.. λάχε is not 
sportive; it brings out the omen of the 
name, in this case a happy one. So 
Pindar fr. 105 (of Hieron), ζαθέων ἱερῶν 
ὁμώνυμε πάτερ. Cp. Soph. Az. 430f., n. 
-Διὸς.. λάχε, 2.4. παρὰ Διός : cp. Soph. 
O. 7. 580 πάντ᾽ ἐμοῦ κομίζεται : 1b. 1163 
ἐδεξάμην δέ του. 

Sf. ᾿Αλφεοῦ. The distance of Olym- 
pia from the mouth of the Alpheus was 
in ancient times about eight miles, and is 
now about ten. But the poet’s phrase, 
ἐπὶ mpoxoats, is correct in a broad sense. 
Olympia is near the point where the 
Alpheus, descending from the Arcadian 
highlands, enters on the last stage of its 
course amidst the sandy levels near the 
coast, and then passes between lagoons 
to the sea. A 

After ILPOXOAIC the ms. has lost 
three syllables, ~--.- Compare 11. 6 ff., 
referring to the Cean victor Argeios :— 
καλῶν δ᾽ ἀνέμνασεν, ὅσ᾽ ἐν κλεεννῷ | αὐχένι 


(ισθμοῦ... ἐπεδείξαμεν : ‘he has renewed 
the memory of αὐ those goodly feats which 
we (Ceans) have displayed’ at the Isthmus. 
So, here also, ὅσσα clearly refers to the 
whole series of victories won by Ceans in 
the national games. Lachon had now 
gained a signal success at the chief festival. 
(1) The poet may conceivably have said 
that this victory was the most brilliant of 
all which had.brought fame to Ceos: if 
so, we might read. προχοαῖς, ἀέθλων 
(Housman), or προχοαῖσι, πάντων (the 
genitive, with either word, depending on 
géprarov). (2) Or, as is perhaps more 
probable, Lachon may have been de- 
scribed as enhancing the previous glories 
of Ceos. That sense would be given by 
κάλ᾽ αὔξων, where καλά would have the 
same meaning as in 11. 6.—See Appendix. 

5 ἀμπελοτρόφον. The word πολυάμ- 
πελος, traceable in frag. 7 (K.), was also 
doubtless applied to Ceos. Coins of that 
island sometimes bore a grape (Broéndsted, 
Voyages 1. pl. XXVII., quoted by Jurenka 
here). 

6 ff. Join ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ with dacay, not 
with kpatedoay. These tributes of song 
were paid by young men of Ceos at 
Olympia; the occasion would be a festal 
procession, escorting the Cean victor to 
the temple of the Olympian Zeus, where 
he would give thanks; or it might be 
a banquet. The formal ἐπινέκιον was 
more usually sung after the victor’s re- 
turn to his home. 


296 BAKXYAIAOY [VI, VII 
πύξ τε Kal στάδιον κρατεῦ- 
σαν] στεφάνοις ἐθείρας 
στρ. β΄. νεανίαι βρύοντες. 
το σὲ δὲ νῦν ἀναξιμόλπου 
Οὐρανίας ὕμνος ἕκατι νίκ[ ας 
᾿Αριστομένειον 
ὦ ποδάνεμον τέκος, 
γεραίρει προδόμοις ἀοι- 
15 dais, ὅτι στάδιον κρατή- 
σας Κέον εὐκλέϊξας. 
VII. 
ΤΩΙ AYTQI 
Ὦ λιπαρὰ θύγατερ Χρόνου τε κὶ αἱ 
Νυκτός, σὲ πεντήκοντα μ[ῆνες ἄγαγον 
ἑκκαιδεκάταν ἐν ᾿Ολυμπί ia φανεῖσαν, ἫΝ 
Col. 13 ᾧ mjap[’ ᾿Αλφειῷ Πέλοπός τε τάφῳ χαίρ- %~ 
5 ov |ros αἷμ! ακουρίαις πέπρωται 
“κρίνειν ταὶ χυτᾶτά τε] λαιψηρῶν ποδῶν 
Ἕλλασι. καὶ γυίων ἀρισταλκὲς σθένος: 
ᾧ δὲ σὺ πρεσβύτατον νείμῃς γέρας 
ἼΣΟΣ ἐπ’ ἀνθρώποισιν εὐδοξος κέκλη- 
10 ται καὶ πολυζήλωτος. *Ap| ἱστομένει lov 


18 ΠΟΔΑΝΈΕΈΜΟΝΊ] Ο has been deleted after A. 
vir. The title has been written over an erasure of three lines, by A’, in the left 


margin. 


1 AIIIAPA corrected from AIILAPO. 
(ἁμέραν Blass): μηνῶν φθιμένων Jurenka. 


2 μ[ῆνες ἄγαγον J. 
4—11 Column XII. ends with verse 3. 


Bptovres denotes the luxuriance of 
leaves or flowers in the wreaths. Cp. XII. 
69 f. πανθαλέων στεφάνοισιν | ἀνθέων 
χαίταν ἐρεφθείς. Eubulus (a poet of the 
middle comedy), in his Κυβενταί fr. 1. 6, 
describes a wreathed drinking-cup as 
κισσῷ κάρα βρύουσαν. 

10 f. ἀναξιμόλπου : cp. XVI. 66 ἀναξι- 
βρόντας : ΧΙΧ. 8 ἀναξίαλος. So Pindar 
O.11. 1 ἀναξιφόρμιγγες ὕμνοι.---Οὐρανίας : 
see n. on V. 176. 


12 £. ᾿Αριστομένειον... τέκος : see ἢ. 
on V. 71. 
14 προδόμοις, Aesch. fr. 388 ᾿Εκάτη | 


τῶν βασιλείων πρόδομος μελάθρων. The 
ode in honour of a victor was sometimes 


sung before the doors of his house: Pind. 
I. Vil. 1—4 Κλεάνδρῳ τις...παρὰ πρόθυρον 
ἰὼν | ἀνεγειρέτω κῶμον : Nent.1. 19 ἔσταν 
δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐλείαις θύραις. 

16 εὐκλέϊξξας. The Doric aor.: so 
X. 87 δοίαξε: XVI. 129 παιάνιξαν. Cp. 
Tyrtaeus 12. 24 ἄστυ ἐϊκλεΐσας: Simo- 
nides 125. 2 πατρίδ᾽ ἐπευκλεΐσας. 


VII. 1-- 8 λιπαρὰ, ‘resplendent’ (cp. 
v. 169 n.). The ‘daughter of Time and 
Night’ is Day: Hes. Zheog. 124 Νυκτὸς 
δ᾽ abr’ Αἰθήρ re καὶ Ἡμέρη ἐξεγένοντο. 

πεντήκοντα (μῆνες) are the fifty lunar 
months which have elapsed since the last 
preceding festival at Olympia. There 


VI, VIT] ETTINIKOI 297 
as foremost in boxing or in foot-race, by youths crowned with 


luxuriant wreaths. 


And to thee now, son of Aristomenes, thou whose feet are 
swift as the wind, the hymn of Urania queen of song renders 
honour for thy victory, in strains chanted before thy house; 
because by thy triumph in the foot-race thou hast brought 
renown to Ceos. 


VII. 


For the same. 


Radiant daughter of Time and Night, the fifty months have 
brought thee, sixteenth day of the month at Olympia; [thee, to 
whom by the Alpheus, near the tomb of Pelops who rejoices in 
blood-offerings, it has been allotted] to give judgment for the 
Greeks on pre-eminence in speed of foot and strength of limb. 
To whomsoever thou awardest the foremost prize of victory, his 
name is thenceforth famous and admired among men. 4 


Column xiII. is lost; but a few syllables, belonging to the ends of verses in the upper 


third of it, remain in the left margin of col. xiv. 


Verses 4-11 have been put together 


by Blass from several small fragments; and, of these, verses 6-11 have been com- 


bined with the endings of verses left from col. XIII. 


Wackernagel. 


6 ralxurard re] Platt, 


was an Olympic cycle of gg lunar months, 
making up eight years. The interval 
between two Olympic festivals was al- 
ternately one of 40 lunar months and one 
of 50 such months. See schol. Pind. O. 
Ill. 5 γίνεται δὲ ὁ ἀγὼν ποτὲ μὲν διὰ τεσσα- 
ράκοντα ἐννέα μηνῶν, ποτὲ δὲ διὰ πεντή- 
κοντα. Hence the festival fell sometimes 
in the Olympian (or Elean) month ᾿Α πολ- 
λώνιος, sometimes in the month Παρθένιος. 

In an old legend of Elis, the 50 
lunar months of this cycle appear as fifty 
daughters borne by Selene to Endymion 
(Paus. 5. 1 § 3). 

ἑκκαιδεκάταν. The Olympian festival 
began on the rth day of the month, 
and ended on the 16th: schol. Pind. O. 
IV. 14 ἐπὶ πέντε ἡμέρας ἐγένετο τὰ ᾿᾽Ολύμ- 
πια, ἀπὸ ἑνδεκάτης μέχρις ἑκκαιδεκάτης. 
On the 16th, the last day, the prizes 
were given to the victors; processions, 
sacrifices and banquets took place. 

This exordium suggests that the ode 
may (like Pindar’s eighth Olympian) have 
been sung at Olympia. 

4f. The letters TOCAIM in v. 5 


recall Pind. O. 1. gof. viv δ᾽ ἐν aiuaxov- 
plats ἀγλααῖσι μέμικται | ᾿Αλφεοῦ πόρῳ 
κλιθείς, ‘and now (Pelops) hath part in 
the honour of blood-offerings at his grave 
by Alpheus’ stream.’ Hence the supple- 
ment which I suggest above. 

6—10 κρίνειν κιτ.λ. There isa general 
parallelism between this passage and 
Pindar O. 1. 95 ff., wa ταχυτὰς ποδῶν 
ἐρίζεται | dxual τ᾽ ἰσχύος θρασύπονοι" ὁ 
νικῶν δὲ λοιπὸν ἀμφὶ βίοτον | ἔχει μελιτόεσ- 
σαν εὐδίαν ἀέθλων γ᾽ ἕνεκεν. 

ἀρισταλκὲς σθένος : note the adj. com- 
pounded with a noun (ἀλκή) akin in sense 
to σθένος : cp. Soph. O.7. 518 βίου...τοῦ 
paxpaiwvos: Tr. 791 δυσπάρευνον λέκτρον. 

ἐπ᾿ ἀνθρώποισιν, ‘among men’: cp. 
Soph. 77. 356 τἀπὶ Λυδοῖς (λατρεύματα), 
his servitude in Lydia (nearly the same as 
ἐν Λυδοῖς 7b. 248). This use of ἐπέ with 
dat., though rare, seems tenable. Blass 
joins νίκας ἔπ᾽, 7.6., ‘on the occasion 
of victory’; a phrase which seems some- 
what weak here. vixas would naturally 
go with γέρας. 

᾿Αριστομένειον : VI. 12 n. 


str, 2. 


[VII 


νῦν γ᾽ ἐκόσμη[ σας ore|par| ovo. Adyw |va 


* * 


298 BAKXYAIAOY 
παῖδα 
Πυθῶνά τε μηλοθύταν 
Col.1440 ὑμνέων Νεμέαν τε καὶ Ἰσθμόν" 


γᾷ δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων χέρα 
κομπάσομαι: σὺν ἀλα- 


θείᾳ δὲ πᾶν λάμπει χρέος" 


οὔτις ἀνθρώπων Kal Ἕλλα- 
45 νας ἐν ἅλικι χρόνῳ 
παῖς ἐὼν ἀνήρ τε πἰλεῦ- 


νας ἐδέξατο νίκας. 


> A ΄, rs 
ὦ Ζεῦ Kepavveyyés, kal t 


ἐπ᾿ apyv |podiva 


ὄχθαισιν ᾿Αλφειοῦ τέλεσσ᾽ as μεγ])αλοκλέας 
50 θεοδότους εὐχάς, περὶ κ[ ρατί τ᾽ 6 |ralooa|s 
γλαυκὸν Αἰτωλίδος 


avonp ἐλαίας 


(15) 


ἐν Πέλοπος Φρυγίου 
“ 57 
κλεινοῖς ἀέθλοις. 


11 νῦν γ᾽] Blass.—éxéoun[oas στε͵φάν[οισι Ewald, Bruhn, Housman, Wilamowitz. 
14 OMOQI] These letters were the last of the r1th verse in the lost col. ΧΙΠΙ. 


After that v., about 24-more were needed to complete col. XIII. 


Blass finds vestiges 


of 14 of these in some minute fragments which he prints here,—mostly single 


words, or parts of two words. 
Ἕλλανας Blass. 


I give them in the Appendix. 
46 πἰίλεῦνας Blass: ποσσὶ πλεῦνας Sandys, Jurenka. 


44 f. καθ᾽ 
48 xali 


11 νῦν γ᾽, though only conjectural, 
derives support from VIII. 25 Αὐτομήδει 
νῦν γε νικάϊσαντί νιν δαίμων ἔδωκεν. 

89 2. Ιυθῶνά τε. After the verse (no. 
14 of the ode, and no. 11 in the lost 
column XIII of the papyrus) which ended 
with the letters ope, 24 verses (15—38) 
have been lost: see cr.n. The poet is 
now singing (tpvéwv) of Delphi, Nemea, 
and Isthmus. The reference is doubtless 
to successes gained by Lachon before his 
victory at Olympia.—pndodbrayv: an epi- 
thet of altars in Eur. 7. 7. 1116. Αἱ 
Delphi those who wished to consult the 
oracle offered sacrifice before entering 
the adyton: id. /o 229 πάριτ᾽ és θυμέλας" 
ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἀσφάκτοις | μήλοισι δόμων μὴ πάριτ᾽ 
ἐς μυχόν. So Pind. P. 111. 27 μηλοδόκῳ 
Πυθῶνι. 


41 ff. γᾷ δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων: see V. 42 n. 
--κομπάσομαι. The passive of this verb 
occurs in classical poetry; but is there 
any other instance of the middle? For 
the fut., cp. X. 24 gacw: Soph. Az. 
422 f. ἔπος | ἐξερῶ μέγα: Pind. O. Iv. 17 
οὐ ψεύδεϊ τέγξω λόγον.---σὺν ἀλαθείᾳ (a 
phrase which recurs in VIII. 85): it is 
only ‘with the aid of truth,’—z.e. by 
speaking out frankly,—that any matter 
(xpéos) can be set in a clear, full light 
(λάμπει). He means that anything short 
of the strong statement which follows 
would be less than just to this victor’s 
merits. Cp. n. on v. 187 f. 

44 f. It is doubtful how the gap in 
the Ms. between K at the end of v. 44 
and NAC at the beginning of v. 45 should. 
be filled. There is no clue to the exact 


vit] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


299 
And now thou hast given the honours of the wreath to Lachon, 
son of Aristomenes... 


* * * * * ¥ 


...singing of Pytho, where sheep are sacrificed, and of Nemea, 
and of the Isthmus. And laying my hand on the earth as a 
witness, I will make this vaunt ;—for only by the voice of truth 
can anything be set in a full light,—no one among the Greeks, 
as boy or as man, has gained more victories in an equal time. 

O Zeus, whose spear is the thunder-bolt, on the banks of 
silver-eddying Alpheus also hast thou fulfilled his prayers, for 
his great fame, by gift divine; and hast set upon his brow the 
gray wreath of the Aetolian olive, in the glorious games of 
Phrygian Pelops. 


ἐπ᾽ ἀργυ]ροδίνα Blass, taking podwa from frag. 17 (K.). . 49 After TEAECC 
in the MS. there is a lacuna equal to about 11 or 12 letters, and then C, the 
final letter of the last word in the verse. τέλεσσον K.: so Jurenka, adding <és 


μέγιστόν οἱ yépa>s, which is too long for the space. 
λοκλέας (which fits the gap) from frag. 17 K. 

Blass, taking πα from frag. 17 K.—zepi κ[ρᾶτά τέ οἱ τίθει] K.: 
52 dvinu’} ANAH A: μ᾽ added above the line by A*. 


θές instead of τίθει. 


τέλεσας Blass, adding pey]a- 
50 περὶ κ[ρατί τ᾽ ὄδ]πα[σσα]ς 
so Jurenka, but with 


number of letters lost after K, nor to 
the quantity of NAC. To the obvious 
κ[λεεν]νὰς it might be objected that its 
position in the sentence.is awkward. I 
prefer Blass’s κ[αθ᾽ “Εἰλλα]νας, though 
without regarding it as certain. The 
sense (‘among the Greeks’) might be 
illustrated from Pind. O. 1. 120 πρόφαντον 
σοφίᾳ καθ᾽ “Ἑλλανας. 

ἐν ἅλικι χρόνῳ. 7A = ‘of the same 
age’: ἡλιξ χρόνος here is ‘a time of the 
same duration,’ ‘an equal space of time.’ 

46 ΖΦ. παῖς ἐὼν ἀνήρ τε, ‘whether as 
boy ov as man.’ Following οὔτις ἀνθρώ- 
πων, this is a short equivalent for οὔτε 
mais ἐὼν οὔτ᾽ ἀνήρ. The phrase in Aesch. 
Eum. 521 ff. ris...4 πόλις βροτός τε (‘who 
—be it city or be it man—?’) is so far 
similar that τε there marks the second of 
two alternative cases included under τίς 
(an interrogative implying a negative), 
and must therefore, in our idiom, be 
rendered by ‘or.’ But the irregular co- 
ordination of # and τε is special to that 
passage.—Note that the words here 
could also mean, ‘as boy azd man.’ 
This would imply that the subject of 
ἐδέξατο was no longer a boy. (See In- 
troduction to the Ode.) 

48—50 κεραυνεγχές: a word found 
only here: but cp. Pind. P. Iv. 194 
ἐγχεικέραυνον Ζῆνα.--- καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀργυροδίνα. 
The fragment (17 K.) which gives the 
endings of 48 and 49, and the letters wa 


of ὄπασσας in 50, has been rightly 
pieced on here by Blass. It cannot be 
an accident that it helps three consecutive 
verses... And the word μεγ]αλοκλέας, 
while suiting the sense, also fits the gap 


in 49. 

TEAECC in the Ms. was probably. 
τέλεσσας. Blass writes τέλεσας: but 
there is at least a presumption in favour 
of the oo, and there is nothing to show 
that it is metrically inadmissible. (We 
have no strophic test here.)—The alter- 
native τέλεσσον would imply that the 
athlete concerned had not yet been vic- 
torious at Olympia, and therefore that 
the ode to which these verses belong was 
distinct from Odevit. (See Introduction.) 

τέλεσσας... εὐχάς : ‘thou hast fulfilled 
his prayers, for his great glory (peya- 
λοκλέας), by gift divine (®eoddrovs).’ 
εὐχάς here are the things prayed for, viz., 
victorious feats in the games. Cp. Pind. 
I. τν. 23 θεοδότων ἔργων. 

51 γλαυκόν: Pind. O. II. 13 ἀμφὶ 
κόμαισι βάλῃ Ὑλαυκόχροα κόσμον ἐλαίας. 
--αἰτωλίδος.ς The Aetolian Oxylus was 
one of the leaders of the Heracleidae at 
their return, and received Elis. Hence 
the Eleans are poetically called Aetolians. 
Her. vill. 73 Δωριέων μὲν πολλαί τε καὶ 
δόκιμοι πόλεες, Αἰτωλῶν δὲ Ἦλις μούνη. 
Cp. Pind. Ὁ. 111. 12 ἀτρεκὴς ᾿Ελλανοδίκας 
«Αἰτωλὸς ἀνήρ. 


300 


VIII. 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[VIII 


[IX.] 


AYTOMHAEI! ΦΛΕΙΑΣΙΩΙ 


TTENTAOAQI 


στρ. α΄. 


NEMEA 


> 
: Δόξαν, ὦ χρυσαλάκατοι Χάριτες, 


2 πεισίμβροτον δοίητ᾽, ἐπεὶ 
3 Μουσᾶν γε (ξ)ιοβλεφάρων θεῖος προφάτας 
«εὔτυκος Φλειοῦντά τε καὶ Νεμεαίου 
5 Ζηνὸς εὐθαλὲς πέδον 
ε a 9 sh 
6 ὑμνεῖν, ὅθι μηλοδαΐκταν 
7 θρέψεν ἁ λευκώλενος 
8 Ἧρα περικλειτῶν ἀέθλων 


ο πρῶτον Ἡρακλεῖ βαρύφθογγον λέοντα. 


ἀντ. α΄. 10 κεῖ θι φοι]νικάσπιδες ἡμίθεοι 


Vint. The title written by A® in the left margin. 


2 The first hand 


wrote N instead of M in πεισίμβροτον: but the N has been retouched as if to 


correct it (by A)? 
K.: Μουσᾶν γε Blass!, -τοι BI.* 


Cp. v. 33.--ἐπεὶ Blass and others: ἔπει K. 
6 ὅθι K.: ὅτι MS. 


8 Μουσᾶν τε MS., 
10 κε[ῖθι φοι]νικάσπιδες 


VIII. 1--8 δόξαν.. πεισίμβροτον, the 
‘repute’ that is gained by a poet who 
‘ persuades’ his hearers, z.e., carries them 
with him, wins their favour. In Aesch. 
Cho. 362 the Laurentian Ms. has πισίμ- 
Bporov, where the editors rightly give 
πεισιβρότῳ (epithet of βάκτρῳ, the sceptre 
that wins reverence). If that was our 
poet’s source for the rare word, this ode 
would be later than 458 B.c.: but we 
cannot assume it. For the form with 
euphonic p inserted, cp. ἀλεξίμβροτος, 
μελησίμβροτος, ὄμβριμος, etc. 

ἄκατοι. The ἠλακάτη, ‘distaff,’ 
is the attribute of a woman; in the case of 
a goddess, it is of gold. The epithet is 
general, not distinctive of the Charites 
as such. Pindar gives it to Amphitrite 
(O. vi. 104 f.), the Nereids (Vv. v. 36), 
Latona (4. vi. 37 f.), etc. In the par- 
ticular case of Artemis, however, the 
sense is different (cp. X. 38 n.). 

ἘΠΕῚ in τ. 2 is probably éwel. If so, 
the te after Μουσᾶν in 3 must be cor- 
rected. (τ) ἐπεί ye, a strengthened ἐπεί, 
is not uncommon: in ἐπεί... γε, however, 
‘ye normally emphasizes the word next 
before it, as in //. 1. 352, μῆτερ, ἐπεί μ᾽ 
érexés ye μινυνθάδιόν περ ἐόντα : Hes. 


Theog. 171 ἐπεὶ πατρός γε δυσωνύμου 
οὐκ ἀλεγίζω. Here,.a stress could scarcely 
fall on Movody. (2) ἐπεί... τοι is also 
frequent (Soph. 77. 320f., etc.), and roe 
might become τε through less of « before 
io-: but the sententious ro: (little used by 
this poet) is less suitable here than in 
{. 58 or VIII. 82. 

The alternative for ἐπεί is to write 
ἔπει (depending on δοίητ᾽), the poet’s 
‘word’ or utterance. Cp. Pind. 45. I. 
66 βουλαὶ δὲ πρεσβύτεραι | ἀκίνδυνον ἐμοὶ 
ἔπος σὲ ποτὶ πάντα λόγον | ἐπαινεῖν 
παρέχοντι. Then the te after Μουσᾶν 
in 3 must be changed to τὸ (as Hous- 
man proposed, assuming AoS\epdpwr): 
or to ὅτ᾽ (as I formerly suggested, as- 
suming ἰοβλεφάρων). For ὅτ᾽ it may be 
said that, if it had been written as ὅτε 
without elision (on an assumption of F), 
that would help to account for the actual 
τε. (As to the poet’s inconstant use of F 
before co-, see p. 82.) 

θεῖος, ‘inspired’; cp. θεῖος ἀοιδός (Od. 
4. 17, etc.).—mpopdaras, 2.6. the poet. 
Cp. Plato Phaedr. p. 262 Ὁ (speaking of 
the birds) of τῶν Μουσῶν προφῆται οἱ 
ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ᾧδοί. Pindar fr. go calls 
himself ἀοίδιμον Πιερίδων προφάταν. 


Vu] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


301 


VII. ΠΣ 


For Automedes of Phlius, victor in the pentathlon 
at Nemea. 


Graces of the golden distaff, may ye grant the charm that 
wins mortal ears; for the inspired prophet of the violet-eyed 
Muses is ready to sing Phlius and the verdure-clad domain of 
Nemean Zeus; where white-armed Hera nourished the deep- 
voiced lion, slayer of sheep, first of the foes on whom Heracles 


was to win renown. 


There the heroes with red shields, 


Housman, Wilamowitz, Blass: κεῖθι γὰρ νικάσπιδες K. (κινάσπιδες Richards). 


κεῖθι 


γὰρ χαλκάσπιδες Nairn: κεῖθι καὶ λευκάσπιδες Jurenka and others: but the letters 


NI are certain. 


4 f. εὔτυκος (supply ἐστί), z.¢. εὐτρεπής, 
ἕτοιμος : with infin., as in Aesch. Supfp/. 
973 f. πᾶς τις ἐπειπεῖν ψόγον ἀλλοθρόοις | 
εὔτυκος. 

Φλειοῦντά τε κιτιλ. The spelling in 
the ms. here (with «) is confirmed by 
Φλειάσιος in Corp. Iuscr. Att. τ. 45. 15 
(421 B.c.), and 11. add. 576 2. 15 (362 
B.c.): Meisterhans, Gramm. der Att. 
Inschr, p. 26. As to Phlius, see Introd. 
to this Ode. 

Nepeatov Ζηνός. The vale of Nemea 
is next on the east to that of Phlius, from 
which it is divided by the ridge of 
Trikaranon. Hence Pindar says of a 
Nemean victor (4. vi. 47 ff.), Borava τέ 
viv ποθ᾽ ἁ λέοντος | νικῶνθ᾽ ἤρεφε δα- 
σκίοις | Φλιοῦντος ὑπ᾽ ὠγυγίοις ὄρεσιν, ‘the 
lion’s herb (the σέλινον or wreath of 
parsley) shadowed his victorious brow 
beneath the forest-clad primeval hills of 
Phlius.” The temple of the Nemean Zeus 
stood on moist ground in the lower part 
of the vale, surrounded by a grove of 
cypresses. In the time of Pausanias (2. 
15 §2), ὦ. 170 A.D., the roof had fallen 
in; though games and sacrifices were 
still held in winter, the immemorial Zeus- 
cult being maintained, doubtless, at Bw- 
μοὶ ὑπαίθριοι. Three columns are still 
standing in the lonely valley. 

εὐθαλές, Doric for εὐθηλές (θηλέω): the 
syllable answering to @a is long in the 
corresponding verses. So Pind. P. Ix. 
79 εὐθαλεῖ τύχᾳ: Ar. Av. 1062 εὐθαλεῖς 
καρπούς. Aesch. frag. 300. 5 has ed@adjs 
(θάλλω). Cp. XII. 69 πανθαλέων : but in 
ΧΙ]. 229 tav@adyjs.—Nemea was well- 


watered (εὔυδρος, Theocr. xxv. 182); 
wood throve there (εὐφύλλονυ Νεμέης, 
Pind. 7. v. 61), and the vale afforded cool 
pastures. (Cp. E. Curtius Pe/of, 11. 506.) 

6—9 μηλοδαΐκταν. Cp. Aesch. Pers. 
104 πολέμους πυργοδαΐκτους (‘destroying 
walled cities,’ where we should perhaps 
read mupyodatxras): αὐτοδάϊκτος (Theb. 
735), and λουτροδάϊκτος (Cho. 1071) are 
passive in sense. 

The Nemean lion was a ζῷον ἄτρωτον, 
ἐκ Τυφῶνος γεγεννημένον (Apollod. 11. 5. 
1): a legend which symbolized the de- 
structive force of the winter-torrent 
rushing down from the hills. In Zeno- 
bius vi. 39 the monster is xapadpatos 
λέων, from the Νεμεὰς χαράδρα: cp. 
Aeschin. or. 2 ὃ 168. He is described 
by Hesiod (Zheog. 331) as κοιρανέων 
Tpnroto Neuelns ἠδ᾽ ᾿Απέσαντος. Treton 
(‘the cavernous’) was a hill Ε. of Nemea, 
in which the lion’s cave was shown 
(Paus. 2. 15. 2, Diod...Sic. Iv.. 11): 
Apesas, a rocky height on the N.E. of 
the vale. Pindar denotes Nemea by the 
phrase χόρτοις ἐν λέοντος (‘pastures of the 
lion’), O. XIII. 44. 

ἀέθλων πρῶτον. The order of the 
twelve ἄθλοι of Heracles was probably 
first established in legend by the Dorians 
of Argolis. Peisander of Rhodes in his 
Ἡράκλεια (6th cent. B.Cc.?) may have 
helped to popularize it. The Nemean 
lion always comes first (see, ¢.g., Eur. 
HF. 359 ff.: Soph. Tr. 1092 f.). 

10 φοινικά is the only conjec- 
ture which satisfies the data in the papy- 
rus, if νικάσπιδες be rejected. In Tragedy 


str. I. 


ant. 1 


302 BAKXYAIAOY [VIII 
3 πρώτιστον ᾿Αργείων κριτοὶ ‘ 
3 ἄθλησαν ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, τὸν ξανθοδερκὴς 
4 πέφν᾽ ἀωτεύοντα δράκων ὑπέροπλος, 
ς σᾶμα μέλλοντος φόνου. 
15 6 ὦ μοῖρα πολυκρατές᾽ οὔ νιν 
γ πεῖθ᾽ ᾿Οἰκλείδας πάλιν 
8 στείχειν ἐς εὐάνδρους ἀγυιάς. ᾿ 
9 ἐλπὶς ἀνθρώπων ὑφαιρὶ εἴται προνοίας. 
ἐπ. α΄. τἃ καὶ τότ᾽ ΓΑδραστον Ταλί αϊονίδαν 


12 ἄθλησαν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, τὸν] The scribe omitted E before II, wrote M instead of 
X, and CYN instead of TON. 4435 has corrected the last two errors above the line, 


the Argive warriors have white shields 
(Aesch. 7h. go, Soph. Ant. τού, Eur. 
Phoe. 1099). Red shields are nowhere 
mentioned in classical Greek literature. 
Pindar (P. ν111. 46) describes the Argive 
Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, as δρά- 
κοντα ποικίλον αἰθᾶς νωμῶντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀσπίδος: 
and Bacchylides (fr. 3. 6 f.) has αἰθᾶν 
ἀραχνᾶν, where the sense seems to 
be ‘reddish-brown.’ In the Pindaric 
verse, however, αἰθᾶς, as epithet of the 
shield, would naturally mean ‘bright,’ 
‘glittering’ (like αἴθων and αἴθοψ, said of 
burnished metal), rather than ‘of a bright 
colour. (Quintus Smyrnaeus v. 27, 
imagining a scene of slaughter depicted 
on the shield of Achilles, says, πέδον δ᾽ 
ἅπαν αἵματι πολλῷ | δευομένῳ ἤϊκτο, ---ἃ5 
if the ground were painted red; but that 
scarcely helps us.) On the other hand it 
should be noted that Bacchylides has 
φοινικόθριξ (X. 105), φοινικοκράδεμνος (X. 
97, XII. 222), and φοινικόνωτος (V. 102). 
As to νικάσπιδες, it would clearly be 
infelicitous: the heroes were not ‘vic- 
torious’ at this moment, nor would that 
epithet be suitable to ‘shields’: the only 
question is whether it is possible. Our 
poet has some strange compounds, such 
as πολεμαιγίς (XVI. 7), ‘with warlike 
aegis’; dpératxpmos (XV. 47), ‘valiant with 
the spear.’ But νίκασπις would be stranger 
than these. There are such forms as 
νικόβουλος and vixoudyas, but no example 
in which νίκη is compounded witha word 
denoting the instrument of victory. 
ἡμίθεοι,-Ξ- ἥρωες, as in X. 62, XII. 155, 
Pindar P. Iv. 12: the seven Pelopon- 
nesian chiefs (including Adrastus king of 
Argos, the leader) who marched against 
Thebes to restore Polyneices (Aesch. 


Theb. 377 ff., Soph. O.C. 1313 ff.). 

11f. πρώτιστον... «ἄθλησαν : these, ac- 
cording to the legend, were the first 
contests ever held at Nemea, and gave 
origin to the festival. 

ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, in his memory. Apol- 
lod. 111. 6. 4 οἱ δὲ ἔθεσαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν 
τῶν Νεμέων ἀγῶνα. Marching from Argos 
towards the Isthmus of Corinth, Adrastus 
and his comrades made their first halt in 
the vale of Nemea. Opheltes, the infant 
son of Lycurgus king of Nemea by 
Eurydice, was there in charge of his 
nurse Hypsipyle (formerly queen of Lem- 
nos). She guided the thirsty warriors to 
a spring; and meanwhile the child was 
killed by a huge dragon. The heroes 
came back in time to slay the monster; 
then they buried the child, and changed 
his name from Opheltes to Archemorus, 
because his death was a beginning of 
doom. And in his memory they insti- 
tuted the Nemean games. (Apollod. /c.: 
Statius 7hebazs v. 624 ff.: Hyginus Fad. 
74, cp. Fab. 273.)—Simonides alludes to 
the grief of the warriors, fr. 52 : (Evpvél- 
kas) loorepdvov | γλυκεῖαν ἐδάκρυσαν | 
ψυχὰν ἀποπνέοντα γαλαθηνὸν réxos.—The 
grave of Opheltes was shown at Nemea; 
also a mound commemorating his father 
Lycurgus; and a πηγὴ ᾿Αδραστεία (Paus. 
2. 15. ὃ 3).—Pindar [/V.] x. 28 speaks of 
the Nemean festival as held ἐν ’Adpacr- 
ely νόμῳ, ‘according to the institution 
of Adrastus.’ 

ξανθοδερκής, with fiery eyes. Cp. II. 
56 ξανθὰν proya. Arist. De Color. p. 791a 
4, τὸ δὲ wip καὶ ὁ ἥλιος ξανθά. Statius 
v. 508 (with reference to this dragon), 
Livida fax ocults. 

13 ἀωτεύοντα, ‘sleeping’ (R. A. Neil’s 


Vil] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


303 
the flower of the Argives, held the earliest games, in memory 
of Archemorus, who was slain in his sleep by the huge dragon 
with fiery eyes, an omen of slaughter to come. Ah, Fate of 
mighty power! The son of Oicles could not persuade them to 
return to the streets of the good city. Hope robs men of 


prudent thoughts,— 


she who then sent Adrastus son of Talaiis 


and may have written ε above 7, where the papyrus is mutilated. 
The letter Ὑ is a correction (from P?) by 443, 
19 ἃ καὶ A®: δὴ (without a) A. 


R. A. Neil. ACAIETONTA Ms. 
16 ᾿Οἰκλείδας] kX from AXA by A. 


13 dwrevovra 


excellent. correction), could have been 
corrupted into the ACATETONTA of the 
papyrus through ὦ being read as σα. 
Such a form of oa, from a papyrus of 
162 B.C., may be seen in Gardthausen’s 
Griech. Palaeographie, table 3 (at the end 
of the book). The change of T to T 
would do the rest. Hesychius has 
ἀωτεύειν" ἀπανθίζεσθαι. This suggests 
that the word here might mean, ‘while 
gathering flowers’: Eur. fr. 754 (from 
the "Ὑψιπύλη, ap. Plut. Aor. p. 93 D) 
described the child as thus engaged: 
ἕτερον ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρῳ αἰρόμενος | ἄγρευμ᾽ ἀνθέων 
κιτ.Ὰ.: though we do not know how 
Euripides told the story of the death. 
According to Statius (Vv. 502—504), 
Opheltes was killed while s/eeping on the 
grass (cp. Paus. 2. 15. 2 τεθέντα és τὴν 
πόαν). Now Simonides has ἀωτεῖν (with- 
out the Homeric addition of ὕπνον) as 
meaning ‘to sleep’: fr. 37-6 σὺ δ᾽ ἀωτεῖς 
γαλαθηνῷ τ᾽ ἤτορι κνώσσεις. It seems 
very probable, then, that his nephew 
used dwrevovra in the sense of ἀωτέοντα. 
Cp. ἑατεύω (Alcman fr. 33. 8), ἀχεύω, 
οἰνοχοεύω, at the side of the forms in 
τέω. 

ὑπέροπλος, of huge size and strength ; 
cp. Hes. Zheog. 670 βίην ὑπέροπλον 
ἔχοντες. 

14 σάμα, ‘omen’ (as in Pind. fr. 107): 
φόνου, their overthrow at Thebes. 

152. ov νιν πεῖθ᾽ : ‘could not persuade 
them’ (impf.). vey is plural (referring to 
the heroes), as in fr. 5 (K.), προσεφώνει 
τέ vw(placed by Blass as νυ. 76 of Ode I., 
and ed. p. 25), where Apollonius De 
pronom. p. 368 A noticed the use. The 
plural vw occurs also in Pindar (fr. 7. 2), 
Sophocles (0.7. 868 etc.), and Euripides 
(Suppl. 1140). 

16 ’OixAcSas. Amphiaraus, the great 


warrior and seer (Soph. O.C- 1313), was 
the son of Οἰκλῆς (an Argive hero who 
had gone with Heracles against Laome- 
don, Apollod. 11. 6. 4). 

17 evdvdpous, in contrast with the 
lonely vale of Nemea.—dyuids, of Argos. 
It is noteworthy that Pindar P. ὙΠ]. 
52 ff. (where Amphiaraus predicts the 
return of Adrastus) denotes Argos by the 
phrase” Ἄβαντος εὐρυχόρους ἀγυιάς. 

18 ὑφαιρεῖται : this rare middle occurs 
in Eur. £/. 271 σιγῇ τοῦθ᾽ ὑφαιρούμεσθά 
vw. The middle of ἀφαιρεῖν is used by 
Pind. P. τν. 218, and /. 1. 62.—The lost 
object of the verb ought to express the 
idea of ‘ prudence,’ ‘ caution,’ or ‘ fore- 
sight.’ W. Christ reads πρόνοιαν (and so 
Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets p. 104). 
A long final would be preferable: for 
that reason, and also on poetical grounds, 
I suggest the plur. προνοίας, as used by 
Aesch. Ag. 684 (‘ Helen’ was so named 
by some one) προνοίαισι τοῦ πεπρωμένου, 
‘with forebodings of her doom.’ This 
ode shows distinct traces of Aeschylean 
diction (see on v. 2 πεισέμβροτον, and 
v. 6 pmdodatxray).—Blass gives νόημα 
(referring to X. 54): but its normal sense, 
as there, is ‘a thought,’ rather than 
‘thought’ or ‘forethought.’ μερίμνας 


(Wilamowitz) also seems less suitable (cp.. 


ἢ. on XVIII. 34).—Jurenka supplies φρέν᾽ 
ὀρθάν, which is possible, if somewhat 
too general.—Kenyon, reading ὑφαιρεῖ, 
suggests μῆτιν ἐσθλάν. It is perhaps 
worth noting that such a caesura as that 
made by ὑφαιρεῖ does not occur in any of 
the corresponding verses. 

19 Tadaiovidav, son of Talaos (a 
name ominous of suffering). The double 
patronymic (-fw combined with -ἐδης) is 
sometimes used by poets metrt causa: 
cp. ἸΙαπετιονίδη in Hes. ΟΖ. 54- 


epode τ. 


304 
Col. 15 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[VIII 


2 πέμπεν ἐς Θήβας Πολυνείκεϊ thal -yxt@ | πρόξεινϊ ον.. 


’ Fe | > / > ’ὔ 
3 κείνων ἀπ᾽ εὐδόξων ἀγώνων 
3 la Ν σὰ 
. ἐν Νεμέᾳ κλεινοὶ βροτῶν 
ee 


ἃ td , 
5 οὗ τριέτει στεφάνῳ 


6 ἕανθὰν ἐρέψωνται κόμαν. 
25 7 Αὐτομήδει νῦν γε νικά- 
8 σαντί νιν δαίμων ἔδωκεν. 


στρ. β΄. 


/ ‘ a Ve ε 
t πενταέθλοισιν γὰρ ενεπρέπεν ως 


"ἄστρων διακρίνει φάη 

3 νυκτὸς διχομήνιδος εὐφεγγὴς σελάνα:" 
30 «τοῖος “Ἑλλάνων δι ἀπείρονα κύκλον 

5 φαῖνε θαυμαστὸν δέμας, 

6 δισκὸν τροχοειδέα ῥίπτων, 

γ καὶ μελαμφύλλου κλάδον 

8 ἀκτέας ἐς αἰπεινὰν προπέμπων 

> Ως 3 Ν Ν » lal 

35 9 αἰθέρ᾽ ἐκ χειρὸς βοὰν ὥτρυνε λαῶν, 


25 The final ¢ οἵ Αὐτομήδει and the y of γε have been added by A® above the line. 


26 ἔδωκεν] The first hand wrote E. HKEN: A? wrote w over H. 


29 διχομήνιδος] 


20. After Πολυνείκεϊ the letters tha 
alone are certain. πλαγκτῷ πρόξενον 
Blass, ‘a patron’ (or ‘protector’) for the 
wandering (i.e. exiled) Polyneices. Cp. 
Eur. Supp/. 961 where the chorus of 
Argive matrons, who have come from 
Thebes to Eleusis, say, πλαγκτὰ δ᾽ ὡσεί 
τις νεφέλα | πιευμάτων ὑπὸ δυσχίμων 
ἀΐσσω. For πρόξενον, cp. Aesch. Suppi. 
418f., γενοῦ | πανδίκως εὐσεβὴς | πρόξενος 
(Ἢ protector’). Blass takes the word from 
fr. 35 (K.), προξεν : it is only a conjecture, 
however, that it belongs here. There is 
a metrical objection to this reading, viz. 
the caesura after πλαγκτῷ, which is 
against the poet’s usual practice (see 
p- 97). No such caesura at that point 
occurs in any one of the corresponding 
verses (46, 72, 98). Nevertheless πλαγκτῷ 
πρόξενον appears more probable than any- 
thing else. The number of other possible 
supplements is narrowly limited by mAa : 
they are such as πλαθέντα ξένῳ, πλαξίππῳ 
πέλας (or mwapal), πλάξοντα πτόλιν, πλα- 
γχθέντι ξένον : and not one is satisfactory. 
In this context, σύμμαχον might seem a 
fitter word than πρόξενον : but the ally of 
an exile, who supports him with armed 


forces, could be called his ‘patron.’ 

22 £. Νεμέᾳ, ~— by synizesis, as in 
XI. 8 (probably), and Pind. J. Iv. 75.— 
τριέτει : the fact that the MS. gives the 
older Attic accent here seems a reason 
for keeping it: the later τριετεῖ is pre- 
ferred by Blass.—The Nemean games 
were held in the second and fourth years 
of each Olympiad. The older view, sup- 
ported by Scaliger, that the season of 
the festival was alternately summer and 
winter, has been abandoned, since it has 
been shown by G. Unger (PAz/ol. XxXxIv. 
50 ff., XxXxXvil. 1 ff.) that in the fifth 
century the Nemea always took place at 
midsummer, in the Argive month Πάνα- 
μος (Πάνημος). The στέφανος was of 
parsley, a symbol of mourning for the 
death of Archemorus. 

24 ἐρέψωνται : for the midd., cp. Eur. 
Bacch. 323 κισσῷ τ᾽ ἐρεψόμεσθα καὶ 
χορεύσομεν. 

27 πενταέθλοισιν, the competitors in 
the pentathlon: Her. Ix. 75 ἄνδρα πεν- 
τάεθλον. 

28 διακρίνει. Only two interpreta- 
tions are possible. (1) ‘The moon 
distinguishes the lights of the stars’ (from 


VIII] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 305 
to Thebes, as patron of the exile Polyneices. 

Illustrious are the mortals who, from those famous contests 
at Nemea, crown golden hair with the triennial wreath. To 


Automedes the god has now given it for his victory. 


For he shone among his rivals in the pentathlon as the str. 2. 
brilliant moon of the mid-month night makes the rays of the 
stars seem pale beside her own. Even thus, amidst the vast 
concourse of the Greeks, showed he his wondrous form, as he 
threw the round quoit, and roused the shouts of the people 
when he sped the branch of the dark-leaved elder-tree from his 


hand to the high heaven, 


dixounvidos MS.; a wrong accent, it would seem. 
33 μελαμφύλλου] The second M made by A? from N: cp. v. 2. 


32 ῥίπτων Blass. : ῥιπτῶν MS. 
35 f. Housman 


conj. βοάν τ᾽ wpwe λαῶν | of τελευταίας κ.τ.λ. 


her own): 7.¢. ‘makes them seem different 
from her own,’ and inferior to it. This 
is forced; to me it seems barely possible; 
yet, if διακρίνει be sound, it is the view 
in which I should acquiesce. (2) ‘The 
moon farts the stars,’—7.¢., ‘moves a- 
mong them.’ For this sense of the verb 
cp. Plat. Crat. 388 Β κερκίζοντες δὲ τί 
δρῶμεν; οὐ τὴν κρόκην καὶ τοὺς στήμονας 
συγκεχυμένους διακρίνομεν ; But, as there 
a movement of the things ‘ parted’ is in- 
volved, so here the phrase would imply 
that the stars yield place to the moon 
‘as she cleaves her path among them.— 
Blass writes Svakptvet (adjective), a form 
not extant, but analogous to εὐκρινής, and 
alters φάη to φάει. This would mean 
(I suppose), ‘as the moon is conspicuous 
(ἐμπρέπει, supplied from ἐνέπρεπεν) amidst 
the different light of the stars’: or, ‘is 
conspicuous with a light different from 
(that of) the stars.’ The syllable answering 
to the second of διακρινεῖ is, however, 
long in the corresponding vv.; and δια- 
κρίνει is so accented in the papyrus. It 
must be added that there is no reason to 
suspect φάη. The plural φάεα (as ‘eyes’) 
was familiar from the Odyssey (16. 15 
etc.), and is not rare in later poetry 
(Callimachus Hymn. Dian. 71, Anthol. 
8. 77, etc.). Aratus uses it in exactly 
the sense which it has here, Phaenom. go 
ἀλλ᾽ ai μὲν (the constellation called Χηλαί) 
φαέων ἐπιδευέες, οὐδὲν ἀγαυαί. 

I would suggest διωχραίνει : ‘the moon 
spreads paleness over the radiance of the 
stars.’ Cp. the Orphic Argonautica 1315 
δέος δ᾽ ὥχραινε παρειάς. If διωχραίνει had 
been partly mutilated or obscured in the 
archetype, a copyist might have written 


J. B. 


διακρίνει, which occurs in v. 80 of this 
ode.—Tyrrell proposed διαχραίνει, in the 
sense ‘ blurs.’ 

29 νυκτός, gen. of time, rather than 
depending on geddva. — διχομήνιδος : 
Pind. O. 111. 19 διχόμηνις Μήνα : 7. VII. 
47 διχομηνίδεσσιν ἑσπέραις.---σελάνα : the 
Doric α in two consecutive syllables is 
against the poet’s general rule (see n. on 
Φήμα in 11. 1): but cp. XII. 195 ᾿Αθάνα. 

80 κύκλον: so Pind. O. IX. 93 διήρ- 
xeTo κύκλον ὅσσᾳ Bog. 

32 δίσκον. The order of the contests 
in the pentathlon was probably (1) jump- 
ing, (2) quoit, (3) javelin-throwing, 
(4) foot-race, (5) wrestling. So Eusta- 
thius p. 1320 (7. 23. 621), quoting 
ἅλμα ποδῶν δίσκου τε βολὴ καὶ ἄκοντος 
ἐρωὴ | καὶ δρόμος ἠδὲ πάλη, μία δ᾽ ἔπλετο 
πᾶσι τελευτή (1.6. ‘one result,’ decided by 
a majority of feats). Simonides fr. 153, 
for metre’s sake, puts no. 4 between I 
and 2: ἄλμα ποδωκείην δίσκον ἄκοντα 
πάλην. Here the poet mentions guoit, 
javelin, wrestling: probably Automedes 
lost the jump and the foot-race. Three 
feats gave the prize: Aristeides Pana- 
then. 111. 339 (ed. Dind.) ἀρκεῖ τοῖς 
πεντάθλοις τρία τῶν πέντε πρὸς νίκην. 

ῥίπτων. The papyrus gives ῥιπτῶν 
with the circumflex: but, on its own 
evidence, B. regularly has -éwy in the 
participle: see 111. 96 n. (Cp. Soph. 
Ai. 239, τ. on ῥιπτεῖ.) 

34 f. ἀκτέας, the elder-tree. Theo- 
phrastus Hzst. Plant. 11. v. 4 remarks 
that its wood has few knots or branches 
(ἄοζα...τὰ τῆς axr7s),—one of the qualities 
which fitted it to furnish ἀκόντια. 

852. βοὰν.. πάλας. The Ms. has 


21 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[VIII 


ey , Vie. , 
τ ἢ τελευταίας ἀμάρυγμα πάλας" 


. τοιῷ] δ᾽ ὑπερθύϊμῳ σί θένε]" 


3γυιαϊ λκέα σώματα [πρὸς ylaia πελάσσας 
, ἵκετ᾽ [᾿Ασωπὸν παρὰ πορφυροδίναν, 


40 «τοῦ κλέος πᾶσαν χθόνα 
690 v καὶ] ἐπ᾿ ἔσχατα Νείλου" 
γταί τ᾽ ἐπ᾽ εἰ ὑν αε πόρῳ 
8 οἰκεῦσι Θερμώδοντος, ἐγχέων 

ν A ‘4 +>, 
οἵστορες κοῦραι διωξίπποι᾽ “Apyos, 


ἐπ. β΄. 45.. σῶν, ὦ πολυζήλωτε (ξ)άναξ ποταμῶν, 
“ ἐγγόνων γεύσαντο, καὶ ὑψιπύλου Τροίας ἕδος. 
3 στείχει Ou εὐρείας κελεύθου 
4 μυρία παντᾷ φάτις 


5 σᾶς γενεᾶς λιπαρο- 
’ ’ ἃ Ν 
ζώνων θυγάτρων, ἃς θεοὶ 


37 Restored by K. 
meddooas] ITEAACCQ[N A: A? drew a stroke through ὦ (also transfixing 


5O 6 


πάλας] II made from T by A*. 
Jurenka. 


38 [πρὸς γ]αίᾳ K.: πέντ᾽ alg 


the second σὴ), and seems to have written ag above; but the papyrus is mutilated. 


no point either after λαῶν or after πάλας. 
(1) With the text as it stands, I should 
place only a comma after λαῶν, and 
suppose that from προπέμπων we are to 
supply some participle of a more general 
sense (such as φαίνων or προδεικνύς) to 
govern the acc. ἀμά ‘ He roused 
the shout of the people as he sped (προ- 
πέμπων) the javelin from his hand..., or 
as he put forth (sc. φαίνων or the like) his 
flashing swiftness in the final wrestling- 
match.’ It is then a kind of ‘zeugma,’ 
like that in Soph. Az. 1035 dp’ οὐκ ’Epwis 
τοῦτ᾽ ἐχάλκευσε ξίφος | κἀκεῖνον Acdys...; 
where for κἀκεῖνον (the girdle) we supply 
εἰργάσατο or the like. This view seems 
to me, on the whole, the best. 

(2) The construction would be clearer, 
if we placed a comma after χειρός, and 
read βοάν [τ] ὦτρυνε λαῶν | ot τελευταίας 
ἀμάρυγμα πάλας" as Prof. Housman pro- 
posed (who also changed wrpuve to ὦρινε). 
But of as a correction of the Ms. ἢ is not 
quite satisfactory: still less so is δή (which 
I formerly suggested); though δή can 
commence a verse, and even a sentence 
(Od. 13. Ὁ»: Pind. 0. III. 25). 

(3) Blass puts a full stop after λαῶν. 
He does not, however, explain how he 
takes ἢ...πάλας. With that punctuation, 
only two resources seem open. (a) To 


regard v. 36 as a sort of exclamation: ‘ or 
think of his flashing movement in the 
wrestling-match!’ (ὁ) to read ἦν for ἡ, 
with a stress on ἀμάρυγμα: ‘Flashing 
movement was there in the wrestling- 
match ...; with such might did he bear 
his men to earth.’ 

@tpuve, as in 71. 5. 470 ὥτρυνε μένος 
kal θυμὸν ἑκάστου, or 12. 277 μάχην 
@rpuvoy: ‘stirred up,’ ‘roused.’ 

ἀμάρυγμα, the ‘flash’ of quick motion: 
Hes. fr. 225 Χαρίτων ἀμαρύγματ᾽ ἔχουσα 
(in dancing): Ar. Av. 925 οἷάπερ ἵππων 
ἀμαρυγά (with epic v, as in Hom. hymn. 
III. 45). 

88 πρὸς yala. The redundant pre- 
position, though only a conjecture, is 
partly supported by xX. 23 πρὸς γαίᾳ 
πεσόντα. As Jurenka observes, there is 
no other example of a prep. being added 
to the dative after πελάζω. The only 
objection to his ingenious πέντ᾽ alg is 
that aia is not elsewhere found in Bac- 
chylides. 

39 ᾿Ασωπόν. See Introduction to the 
Ode.—The long a in this name (Z/. 4. 383, 
Pind. WV. ΙΧ. 9, Ovid Amor. 111. 6. 33, 
etc.) is against connecting it with dovs, 
‘mud,’ ‘silt’ (Ztym. .,7.)}, which has @ 
(1. 21. 321). . 

41 καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα Νείλου, 7.c. to the 


vill] ETTINIKOi 


307 
or put forth his flashing swiftness of movement in the wrestling- 
match at the end. Such was the mighty spirit and strength 
with which he brought stalwart forms to earth, ere he returned 
to the Asopus with dark-eddying tide; that river whose faghe 
has gone out into all lands, even to the uttermost regions of the 


Nile. 


Yea, the maidens who dwell by the fair-flowing stream of 
Thermodon, the skilled spear-women, daughters of horse-urging 


Ares, 


have tasted the valour of thy descendants, O thrice-glorious lord 
of streams: Troy also has known it, city of lofty gates. 

The vast fame of thy children goes forth on a wide path in 
every land,—those bright-girdled daughters whom the gods 


39 [᾿Ασωπὸ]ν Blass, Housman, Richards, Wilamowitz. 
43 κοῦραι K.: κόραι MS. 


corr. Δ, 42 εἰ ν]αεῖ J. 


Housman and others: πολυζήλωτ᾽ ἄναξ MS. 


41 ἤλθεϊν] MAGE A: 
45 πολυζήλωτε (ρ)άναξ 
46 ἐγγόνων Jurenka, Weil, 


Wilamowitz (cotv...éyyévow or ἐκγόνοιν Housman): ἔγγονοι MS. 


remotest regions ; an image like Pindar’s 
in /. v. [VI.] 22 f. (‘countless roads...are 
cleft for the onward course of noble 
deeds’) καὶ πέραν Νείλοιο παγᾶν καὶ δι᾽ 
Ὑπερβορέους.---ἰ scarcely think that there 
is an allusion to Memnon and his Aethio- 
pians at Troy, as having carried the fame 
of the Aeacidae home with them. 

42 ff. εὐναεῖ. εὐναής occurs nowhere 
else, nor is εὔναος found : but cp. dewarjs 
in a quotation by Athenaeus (p. 61 A) 
from Nicander. 

μώδοντος, a river of Pontus, now 
the Zermeh. Near its mouth on the coast 
of the Euxine was the town of Θεμίσκυρα, 
with a fertile plain which fed great herds 
of oxen and horses. This was the legend- 
ary seat of the Amazons. . (Aesch. P. V. 
723 ff.: Verg. Aen. xI. 659: Apoll. 
Rhod. 11. 995 Θεμισκύρειαι ᾿Αμαζόνες.) 
The Amazon-myth first came into Greek 
poetry with the Cyclic epic Αἰθιοπές (c. 
775—700 B.C.?), ascribed to Arctinus.— 
ἐγχέων ἵστορες, skilled with the spear. 
Poetry armed the Amazons, however, not 
only with the spear and sword of the 
Greek hero, but also with the bow (Pind. 
O. Χμ. 89 τοξόταν στρατόν), and with 
the axe, either single-edged (σάγαρις, 
Xen. An. Iv. 4. 16), or double (πέλεκυς, 
bipennis, Quint. Smyrn. 1. 597). Their 
shield was πέλτα or γέρρον (like that of 
Thracians or Persians).—kodpat...”Apnos. 
Penthesileia, their queen, is called “Apnos 
θυγάτηρ in the verse which linked the 
Aethiopis to the /liad (schol. 71. 24. 804). 


The Amazons figure in legend as wor- 
shippers of the war-god, sacrificing to him 
at an island-shrine near Themiscyra (Ap. 
Rhod. 11. 385 f.), as on the [Ἄρειος πάγος 
at Athens (Aesch. Zum. 689 ; cp. schol. 
Ar. Lys. 191). 

45f. f is assumed before ἄναξ here, 
but not in 11. 76 (ὁ δ᾽ ἄναξ) or ν. 84 
(θάμβησεν δ᾽ ἄναξ). Cp. Il. 2 n.—oev... 
ἐγγόνων γεύσαντο : ‘the Amazons tasted 
the valour of thy offspring,—and so did 
Troy.’ Cp. 77. 20. 258 γευσόμεθ᾽ ἀλλήλων 
χαλκήρεσιν éyxelyow. The ‘descendants’ 
meant are Telamon, Ajax, and Achilles ; 
perhaps also Peleus and Neoptolemus. 
Telamon (and according to one account, 
Peleus) went with Iolaus on an expedition 
against the Amazons, and slew Melanippe, 
the sister of their queen (schol. Pind. 4. 
11. 64=38). Telamon took part with 
Heracles in his war on Laomedon. When 
the Amazons came to Troy as allies of 
the Trojans, Achilles slew Penthesileia 
(as told in the Aethiopfis). Ajax fought 
against Troy; and Neoptolemus was its 
captor. (See Introd. to this Ode, § 2, 
note 2.)—The Ms. corruption of ἐγγόνων 
into ἔγγονοι may have been prompted by 
the desire of a subject for γεύσαντο (κοῦραι 
being so far back).—éxyévev (XVI. 16) 
might seem preferable, but is not neces- 
sary. 
47 £. στείχει x.7..: ‘Everywhere on 
a broad path goes forth the vast renown...’ 
Cp. ν. 3ν μυρία πάντᾳ κέλευθος, n. 


ant. 2. 


epode 2. 


49 Σ σᾶς γενεᾶς... θυγάτρων. Πϊο- ἡ 


2I—2 


308 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[VII 


γσὺν τύχαις ῴκισσαν ἀρχα- 
8. γοὺς ἀπορθήτων ἀγυιᾶν. 


:τίς γὰρ οὐκ οἷδεν κυανοπλοκάμου 


2 Θήβας ἐύδδμ[ατον πόλι |v, 


3ἢ τὰν μεγαλώνυ μον Αἴγιναν, μεγίστου 


56 4 al Se ἃ πλαθεῖσα λέϊΪχει τέκεν ἥρω 


- δεσῳ ἐπεὶ τς OE Ὶ 


6 ὃς y las Bacal vourw ᾿Αχ]αιῶν 


VY 


60 5-- —-V---V--= 


σα — — — Y εἰύπ[ εἶσλον [Κλεώναν 


> , 
αντ. Ἃ . 


17 δὲ Tepavjav ἑλικοστέφαϊ νον 


4 9 > ¥ ~ 
2k|ovpav, ὅσαι T ahha θεῶν 
35 εἰ wats ἐδ ἰάμησαν ἀριγνώτοις a αἸλαι[ od 
65 «παῖδες αἰ]δοῖαι ποταμοῦ κελάδοντος" 

ςτοῦ νυν ἀρχαί]αν πόλιν 
6 κώμοι κατέχου lot τε νίκα ς 

Ν ’ > ga Ν 
γ καὶ λύραις αὐλῶν Boat 


8 σύμφωνα πνείο Ἰυσαι" 


pel γίστου 


Ἴο οχρὴ Διὸς πρῶτον σέβας θ᾽ Ἥραν 7 ἀείδειν" 


51 dpxa-] APXAI A: corr. A’. 


55—88 These 34 verses were contained in 
column XvI., of which only mutilated fragments remain. 


The fragments have 


been combined by Kenyon and Blass, on the evidence of metre, contents, colour 


of the papyrus, etc. : 
55 f. 


: but the combination is necessarily in some measure conjectural. 
-MNON A, ‘corrected to -μον by AS: 
ending in -vpoy, taken by the scribe for ὕμνον. 


this (as K. saw) was from an adj. 


Blass supplies ἢ τὰν μεγαλώνυμον 


dorus (IV. 72) says that Asopus, ‘ having 
made his home (xatrocxnoas) in Phlius,’ 
married Μετώπη (Pind. O. Vi. 84), 
daughter of Ladon (the river of Elis), by 
whom he had two sons, Pelasgus and 
Ismenus, and ¢welve daughters,—Corcyra, 
Salamis, Aegina, Peirene, Cleone, Thebe, 
Tanagra, Thespia, Asopis, Sinope, Oinia, 
and Chalcis. (In c. 73 Diodorus mentions 
a thirteenth, Harpina.) Apollodorus (111. 
12. 6) raises the number of daughters to 
twenty (but does not enumerate them). 
At Olympia the Phliasians dedicated a 
group representing Asopus and five of 
his daughters, viz. Nemea (not mentioned 
by Diodorus), Aegina (with Zeus beside 
her), Harpina (the mother of Oenomaus 
by Ares), Corcyra, and Thebe (Paus. v. 
22. 5).—The wide geographical range of 


these names (from Corcyra to Sinope) 
illustrates the μυρία φάτις of v. 48. 

In the mutilated text of this ode the 
names of only two daughters remain, — 
Thebe and Aegina, who, according to 
Pindar, were the youngest,— Acwrldwy 
ὁπλόταται (7. Vil. 17 f.): see, however, 
n. on 61:—65. 

51 2. σὺν τύχαις. Cp. Χ. 115 σὺν... 
τύχᾳ. Here the plur. is used because 
several persons and cities are concerned: 
it is, in fact, a distributive σὺν τύχᾳ.--- 
ἀρχαγούς. This term is applied to the 
founder of a city, or the eponymous an- 
cestor of a family. Plat. 77%. 21 Ε τῆς 
πόλεως θεὸς ἀρχηγός τίς ἐστιν. Cp. Soph. 
O. C. 60 νυ.---ἀάκπορθήτων is proleptic in 
sense: the gods decreed that the places 
founded by the Asopides should ever be 


VIIT] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟ! 


309 
established, with happy fortunes, as ancestral heroines of cities 
which should defy the spoiler. 


Who does not know the well-built town of dark-haired Thebe ? 
Or Aegina of glorious name, who in wedlock with mighty Zeus 
bore the hero (Aeacus)? , τ : ὲ ‘ : : : 


Exepobed Cleone, 


and Peirene with diadem on her brows, and all those other 
gracious daughters of the ancient river-god, lord of sounding 
waters, who became the illustrious brides of gods. 


[ Verses 66—81, as partially restored. Now is the ancient city of 
Asopus filled with revelry for victory, and with the blended strains of 
flutes and lyres....It is meet to hymn first the majesty of great Zeus 
and Hera; 


(ἐρατώνυμον Wilamowitz): Piccolomini and others, καὶ τὰν (ris δ᾽ οὐ Housman) 
χαριτώνυμον : Ellis, τίς δ᾽ οὐ δολιχήρετμον (Pind. O. νΠΙ. 20).—peyicrou (μέγιστον 
Housman) ἃ Διὸς πλαθεῖσα λέχει Blass, Housman: μεγίστῳ Ζηνὸς ἁ πλαθεῖσα λέχει 
Wilam. 57 2. Blass supplies τοῦ]δε ow[ripa πέδ]ου, | ὃς γ]ᾶς βασάϊνοισιν 
᾿Αχ]αιῶν. 61 If the letters ὑπ are rightly read, εὔπεπλον (or ἐΐπεπλον) is certain. 
63 Blass prints κ[-- -- -Ἴς, alr’ ἄλλαι: but the o belonged (I think) to ὅσαι. Read 
κούραν, ὅσαι τ᾽ ἄλλαι. 65 παῖδες αἰ]δοῖαι 7. : παρθένοι] δοιαὶ Blass: but see comm. 


virgin cities, unravaged by foes. Cp. 
Lysias or. 33 ὃ 7 (of Sparta) μόνοι... 
οἰκοῦντες ἀπόρθητοι καὶ ἀτείχιστοι. Eur. 
Hec. 906 (of Troy) τῶν ἀπορθήτων πόλις 
οὐκέτι λέξει. Below, in v. gg, the word 
was probably applied to Phlius. 

55 f. These verses refer to Aegina, 
bride of Zeus, and her son Aeacus (ἥρω). 
Verse 55 may have begun with kal τὰν 
(Jurenka),—1{s δ᾽ οὐ (which is rather too 
rhetorical),—or ἢ καὶ (Blass, who com- 
pares Pind. O. xIII. 20 ff.). 

57 f. As to the conjecture τοῦ]δε 
σωϊτῆρα πέδ]ου (Blass), all the four letters 
Seow (fr. 37 K.) are uncertain. The 
syllable answering to the a of σωτῆρα 
is long in all the corresponding verses 
(5, 14, 31, 40, 66, 83). That might be 
cured by changing πέδ]ου to στρατ]οῦ 
(45 -- δήμου). But the restoration séems 
doubtful.—In v. 58 βασαίνοισιν Ὁ») pro- 
bably referred to some tests of valour or 
wisdom which Aeacus had successfully 
borne. He must have been the subject 
of v. 59, if not also of 60. 

61—65. In these five verses the 
mention of the Asopides was continued 
and ended. Verses 61 and 62 evidently 
contained two proper names. I conjec- 
ture with some confidence that v. 61 


ended with Κλεώναν, and v. 62 began 
with ἠδὲ ILepdvav. For the place in 
v. 61, Tavaypay or Σινώπαν is also pos- 
sible. But the poet would probably 
prefer Peloponnesian names, appealing to 
Cleonae and to Corinth. In 62 metre 
would not admit Κέρκυραν or (ἢ καὶ) 
“Αρπινὰᾶν (Lycophron 167 ἽΑρπινναν ‘Ap- 
πυίαις ἴσην). 


str. 3. 


ant. 3. 


63 £. ὅσαι 7’...KeAdSovros: 1.6. ἀπά 


all the other daughters of the ancient 
river-god Asopus who became the brides 
of gods. The conjectures κούραν, ὅσαι 
τ᾽, and παῖδες αἰ]δοῖαι, are (I venture to 
think) hardly doubtful. Blass’s παρθένοι] 
δοιαὶ cannot be right, since, as the con- 
text shows,-more than two maidens are 
in question. 

66 ff. Here the poet turned from the 
Asopides to speak of the rejoicings at 
Phlius for the victory of Automedes. 
Sounds of revelry fill the ‘ancient city.’ 
Praises are due to the gods. 

69,70 These and the next five or six 
verses doubtless referred to the principal 
deities worshipped at Phlius. I suggest 
a partial restoration (exempli gratia) a- 
bove.—"Hpav τ᾽ ἀείδειν. There was 
a temple of Hera at Phlius (Paus. 2. 


13. 4). 


310 BAKXYAIAOY [VIII 
ἐπ. γ. «Ἥβαν τ᾽ ἔπειτα Ζηνὸς ἐρισθε]νέος 
΄ ? ΄ 35. 5 Μ᾿ , 
2 χρ]υσέα[ν προσ Ἰθέντα (Εγιόπλοκον εὖ εἰπεῖν | κόραν, 
3 καὶ μ᾽]ατί ἐρ᾽ ἀγ)νάμπτων ἐρώτων 
πῷὺ — κλε)ινὰν βροτο[ῖς 
75 5-VY -- υἹλέων 
ες ἘΞ a, τὰν το νον 
fs 
aaa. νασι]ώταν 
ΒΞ} δεν ΑΌΡΗΝ, καὶ τὴ Up ὕμνον, 
στρ. δ. :.--ἢοἡ ---- --ἰ καὶ ἀποφθιμένῳ 
Ν ’ > > ¥ , 
80 ςτὸν πάντ᾽ ἐς ἄτ]ρυτον χρόνον, 
3 καὶ τοῖς ἐπιγ Ἰιγνομένοις αἰεὶ πιφαύσκοι 
«σὰν Νε]μέᾳ νίκαν: τό [γέ] τοι καλὸν ἔργον 
5-γνησίων ὕμνων τυχὸν 
αὑψοῦ παρὰ δαίμοσι κεῖται" 
85 γσὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ βροτῶν 
8 κάλλιστον, εἴπερ καὶ θάνῃ τις, 
~ A » 
ο λείπεται Μουσᾶν [ἀγακλειτᾶν ἀθυΐρμα. 
ἀντ. δ. τεἰσὶ δ᾽ avOp| ώὥπων ἀρεταῖσιν ὁδοὶ 
Ο0].17 «πολλαί: διακρίνει δὲ θεῶν 


90 3 βουλὰ [τὸ καλυπτό]μενον νυκτὸς [δνόφοισιν'᾽ 


¥ 
+ τὸν δὲ χείρω τ᾽ ayalye 


\ x ὧν" g 
και TOV αρειω 


5 Ζηνὸς aio’ ὀρσικτύ]που. 


ὁ κρυπτὸς yap ὅ τ᾽ ἐσθλὰ 


φυτ]εύσων 


7 ἔργα χὡὼ μὴ πρὶν μολεῖν 
95 ὃ ἐς πεῖραν" ὥπασσαν δὲ π᾿ ἰαύροις 
ο ἀν ἰδρὶ dow Μοῖραι τεκμαίρεσθαι] τὸ μέλλον᾽ 


77 νασι]ώταν Herwerden: Αὐτόμηδες, νασιώταν Blass: but see p. 97. 
82 τό [γέ τοι] Headlam. 
has a point, level with the bottom of the letter; cp. XIV. 47 cr. ἢ. 
K.: βαθυζώνων Blass: μελιφθόγγων Piccolomini and Jurenka. 


émcy|vyvouévas Headlam. 


81 [kai τοῖς 


83 After TYXON the ms. 
87 ἀγακλειτᾶν 
89- 94 Column 


XVII. began with v. 89, but the upper part (containing 89-104 and ΙΧ. 1-5) was torn 


71 £. Hebe, worshipped at Phlius 
and Sicyon under the name of Ala 
(Strabo 8, p. 382), had an ancient 
shrine of peculiar sanctity (ἁγιώτατον 
Paus. II. 13. 3) on the acropolis of 
Phlius. Dia-Hebe, then, would fitly be 
named here, after her parents (Hes. 
Theog. 922) Zeus and Hera. Her 
spouse Heracles was also commemorated 
at Phlius, along with Cyathus, the cup- 
bearer whom he accidentally killed (Paus. 
7. c.). The epithet χρυσέα is elsewhere 


given by B. not only to Aphrodite (v. 
174), but also to Artemis (xX. 117) and 
to Io (xviii. 16). 

If, on the other hand, Aphrodite was 
the subject of these two verses, we could 
read in 71 κἄπειτα κούραν Ζηνὸς ἐρισθ., 
and at the end of 72, εὖ εἰπεῖν Κύπριν. 
I incline to think, however, that the 
first mention of her came in v. 73. 

73 καὶ patép ἀγνάμπτων ἐρώτων, 
Aphrodite: Pindar fr. 122. 4. calls her 
ματέρ᾽ ἐρώτων. The καί, for which there 


Vill] 


then also to praise Hebe, daughter of mighty Zeus, maiden divinely epode 3. 


ETTINIKOI 


311 


fair, with violet locks,—and the Mother of the pitiless Loves....... 
Automedes, we have brought thee the song of the island Muse, 


which shall remain for thee, in thy life and after thy death, for endless str. 4. 


years, to tell all generations of thy victory at Nemea. ] 


A goodly deed that has won the strains of a true poet is laid 
up on high with the gods. When mortal lips give honest praise, 
there is a glory that survives death in song, the joy of the 


[glorious] Muses. 


[Zn verses 88—-104 the general sense is fairly clear: the details ant. 4. 


are partly conjectural.| There are many paths for the excellences 
of men: but it is the counsel of the gods that decides what is 


veiled in the gloom of night. 


alike led on their way by the doom of Zeus the thunderer. 


[The weaker man and the stronger are 


Who is to: 


put forth high deeds, and who is to fail, is a secret, till they come to the 
trial;] and to few mortals have the Fates granted the gift of conjecturing 


the future. 


away. The remains of 89-94 have been put together by Blass from small fragments, 


metre giving the clue. 


which K. placed here because the metre suits this poem and no other. 


95—99 The endings of these verses are on a fragment 


96—99 The 


earlier parts of these verses, also the remains of 1oo—104 and of IX. I, 2, are on a 


is not room in 73 before .ar, may have 
been added to v. 72: something similar 
has happened in vv. ror f., and there are 
other instances of wrong division (as in 
ΙΧ. 15 f., 33 ἢ, 43 [.--ἀγνάμπτων, 
inflexible, not to be resisted or subdued. 
The older Greek poets are apt to speak 
of Eros, not in his gentler aspects, but 
rather as a stern and terrible power: see 
e.g. Sappho fr. 40 “Epos...u’ ὁ λυσιμέλης 
δόνει: Ibycus fr. 1 “Epos...éyxparéws... 
τινάσσει : Soph. 77. 441 f.: id. fr. 855. 
13 (of Κύπρι) τίν᾽ οὐ παλαίουσ᾽ és τρὶς 
ἐκβάλλει θεῶν; 

74 ξ. In these two verses there may 
have been a mention of Demeter and of 
Dionysus. Cp. 97 f. 

76—87 The fame of the victor will 
endure in song. νασιώταν.. ὕμνον, the 
Cean -poet’s ode: so IX. 10 νασιῶτιν... 
μέλισσαν. 

79- 81 πιφαύσκοι in 81 cannot 
have expressed a wish (‘may it de- 
clare!’). We need, then, κε, κεν, or ἄν. 
This probably stood in 79 (¢.g., κῦδος ὅς x’ 
αὔξων καὶ ἀποφθιμένῳ): or possibly in 80 
(e.g., Tov πάντα κ᾽ ἄτρυτον χρόνον) ..--- 
ἄτρνυτον, ‘unending’: see n. on V. 27. 

82-- 84 τό γέ τοι καλὸν ἔργον : cp. 
XII. 83 τό γε σὸν κλέος αἰνεῖ.---γνησίων, 


‘of genuine strain,’ 2.6. genuinely in- 
spired.—twod...xetrat: ‘is laid up on 
high with the gods’; is consigned to 
immortality. 

85—87 σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ βροτῶν 
k.7..: lit., ‘and, with the help of truth 
on the part of men, most glorious (for 
the dead man) is that joy of the Muse 
(the ode) which is left, even after his 
death.” For σὺν ἀλαθείᾳ, see VII. 41 ff. . 
ῃ.---εἴπερ.. θάνῃ: the epic εἰ with 
subjunct., found also in tragic lyrics 
(Soph. O. 7: 198 n.).—dOvppa: cp. the 
poet’s first efigramma, v. 3, ἐν ἀθύρμασι 
Μουσᾶν. In Pindar P. v. 21 the κῶμος 
is ᾿Απολλώνιον ἄθυρμα, his favourite 
‘pastime,’ or ‘delight.’ So ἀθύρειν, of 
the poet’s efforts, 7. 111. 57: Lat. /usus, 
ludere. 

As regards the lost epithet of Movody 
here, ἀγακλειτᾶν or πολυκλειτᾶν would 
perhaps best suit the context. 

88-. 96 εἰσὶ δ᾽... τὸ μέλλον. A 
‘gnomic’ passage, consisting of general 
reflections suggested by the athlete’s 
success in his special line of effort. 
The hints in the mutilated text plainly 
indicate the general tenor: the supple- 
ments which I suggest may serve to 
illustrate it. For the Doric ἃ of ἄγαγε in 


312 BAKXYAIAOY [VIlI, IX 


ἐπ. δ. εὕὔμ]μι(ν δὲ καὶ Δάματρος ἔδωκε χάριν 
. κ]αὶ Διων ύσου Κρονίδας θεοτίματον πόλιν 
svatew ἀπο ρθήτους Bad Ἰεῦντας᾽ 
100 4 vocookamtp|ov Διὸς 
9 Ν 

as ti καλὸν él perar, 

6 πᾶς ailvéor- Tipo€| ένου 

γπα]ιδὲ σὺν Kol pos apap- 


8 τέ]οιτε πεντὶ dOdov (F)éxare. 


ΧΟ ΕΣ 
ΖΑΓΛΑΩΙ (2) ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΙ 
ΔΡΟΛΛΕΙ ICOMIA> 
:Φή]μα, σὺ ylalp ἀϊγγελίαις θνατῶν ἐπ᾿ ]οιχνεῖς 
 φῦ]λα, καὶ πᾶ σιν πιφαύσκεις 
3 τηλόσ |e λαμπί ομένα 


στρ. α΄. 


separate fragment, placed here by Blass (in K.’s edition). 917 The verse began with 
..MI. The letter before MI was M or I. The letter after MI had a base like that 
of A or Ptolemaic w. These traces suit TMMI(N)A. For omission of N in the ms., 
see p. 128, 2. (i).—Blass (1st ed.) wrote dupe (Jurenka, ὕμμι[ν δὲ καὶ ταύταν παρέ]δωκε 
χάριν). In 2nd and 3rd ed. Blass writes τιμίῳ [δ᾽ “Hpaxnéi δ]ῶκε χάριν. As the verse 
then begins with -~-, he proposes in v. 19 to read δὴ τότ᾽ for ἃ καὶ τότ᾽, and in 45 


to omit ὦ. i 
before veo. indicate either N or AI. 


99 evvres A: A® wrote a over the second e. 


102 The traces 


Blass (1st ed.) read them as ὦ, and wrote viv] 


Vv. 91, cp. ἄγετο (ἃ) in ΧΙΧ. 4. In 
v. go δνόφοισιν is hardly doubtful: cp. 
xv. 32 f. Perhaps Horace, a student 
of Bacchylides, had that phrase in mind 
when he wrote, Prudens futuri temporis 
exitum Caliginosa nocte premit deus (III. 
xxix. 29 f.). Theognis, indeed, has ὄρφνη 
γὰρ τέταται (1077) in a like context, but 
that is not so verbally near.—There is 
a close parallelism here with the train of 
thought in ΙΧ. 35 ff., ματεύει | δ᾽ ἄλλος 
ἀλλοίαν κέλευθον... 45 ff. τὸ μέλλον | δ᾽ 
ἀκρίτους τίκτει τελευτάς, | πᾷ τύχα βρίσει. 

97—102 The conclusion. Here the 
poet seems to address the people of 
Phlius. The general sense may have 
been somewhat as follows :—‘To you, 
for the sake of (Demeter and) Dionysus, 
Zeus has given to dwell in a city honoured 
of gods and unravaged.’ Then the ode 
ends with another reference to the victory 
of Automedes. 

97 ff. The καὶ Awy- in 98 makes it 
strongly probable that Demezer was named 


in 97. These two were prominent among 
the divinities of Phlius, which depended 
on vines and agriculture. On the acro- 
polis there was a sacred περίβολος of 
Demeter, and within it a ναός containing 
images of her and Persephone. A festival 
in her honour, with a mystic ritual, was 
held every fourth year at Kedeal, near 
Phlius. In the lower town was an 
ancient ἱερόν of Dionysus. Cp. Paus. 1. 
13. 5—7, and E. Curtius, Pelop. 11. 
471 ff. 

Verse 97 must have begun with --~, 
like vv. 19 and 45, where there is no 
reason to doubt the text: and ὕμ[μι]ν 
δὲ is most probable. A tentative restora- 
tion is shown (ἐλ γε δ]ὲ gratia) above. 

99 ἀπορθήτους: cp. 52. The absence 
of an accent on ο in the Ms. affords a 
presumption in favour of acc. plur. rather 
than acc. sing.—@adedvras. θαλέω was 
an alternative form for θάλλω: Pindar 
has θάλησε (NV. IV. 88, cp. X. 42): 
Hippocr. 6. 654 (Littré) θαλέοντα (v. 1. 


VIII, 1X] 


To you (of Phlius), for the sake of Demeter and of Dionysus, the son epode 4. 


ETTINIKOI 


313 


of Cronus has granted to dwell in a god-honoured city, unravaged and 


prosperous. 


When a man wins a meed of honour from golden-sceptred 


Zeus, let all give praise:—attend ye with festal songs on the son of 
Timoxenus, for his victory in the pentathlon. 


ΙΧ. 


[X.] 


For an Athenian |Agtlaos?), winner of foot-races 
at the Isthmus. 


Fame! thou roamest with tidings o’er the tribes of men, and str. στ. 


declarest them to all, shining afar, 


ὦ νέοι, supposing that, as there is not room for νῦν in 102, it had adhered to 1o1. 


He now accepts K.’s αἱ (instead of w), and reads τοῦτ᾽ αἰνέοι. 


by Blass. 


108 f. Restored 


Tx. The title has perished with the lost part of column XVII. (see cr. n. on VIII. 


89—94). 125. Cp. 


cr. n. on VII. 96. Small parts of 1—4 are supplied by a 


fragment (23 K.) which Blass has placed here.—deplwv νήριθμ᾽ ἐποιχνεῖς | φῦλα 
Wilamowitz: ἀθανάτων θνατῶν τ᾽ ἐποιχνεῖς | φῦλα Headlam: ἀγγελέουσ᾽ ἐπὶ χθόν᾽ 
οἰχνεῖς | καλὰ καὶ πᾶσαν θάλασσαν Jurenka: αἰὲν ἐπ᾽ ἀνθρώπους (or ἐν ἀνθρώποιΞ5) 


πεδοιχνεῖς | ἄθλα Nairn. 


θαλέθοντα) : Quint. Smyrn. 11. 96 θαλέ- 
ουσι: Nonnus 16. 78 θαλέει. (In Mosch. 
11. 67 θαλέεσκε is a v. 1. for θαλέθεσκε.) 

100—102 Διὸς and φέρεται seem 
fairly certain. Before aivéot I supply 
πᾶς (-- πᾶς τις, as in Soph. O. 7. 596, 
O. C. 597, Zl. 972, and often), because 
these words introduce the exhortation, 
σὺν κώμοις ἁμαρτέοιτε. The genitive xp. 
Διὸς recalls vi. 1 ff., Λάχων Διὸς μεγί- 
στου | Adxe φέρτατον πόδεσσι | κῦδος : it 
denotes the source from which the honour 
comes. καλόν (τι) is the Nemean victory: 
cp. 11. 6, Pind. P. vill. 88 ὁ δὲ νέον τι 
καλὸν λαχών (‘a fresh honour’). If ὃς 
be read, φέρεται (midd.) is ‘wins.’ I 
slightly prefer this to @ (Blass), with 
which φέρεται (pass.) =‘ is borne’: though 
that is tenable. Blass supplies τοῦτ᾽ 
before aivéot, z.e. ‘to whomsoever an 
honour is borne (from the gods), let him 
be thankful for it.’ @ would naturally 
mean the victor, who, on this view, is 
the subject of αἰνέοι. In this context, 
however, the subject of αἰνέοι should be, 
not the victor, but one who praises 
him.—The long syllable before aivéo, 
whatever it was, must have been added 
in the Ms. to v. ror: cp. 73 nN. 

104 f. ἁμαρτέοιτε: a probable sup- 
plement. It is in favour of ἁ- rather 
than 6-, that the Ms. has ἁμαρτεῖν (= ἀκο- 


λουθεῖν) in XVII. 46. That form is found 
also in Herodas Iv. 95 and v. 43: and 
is attested by Eustathius (//. p. 592, 21) 
as coexisting with ὁμαρτεῖν. The adv. 
ἁμαρτῇ occurs in //, 5. 656, etc.—Cp. 
Aesch. fr. 355. 2 μιξοβόαν πρέπει | διθύ- 
pauBov ὁμαρτεῖν | σύγκωμον Διονύσῳ. ---- 
féxatt (supplied by Blass) as in I. 6f. 
Cp. V. 33 vuveiv...éxare νίκας (also VI. ΤΙ, 
IX. 15). 


IX. 1. 8 Φήμα bears far and wide, 
even to the nether world, the tidings of 
an athlete’s victory: cp. III. 1 ff. Φήμα 
«φέρουσ᾽ ἀγγελίαν. The supplements 
suggested above are mine. For the dat. 
ἀγγελίαις, cp. Theocr. XXv. 32 (ἀλωαὶ) 
ἃς ἡμεῖς ἔργοισιν ἐποιχόμεθα : for πιφαύ- 
σκεις, VIII. 81. Note that the last 
syllable of the second verse of the strophe 
is long in 12 and 30, though azceps in 
40ο.--πᾶσιν : the papyrus has πᾶ...» as it 
has πᾶσιν (πᾶσιν) in XIV. 54. 

Blass writes: ἀμφ᾽ dperg (‘in the cause 
of prowess’) θνατῶν ἐποιχνεῖς | φῦλα, καὶ 
πᾶσιν τίθησθα | τηλόσε λαμπομέναν. He 
conceives Φήμα as being here, ‘ov... 
nuntius victoriae alicuius,...sed gloria.’ 
The two notions are closely akin: but 
the personified Φήμα is surely, like Fama, 
a bearer of tidings. 


314 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[1x 


4 Kal γᾶς ὑ πὸ Kev| Jeo: κλεινοὶ 
5 58 οἱ γένωνται [χάρμ᾽ ἔχουσιν 


6 παντὶ χώρ ῳ 


υν]όν, ὅ,τι χρυΐ σέαν ἴδον εὔ- 


7 of ABov | ὀφθαλμοῖσι Ν[ίκαν 
8 πὶ ava [αν ἀπράκταν [τε μόχθων. 
9 ᾿Α[γλ jaw καὶ νῦν κασιγνήτας ἀκοίτας 
το νασιῶτιν ἐκίνησεν λιγύφθογγον μέλισσαν, 


> , 
avT- a, 


: ἀχἸειρὲς ἵν᾽ ἀθάνατον Μουσᾶν ἄγαλμα 


= ξυνὸν ἀνθρώποισιν εἴη 


3 χάρμα, τεὰν ἀρετὰν 


4 μανῦον ἐπιχθονίοισιν, 
15 Ξὁσσάκις Νίκας ἕκατι 
6 avOeot ξανθὰν ἀναδησάμενος cele 
7 κῦδος εὐρείαις ᾿Αθάναις 
8 θῆκας Οἰνείδαις τε δόξαν. 


5 The v. ended with ‘a (from χώρῳ ὃ). 
7 The first letter of the verse was certainly 


ayes word belonged metrically to v. 6. 
9 Between A and I there is 


space for about four letters, of which the isd may have been A; but this is not 


4—8 I give above (exempli gratia) 
a tentative restoration.—Kal yas ὑπὸ 
κεύθεσι : cp. Soph. Z/. 1066 f. ὦ χθονία 
βροτοῖσι. φάμα: and Pind. O. vill. 81, 
where ᾿Αγγελία, daughter of Hermes, 
brings news of an athlete’s victory to his 
father in the shades.—For κλεινοὶ δ᾽ | of 
γένωνται, cp. VIII. 22 ff., xXewvol...of.. 
ἐρέψωνται kouav.— app .. ᾿ξυνόν. ξυνὸν... 
χάρμα occurs in 12 in where the general 
sentiment expressed here is applied to 
the particular case of Aglaos (if that was 
his name). It seems not unlikely that 
the phrase in 12 f. was an echo. from 
5 f.—x@pw. The letters wt alone remain. 
There is no trace whatever of the letter 
before them, but only an acute accent, 
showing that the word was paroxytone. 
δάμῳ (the victor’s people) is possible ; 
but the context here and in 12 f. rather 
favours χώρῳ: Fame creates a wide- 
spread sympathy with the victor’striumph: 
the tidings come even to the shades. 

As to the rest of vv. 6—8, note these 
points. (1) Verse 7 began with O. The 
N of ΟΦΘΑΛΜΟΙΟΙ͂Ν, in connexion with 
XPT in v. 6, suggests Nike. (2) Inv. 8 
the first word began with II or TI, and 
ended with AN. (3) After ἀπράκταν 
the first letter was Τὶ, I, Il, or I. The 
next letter was almost certainly E.— 


ἴδον evoABov. I had thought also of 
ἴδεν εὔχονται. Another resource would 
be ποτιλεύσσ᾽ουσιν : but we rather require 
an aorist.—rad\ay ἀπράκταν, ‘a restful 
pause’ from the toils of the athlete. 
Plut. Mor. 270 A (ἡμέρας) ἀποφράδας 
καὶ ἀπράκτους (dies nefastos et ottosos). 
Wi alz Rhet. vol. IV. p. 15 ἑορτὴν ἄπρακτον, 
“ἃ holiday on which no work is done.’ 
For the place of τε cp. Soph. O. 7, 528 
ἐξ ὀμμάτων δ᾽ ὀρθῶν τε κἀξ ὀρθῆς φρενός. 
For the sentiment, Pind. O. 1. 97 ff. ὁ 
νικῶν δὲ λοιπὸν ἀμφὶ βίοτον | ἔχει μελι- 
τόεσσαν εὐδίαν | ἀέθλων γ᾽ ἕνεκεν : O, 
VIII. 5 ff. μαιομένων μεγάλαν | ἀρετὰν 
θυμῷ λαβεῖν, | τῶν δὲ μόχθων ἀμπνοάν, 
‘ (athletes) whose spirit is eager to attain 
great glory, and a respite from their 
toils. '—Jurenka gives παῦσαν ἀπράκταν 
μέριμναν, ‘have made an end of ineffec- 
tual anxiety’ (for victory): but the initial 
of the third word cannot have been M. 
9—14 For Aglaos, his brother-in- 
law has commissioned the poet of Ceos 
to write an ode, that his prowess (ἀρετή) 
may have a lasting record. On the 
problem presented by the lacunas in 
verses g and 11, see the Appendix. In 
v. 9 ᾿Αγλαῷ, supplied by Blass, is very 
probable. In v. 11 his ἀχειρὲς seems less 
so. The word occurs in Batrachomyo- 


Ix] ETTINIKOI 


315 
even in the depths of the nether world: and those who win 
renown have a joy that is shared in every place, because their 
eyes have seen golden, blessed Victory, and they have found a 
restful pause from their toils. 

’*Tis on behalf of Aglaos now that his sister’s husband has 
moved the clear-voiced singer, the island bee, 


in order that the immortal tribute of the Muses, a monument 
not made with hands, might be a common joy for mankind,— 
that it might tell all men, Aglaos, of thy prowess, seen as oft as, 
by grace of Victory, thou hast caused thy golden hair to be 
crowned with flowers, and hast brought glory to spacious 


Athens, with honour for the Oeneidae. 


certain. ’AyAa@c Blass. 


letter was not II: hence Πασία, τὶν (τὶν δ᾽ Pearson) Wilam. and Platt. 
letters etpes are certain. The letter before them may have been X or A. 
15 f. The Ms. adds ἄνθεσιν ἕαν- to ν. 15. 


made from μανοον by A. 


10 νασιῶτιν MS. K. doubted whether the first 


11 The 
14 μανῦον 
The final 


ν of ἄνθεσιν, so ill-sounding here, is doubtless due to error. 


machia 300 as =‘without hands’: here 
it is to mean ‘xot made with hands? 
To justify it, we must suppose that it 
was meant to distinguish the poet’s 
ἄγαλμα from the sculptor’s: that would 
be Pindaric (4. v. 1), but is less like 
Bacchylides. 

9 καὶ viv, ‘e’en now,’ marking the 
transition from the proem to the im- 
mediate theme, just as in Χ. gf, σέθεν 
δ᾽ ἕκατι | καὶ νῦν. 

10 The νασιώτιν of the Ms. shortens 
a syllable (-w) which is long in vv. 20, 
38, and 48. The poet perhaps wrote 
νασιώταν: cp. Aesch. Ag. 111 χερὶ 
πράκτορι, 664 τύχη...σωτήρ, Zum. 186 
δίκαι καρανιστῆρες, etc. The correction 
is such as a grammarian might have 
made.—péAtooav: cp. Pind. P. x. 53 f. 
ἐγκωμίων yap dwros ὕμνων | ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοτ᾽ 
ἄλλον wre μέλισσα θύνει λόγον, ‘ the glory 
of songs of praise flits like a bee from 
theme to theme.’ The comparison of the 
poet to a bee is frequent: Plat. Jon 534 A 
λέγουσι yap...ci ποιηταὶ ὅτι...ἐκ Μουσῶν 
κήπων τινῶν ...τὰ μέλη ἡμῖν φέρουσιν 
ὥσπερ αἱ μέλιτται: Ar. Av. 748 f. 
ὡσπερεὶ μέλιττα | Φρύνιχος κ-τ.λ. : Leoni- 
das of Tarentum (Azthol. 1. 1) describes 
Erinna as μέλισσαν... Μουσῶν ἄνθεα δρεπ- 
τομέναν : Hor. C. Iv. ii. 28f. ego apis 
Matinae | more modogue, etc. 

11 Μουσᾶν ἄγαλμα, the ode: 
n. on I. 74. 

18 τεὰν ἀρετὰν is better here than 
τεᾶν ἀρετᾶν (to go with χάρμα). Our 


see 


poet uses the plur. ἀρεταί only in XIII. 8 
(and probably vit. 88), and then with 
reference to several men.—If ᾿Αγλαῴ be 
right in v. g, there is a transition here 
to the second person; cp. XV. 6—1I0. 

152. The ὅσσα of the Ms. should 
probably be ὁσσάκις, as several critics 
have suggested. The syllable -κις may 
have been missed by the scribe through 
its likeness to -xas. ὅσσαπερ or ὅσσα δή 
would also serve. (Blass defends ὅσσα 
by supposing the first syllable of vixas 
to be metrically t_: see ἢ. on v. 8.)— 
Νίκας ἕκατι: cp. 1. 6n. 

The Ms. wrongly joins ἄνθεσιν fav- to 
v. 15; there is a like error in vv. 33 and 
43. Here the hiatus after ἕκατι gives 
a clue. (I indicated this in Kenyon’s 
editio princeps, p. 87.) 

16 ἀναδησάμενος κεφαλάν: Her. I. 
195 Tas κεφαλὰς μίτρῃσι ἀναδέονται. The 
midd. is normal in this sense; cp. Pind. 
N. x1. 28, 7.1.28, etc. In P. xX. 40, how- 
ever, ἀναδήσαντες has the same meaning. 

18 OivelSats. Ocneus, sonof Pandion, 
was one of the ten ἐπώνυμοι of the Attic 
tribes. Οἰνεῖδαι are the members of the 
tribe Oivnis. Cp. [Dem.] or. 60 ὃ 30 
οὐκ ἔλαθεν Oiveidas κιτ.λ. In mythology 
Oiveidns is a designation of Meleager, 
Tydeus, or Diomedes.—The fact that the 
victor’s tribe, but not his father, is named, 
has been thought to indicate that his 
family was an obscure one; but this can 
hardly be inferred: though wv. 47—51 
suggest that he was not rich. The reason 


ant. I. 


316 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[IX 


9 €v Ποσειδᾶνος περικλειτοῖς ἀέθλοις 
Ο0].18 20 10 εὐθὺς ἔνδειξ Ιας Ἕλλασιν ποδῶν ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν" 


> ΄ 
επ.α. 


: δεύτερον δ᾽ οὔ]ροισιν ἔπι σταδίου, 


2 θερμὰν ἔτι] πνέων ἀέλλαν, 
3: ἔστα[- βρέχω]ν δ᾽ a& αὖτε θατήρων ἐλαίῳ 
« φάρε!᾽ ἐς εὐθροοὴ]ν ἐμπίτνων ὅμιλον, 


5 τετρ[ αέλικτο |v ἐπεὶ 


25 
᾿ς δκάμψεν δρόμον. 


3 
Ισθμιονίκαν 


γ δίς νιν ἀγκ)]άρυξαν εὐβού- 
8. λων [ἀεθλάρχ᾽]ων προφᾶται: 


στρ. β΄. 
30 


- δὶς δ᾽ ely Νεμέᾳ Κρονίδα Ζηνὸς παρ᾽ ἁγνὸν 
. βωμόΪϊν: ἁ κλει |v. τε Θήβα 


3 δέκτ 6 νιν εἸὐρύχορόν 


+7 "Apyols Σικυώ)]ν τε κατ᾽ aicav: 


19 ποσιδανος MS., as XIII. 20 ποσιδᾶνος, XVI. 36 ποσιδᾶνι, XIX. 8 ποσι- : but XVI. 59f. 


ποσειδᾶνι, 79 ποσειδᾶν. 
Th. Reinach: ταχεῖαν ὁρμὰν MS. 


20 εὐθὺς ἔνδειξ]ας Blass: ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν A. Ludwich, 
21 οὔροισιν Blass. 


23 βρέχων] δ᾽ dite Blass. 


The letter before δ᾽ was probably N, and cannot have been C.—é’ αὖτε] A AIZE A. 


for the absence of the father’s name may 
be simply metrical. Cp. n. on 54 ff. 

There should probably be a full stop 
(or at least a colon) after δόξαν. For 
verses 15—18 refer, as ὅσσα indicates, 
to all the athlete’s victories, and not to 
those won at the Isthmus alone. He 
had been successful at seven other places 
(vv. 29--- 35). ἢ 

19 Ποσειδάνος.. ἀέθλοις. Cp. Pind. 
O. XIIl. 40 ἐν δ᾽ ἀμφιάλοισι Torecdavos 
τεθμοῖσιν. 

Metre requires ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν (not ταχ. 
ὁρμ.) : see vv. 10, 38, 47. Similarly in 
XIV. 47 the MS. has ἄρχεν λόγων instead 
of λόγων dpxev: and in XVI. 72 χεῖρας 
πέτασσε instead of πέτασε χεῖρας. Cp. also 
I. 70 ἢ. 

19. 26 The restoration of this pas- 
sage given above is tentative in some 
details, but hardly doubtful as to the 
general sense. See the discussion in 
the Appendix. Here I note the follow- 
ing points. 
Thera, of the first cent. B.c., quoted 
by Blass (=Kaibel Zpigr. Gr. 942), 
concerns a boy who won a boxing match, 
and then forthwith engaged in the pan- 
cration, which he also won :---ἔτε θερμὸν] 
πνεῦμα φέρων σκληρᾶς παῖς ἀπὸ πυγμα- 
χίας | ἔστα παγκρατίου βαρὺν ἐς πόνον" a 


(rt) An inscription from - 


μία δ᾽ dws | dis Δωροκλείδαν εἶδεν ἀεθλο- 
φόρον. This suggests that εστα in 23 
is tera. The signal exploit of this 
athlete was that he ran in two comsecu- 
tive races, and won them both. Paus. 
VI. 13. 3 mentions an athlete who at 
Olympia won the δόλιχος, and then 
forthwith (παραυτίκα) the stadion, and 
after that the δίαυλος. οὔροισιν ἔπι 
σταδίου, ‘at the bounds of the course,’ 
means, ‘at the starting-line’ (γραμμή), 
from which the runners were despatched. 
βρέχων δ᾽... αὖτε: that is, again he came 
in first,—-the sweat and olive-oil from his 
naked body sprinkling the clothes of the 
spectators who pressed near to him at 
the finish. δεύτερον δ᾽ (21), dé’ αὖτε (23), 
and és εὔθροον (24) are my conjectures: 
for the last, cp. II. 9 θρόησε δὲ λαὸς 
ἀπείρων. (2) The use of the second 
person is made certain by -ds in 20. 
A transition to the third person is 
certainly made in v. 23. The pronoun 
of the 3rd person occurs in vy. 27, 
Sis νιν ἀγκάρυξαν, when the poet turns 
from the vivid picture of the race to 
a list of the victor’s successes. (3) My 
tentative explanation of the fact that the 
scribe’s dite was corrected by A® to αὖτε 
would be that the original reading, βρέχων 
δ᾽ gé’ αὖτε, generated two others, (a) βρέ- 


1x] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


317 
In Poseidon’s renowned games thou didst show thy rushing 
speed to the Greeks at the outset :-— 


then a second time did he take his stand at the bounds of the 
course,—still breathing a storm of hot breath,—and again he 
darted forward, the olive-oil from his body sprinkling the 
garments of the spectators as he rushed into the cheering 


crowd, after finishing the fourth round of the course. 
Twice have the spokesmen of the prudent judges declared 
him a victor at the Isthmus, and twice at Nemea by the holy 


altar of Zeus son of Cronus: 


illustrious Thebes too has duly welcomed him, and spacious 


Argos, and Sicyon ; 


A3 has changed I to T, transfixed 2, and written T above it (atre)._-OATHPON A: 


A® has added E above the line between © and A, 


ETBOI A (cp. 34): corr. A®. 
by A is lost. 80 a κλεινά J. 


27 ἀγκάρυξαν .---εὐβού-] 


28 λω»] A superscript by A*: the letter written 


χων δ᾽ dite, and (ὁ) Bpéxwv δ᾽ αὖτε. See 
Appendix, p. 478. -- θατήρων. θατήρ 
(from Doric θαέομαι) is attested by 
Hesychius. 

25 τετραέλικτον (Jurenka and Platt): 
Anthol. Vil. 210. 4 τετραέλικτος ὄφις (with 
four-fold coils). The foot-race equal in 
length to a double δίαυλος was technically 
called ἵππιος. It was in use at the 
Isthmian and the Nemean games (perhaps 
at others also): in the case of Nemea, at 
least, there was a trmos for boys. In 
later times it dropped out of both fes- 
tivals; but Hadrian restored it to the 
winter Nemea (Paus. vi. 16. 4). The 
δόλιχος was longer still, but always con- 
sisted of an even number of rounds. 

427 2. εὐβούλων.. προφᾶται. There is 
no metrical test, as only the words χρή Tw’ 
remain in v. 56. 

(1) If the metre of v. 28 was —~~-—~-— 3 
then the lost word was an anapaest. 
W. Christ suggests συνέδρων : H. Richards, 
BpaBéwr. Kenyon and Jurenka read 
Χαρίτων. The Charites give victory in 
the games: Pind. O. 11. 50 Χάριτες... 
ἄνθεα τεθρίππων ἄγαγον : cp. WV. VII. 54. 
They are εὔβουλοι as ‘judging aright,’— 
giving the prize to the most deserving. 


The προφᾶται would then be the judges - 


of the games. 

(2) If the verse was -—~-—-~-— , then we 
need such a word as ἀεθλάρχων, proposed 
by Platt. It is not extant, but is a 
possible word. A careful estimate has 
now led me to think that there is just 
room for it in the lacuna, as ε, 8 and pare 


thin letters in the papyrus. ἀγωναρχᾶν 
(Soph. Az. 572) would be slightly too 
large. It may fairly be urged that 
εὐβούλων is in favour of a word denoting 
the actual judges. Then προφᾶται would 
be the heralds. 

30—37 The following were some of 
the festivals connected with the places 
mentioned. 1. Thebes: Ἡράκλεια, ᾿Ιόλαια. 
(Pindar’s so-called ‘second Pythian’ re- 
lates to a Theban festival.) 2. Argos: 
"Hpata, for which (according to a probable 
view) ‘Exaréu8aca was another name. 
A bronze shield (χαλκός in Pind. O. vit. 
83) was the prize. 3. Sicyon: Πύθια. 
4. Fellene in Achaia, west of Sicyon: 
Θεοξένια (to Apollo). The prize was a 
cloak, χλαῖνα (cp. Pind. O. IX. 97). 
5. Euboea: Τεραίστια (to Poseidon), 
᾿Αμαρύνθια (to Artemis). 6. Aegina: 
"Hpata, Aldxeca.—All these places are in 
Pindar’s list (O. XIII. 107—112), which 
includes also Megara, Eleusis, Marathon, 
the Arcadian Λύκαια (noticed also in O. 
IX. 104), and Aetna. In Boeotia there 
were other ἀγῶνες besides the Theban 
(cp. O. vit. 84 ff.). These local games 
must have done more for the physical 
training of Greeks at large than even the 
four greater festivals. 

81 £. δέκτο, from ἐδέγμην, 2nd aor. of 
δέχομαι (7. 2. 420: Pind. O. 2. 49 
ἔδεκτο). Cp. the Homeric aorists ἄλτο, 
λέκτο (‘counted’), ὦρτο, etc. Take déxro 
with κατ᾽ αἶσαν (//. το. 445), ‘gave him 
welcome due’: 2.6. his prowess won its 
reward.—evpbxopov : see n. on VIL. 17.— 


epode I. 


str. 2. 


318 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[ΙΧ 


ν , , 
sot τε ΠΙ ελλάν]αν νέμονται, 
Ἃα ἀμφί 7 Ἑὔβοιαν πολ[υλάϊο ν, οἵ θ᾽ ἱερὰν 


35 7 vaco| v Atyw Jap. 


ματεύει 


8. δ᾽ ἄλλ[ος ἀλλοίαν. κέλευθον, 


9 ἄντιϊνα στείχ ων ἀριγνώτοιο “δόξας 


το τεύξεται. 


ἀντ. β΄. 


pe δ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἐπιστᾶμαι πέλονται" 


1 γὰρ σοφὸς ἢ Χαρίτων τιμᾶν λελογχὼς 


40 « ἐλπίδι χρυσέᾳ τέθαλεν-" 


3 τινα θευπροπίαν 
4 εἰδώς: 


ν > > ’ 
ἕτερος δ᾽ ἐπὶ πάσι 


5 ποικίλον τόξον τιταίνει" 

6 οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔργοισίν τε καὶ ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλαις 
45 7 θυμὸν αὔξουσιν" τὸ μέλλον 

8. δ᾽ ἀκρίτους τίκτει τελευτάς, 


nw , 4 
οπᾷ τύχα βρίσει. 


τὸ μὲν κάλλιστον, ἐσθλὸν 


10 ἄνδρα πολλῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων πολυζήλωτον εἶμεν" 


98 £. The ms. adds the syllables ἀμφί τ᾽ Εὔβοι- to v. 33. 
88 ΕΠΙΟΤΑΤΑΙ A: corr. A’, 
42 πάσι Blass: 


τεύξεται tO V. 37- 


line by .4.3.--τιμᾶν Ms.: τιμὰν K. 


37 £. The Ms. adds 
39 7 γὰρ] T added above the 
IZAICI ms. 48:2. The 


in Bekker Anzecd. 


Σικνυών : Σεκυών 
as O. Rossbach 


P- 555, and on coins: 
would read here. 

34 πολυλάϊον (λήϊον, a crop, or a 
corn-field): J/. 5. 613 vate πολυκτήμων, 
πολυλήϊος. 

36 f. κέλευθον: cp. VIII. 88 f.: Pind. O. 
ΙΧ. 104 ff. : ἐντὶ γὰρ ἄλλαι | ὁδῶν ὁδοὶ 
περαίτεραι, | μία δ᾽ οὐχ. ἅπαντας ἄμμε 
θρέψει | wedéra.—After ἅντι-, various 
supplements are possible : ἅντινα στείχων, 
Blass, Jurenka: av τις εὖ τάμνων Kenyon: 
ἅν τις ἐμβαίνων Tyrrell, Richards. More 
spirit would be given to the phrase by 
dvrw’ ὁρμαίνων (intrans.), ‘pressing along’ 
his chosen path. 

39—45 ἢ γὰρ σοφὸς.. αὔξουσιν. If 
in 42 we read πάσι (Blass, rst and 3rd 
ed.) instead of the MS. παισί, the enumera- 
tion is as follows. 

I. σοφός is the man of intellectual 
pursuits, and especially the poet: cp. 
Pind. O. I. 9, 11. 94, P. IV. 295, Z. I. 45, 
etc. 

2. Χαρίτων τιμᾶν λελογχώς (the gen. 
with λαγχάνω as in I. 55f.). Here, pro- 
bably, it is the successful athlete of whom 
the author is chiefly thinking: εὐάγων 
τιμά (Pind. WV. Χ. 38) is the gift of the 
Charites. But they also give skill in 


song, in music (25. IX. 89), and in other 
arts. More generally, it is due to them 
εἰ σοφός, ef καλός, εἴ τις ἀγλαὸς ἀνήρ 
(ς XIV. 7). 

ἤ τινα θευπροπίαν εἰδώς : alluding 
to ie μάντις, who divines by augury or by 
sacrifice (ἔμπυρα), and to the χρησμολόγος, 
learned in old prophecies —The Homeric 
θεοπροπίη is concrete, ‘a prophecy,’ or 

‘oracle’ (Z/. 11. 793 etc.) : the neut. sing. 
θεοπρόπιον, used by Herodotus, occurs 
only in 71. 1. 85: but here the abstract 
sense is fitter. 

4. πάσι, the acquisition of wealth: 
Hesych. πᾶσις᾽ κτῆσις. The reference is 
to the various forms of ἐμπορία and χρη- 
ματισμός.---ποικίλον, ‘wily’ (in pursuit of 
κέρδος). [Or, ‘of varied aim,’—the modes 
of πᾶσις being diverse: but this is perhaps 
too artificial. ] 

With the Ms. παισὶ the sense would be: 
‘Another aims at youths the cunningly- 
wrought shaft of song.’ Cp. Pind. 7. 11. 
1—3 οἱ μὲν πάλαι... | ῥίμφα παιδείους ἐτό- 
Eevoyv μελιγάρυας ὕμνους, ‘the men of old 
lightly bent at youths their ‘shafts of 
honey-voiced song.’ Pindar was think- 
ing, as Bacchylides would be here, 
of such poets as Ibycus and Anacreon ; 
perhaps also of Alcaeus. Examples of 


Ix] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


319 
also the dwellers in Pellene, and in the region of Euboea with 
many cornfields, and in the sacred isle of Aegina. 

fi Men seek various paths which they shall tread to the winning 
of bright renown. And countless are the kinds of human 
knowledge. A man is rich in golden hope 


because he has wisdom ; or has been honoured with the gifts of ant. 2. 
the Graces, or has skill in some manner of soothsaying ; another 
aims his wily shaft at wealth; while some there be who take 


delight in the works of husbandry, and in herds of oxen. 
The future brings forth issues which cannot be judged before- 


hand, so as to tell how Fortune will incline the scale. 


The noblest 


lot for a man is that his own worth should make him widely 


admired among his fellows. 


ms. adds the syllables of δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ Epyo- to v. 43. 


47 IIAI. The I seems to 


have been added by .45.---βρίσει. τὸ μὲν] BPICENOMEN A (i.c. he read IT as N): 


corr. A®.—ECEAQN A (e for 6). 


ἐσθλὸν Wilamowitz, Blass. 


such songs would be the ode of Ibycus 
to Gorgias (fr. 30 Bergk) and those of 
Anacreon to Cleobulus and Smerdias 
(fr. 3, 5, 47). Cp. also Alcaeus, fr. 46. 
This species of lyric poetry had become 
very popular (largely through Anacreon) 
before our poet’s time. Bacchylides him- 
self, in describing the joys of peace, says 
(fr. 3. 12), παιδικοί θ᾽ ὕμνοι φλέγονται. 
The epithet ποικίλον would denote poetic 
art: Pind. fr. 179 ὑφαίνω δ᾽ ᾿Αμυθαονί- 
dats ποικίλον | ἄνδημα : fr. 194 τειχίζωμεν 
ἤδη ποικίλον | κόσμον αὐδάεντα λόγων. 

But there are strong objections to παισί. 
(1) Poetry should clearly be included 
under the phrase in 39, ἢ σοφὸς κ-.τ.λ. 
(2) It seems almost grotesque that poetry, 
as a pursuit, should be represented by 
this one species of lyric. (3) The order 
of enumeration is perverse ; since poetry, 
if not included under the pursuits in- 
dicated in v. 39, should at least be 
mentioned in close connexion with 
them. 

5. ἔργοισίν τε καὶ... βοῶν ἀγέλαις. 
The conjunction shows that ἔργα are the 
works of husbandry. These are the 
farmers and the herdsmen. (Otherwise, 
the ἔργα might have been those of the 
craftsman or artist: cp. Pind. O. vil. 52 
ἔργα δὲ ζωοῖσιν ἑρπόντεσσί θ᾽ ὁμοῖα κέ- 
λευθοι φέρον.)---ϑβυμὸν αὔξουσιν, ‘ enlarge 
their spirit,’ ‘take delight,’ therein: see 
n. on I. 52. 

Headlam has well observed that in 
vy. 39—45 B. concisely paraphrases 
Solon fr. 13. 43—54, where we have 


(1) the pursuit of wealth, 43—46: (2) 
agriculture, 47 £.: (3) artistic handi- 
crafts, 49 f..—which would come under 
the gifts of the Χάριτες here: (4) poetry, 
51 f., and (5) soothsaying, 531. This 
further confirms πάσι in 42.—See Ap- 
pendix. 

46f. ἀκρίτους is explained by πᾷ 
τύχα βρίσει: the future brings forth 
issues which cannot be judged (before- 
hand), (so as to decide) in what way 
fortune will incline. That is, the future 
is to bring forth success or failure ; but 
no one can tell zow which it will be.— 
βρίσει is a metaphor from the scales of a 
balance. Cp. Arist. Problem. τό. 11 
(p- 915 ὁ 3) ὅταν βρίσῃ ὁ κύκλος ἐπὶ 
θάτερον μέρος. 

47—49 τὸ μὲν κάλλιστον κιτιλ. The 
MS. supports ἐσθλῶν : but I think that 
ἐσθλὸν must be right. ‘The fairest lot is 
that one should be admired as a@ man of 
worth by many of his fellows.” The 
antithesis is between personal ἀρετή and 
wealth. ‘I know a/so’—the poet con- 
tinues—‘ the great power of wealth,’ etc. 
The train of thought is parallel with that 
in I. 49—53 φαμὶ καὶ φάσω μέγιστον | 
κῦδος ἔχειν ἀρετάν, πλοῦτος δὲ καὶ δειλοῖσιν 
ἀνθρώπων ὁμιλεῖ. For μέν, cp. XVI. I. 

If ἐσθλῶν were read, it would be 
neuter (as the plural is in Iv. το ἢ, 
v. 198, and XVI. 132), and might best 
be joined with πολλῶν : ‘ the fairest lot is 
that a man should be admired by his 
fellows for many excellent things.’ But 
these ἐσθλά would be too vague for the 


BAKXYAIOOY [Ix, X 


320 
x οἶδα καὶ πλούτου μεγάλαν δύνασιν, 
50 2a καὶ τὸν ἀχρεῖον rt Ono |e 
3 χρηστόν. τί μακρὰν γλῶσσαν ἰθύσας ἐλαύνω 
ς« ἐκτὸς 6600; πέφαται θνατοῖσι νίκας 
5 ὕστερον εὐῴροσ ὑρα: ' 
Col.19 6 αὐλών [καναχαῖσι γλυκεῖαν 
55 7 pevyv| ύμεν φόρμιγγος ὀμφὰν 
8 χρή TW [εὐμούσους 7 ἀοιδάς. 


3: ΕΚ. 
ΑΛΕΞΙΔΑΛΛΩΙ ΛΛΕΤΑΠΟΝΤΙΝΩΙ 
TTAIAI TTAAAICTHI ΠΎΘΙΑ 


t Nixa ἰγλυκύδωρε, μεγίσταν 


στρ. α΄. 


2 σοὶ πατ[ὴρ wracce τιμὰν 
3 ὑψίζυγος Οὐρανιδᾶν 

3 4 oe 4 
+ ἐν πολυχρύσῳ δ᾽ Ὀλύμπῳ 


5 Ζηνὶ παρισταμένα 


4 4 5 4 
6 κρίνεις τέλος ἀθανάτοι- 
4 A A lal 
7 σίν τε Kat θνατοῖς ἀρετᾶς. 


8 ἔλλαθι, [βαθυ Ἰπλοκάμου 


49 δύνασιν] ATNAMIN A: corr. A’. 


A? has written T over I, but what he meant is doubtful. 


51 idicas] LOTCAC (Θ made from 0) A. 


K. thinks that a line was 


drawn through -AC. This does not seem quite certain: there is a small blot between 


A and C, but C is intact. 


=. The title has been added by A® in the left margin. 


1—7 The letter 


after NIKA is read by K.-as I’: by Blass, as I with a stroke drawn through it. 


context: they would not be specifically 
‘worthy gualities or deeds,—marks of 
ἀρετή. 

εἶμεν is a Doric form (also Boeotian 
Aeolic, Meister I. 279), not found in 
Homer: Bacchylides uses it only here, 
but ἔμμεν in V. 144, XVII. 31, 56. 

51f. μακράν, adv.—yAdooay ἰθύσας. 
*Why have I turned my strain to far-off 
things? Why am I driving out of my 
course ?’ Cp. Pind. NV. vu. 71 f. ἄκονθ᾽ 
Gre χαλκοπάρᾳον ὄρσαι | θοὰν γλῶσσαν: 
see also above, v. τοῦ η.---ἰθύσας. ἰθύω 
is elsewhere intrans. ; hence Robinson 
Ellis conj. ἰθύνας. (ἰθείας, Housman. )— 
ἐκτὸς ὁδοῦ. So Pindar (P. ΧΙ. 38) says, 
after a digression, ἢ ῥ᾽, ὦ φίλοι, Kar 
ἀμευσίπορον τρίοδον ἐδινήθην, | ὀρθὰν κέ- 


λευθον ἰὼν τὸ rplv.—The poet apologizes 
for the irrelevance of the gnomic passage 
beginning with ματεύει in v. 35. The 
metaphor in γλῶσσαν ἰθύσας, if it is to 
harmonize with ἐλαύνω, should be from 
guiding the course of a chariot (cp. Z/. 11. 
528 Keto’ ἵππους τε καὶ app’ ἰθύνομεν),--- 
not from launching a missile. 

πέφαται-- πέφανται (//. 2. 122 etc.), 
‘has been set forth,’ ‘appointed.’ This 
form occurs elsewhere only in an Ionic 
excerpt from Seg POY (Plato’s mother) 
in Stobaeus Flor. 85. 1 

54—57 The reference in the closing 
verses to festal music and song resembles 
that in ΝΠ]. 102 ff. and ΧΙ. 230f. The 
context may have been somewhat of the 
kind suggested above. For αὐλῶν xava- 


IX, X] ETTINIKOI 


321 

I know also the mighty power of riches, which can clothe even 
the useless man with merit—But wherefore have I turned my 
strain so far out of its due course? After victory, festal joy is 
appointed for mortals: blend ye the shrill sounds of flutes with 
the clear voice of the lyre, and with tuneful songs. 


cia eA 


For Alexidamus of Metapontion, winner of the boys wrestling- 
match at Delphi. 


Victory, giver of sweet gifts, great is the honour assigned to 
thee by the Father of the Heaven-born, throned on high: standing 
at the side of Zeus in golden Olympus thou judgest the issue of 
prowess for immortals and for men. 

Be gracious to us, O daughter of Styx with the flowing tresses, 


Fulvius Ursinus (Carmina novem illustrium feminarum et lyricorum, Antwerp 1568, 
p- 206) quotes from Stobaeus FZor. 111. (Περὲ φρονήσεως) the following words, which 
are not now extant in any MS. or edition of Stobaeus: Βακχυλίδης δὲ τὴν Νίκην γλυκύ- 
δωρόν φησι καὶ ἐν πολυχρύσῳ ᾽᾿Ολύμπῳ Ζηνὶ παρισταμένην κρίνειν τέλος ἀθανάτοισί τε καὶ 
θνητοῖς ἀρετῆς. Hence Neue (Bacchyl. Fragm. p. 18, 1832) and Bergk (fr. 9) gave Nika 
γλυκύδωρος.. ἐν πολυχρύσῳ κ.τ.λ. ... κρίνει τέλος ἀθανάτοισί τε κ.τ.λ.--- μεγίσταν Jurenka: 


ὥπασσε τιμὰν J. (τιμὰν ὄπασσεν Jurenka): Οὐρανιδᾶν J. 


8 βαθυπλοκάμου J. 


χαῖσι cp. Il. 12 : and for φόρμιγγος ὀμφὰν 
XIII. 13.—Blass thinks that the name of 
the victor’s father may have stood in 55 
(e.g., Δάμωνος vig): cp. 18 n. 


x. 1 8 The first three verses pro- 
bably spoke generally of the high honour 
given to Nike by Zeus; then vv. 5—8 
define her function. Cp. //. 4. 166 
Κρονίδης ὑψίζυγος. 

4 2. πολυχρύσῳ, the epithet of rich 
cities (Mycenae etc.), fitly applied by 
Pindar (P. vi. 8) and Sophocles (O. 7. 
151) to Delphi, is too material for 
Olympus: very different is the Homeric 
ἀπ᾽ αἰγλήεντος Ὀλύμπου (//. τ. 532).— 
Ζηνὶ παρισταμένα: cp. Hes. Theog. 386f. 
(of Νίκη and the other children of Styx), 
τῶν οὐκ ἔστ᾽ ἀπάνευθε Διὸς δόμος οὐδέ τις 
ἕδρη, | GAN αἰεὶ πὰρ Ζηνὶ βαρυκτύπῳ 
ἑδριόωνται. 

6f. κρίνεις τέλος... ἀρετᾶς, ‘decidest 
the zsswe of prowess’ (rather than ‘ad- 
judgest the prize’ for it). Pindar indeed 
sometimes uses τέλος in a sense equivalent 
to ‘prize’: the clearest case is O. XI. 67 
Δόρυκλος δ᾽ ἔφερε πυγμᾶς τέλος, which 
may fairly be rendered, he ‘won the 
prize for boxing’ (lit., ‘secured the 
result’). Cp. Δ 1. 26f. οὐ yap ἦν 


j. B. 


πενταέθλιον, GAN ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ | ἔργματι 
κεῖτο τέλος, “ἃ (separate) result was ap- 
pointed for each feat’ (where it is usually 
rendered ‘prize’; and that is implied). 
In P. 1x. 118 the maiden is placed at the 
end of the course, τέλος ἔμμεν ἄκρον : 
where, as the adj. shows, it means ‘goal’ 
(rather than ‘prize’ ;—though she was 
that also). 

8 ἔλλαθι, ‘be propitious.’ On this 
form see H. Weir Smyth, Greek Melic 
Poets p. 418; and Meister, Gr. Dial. 1. 
413. It is the imperat. of an Aeolic 
perfect (cited by Herodian 11. 499. 19 
and 605. 8). Two points should be 
noted. (1) AA is from oA: the primary 
form of the present (not extant) would be 
σίσλημι : and of the perf. stem, σέσλᾶ. 
Cp. Aeolic χέλλιοι (χίλιοι), from χέσλιοι. 
(2) The perfect ought to have a: cp. 
Callim. fr. 121 ἔλλαᾶτε : Theocr. XV. 143 
ἵλᾶθι. The ἃ here may be due to the 
preceding long syllable (by levelling of 
quantity): in //. 1. 583 we have ἵλαος, 
though in 9. 639 (etc.) ἵλᾶος. Or it may. 
be a simple imitation of the epic 7 in 
ἵληθι (Od. 3. 380). In Simonides fr. 49 
(vulg. t\a6c) ἔλλαθι should perhaps be 
read: the quantity is there uncertain. 


22 


epode 2. 


str. I. 


322 


BAKXYAIAOY [x 


9 κούρα [Στυγὸς ὀρ]θοδίκου: σέθεν δ᾽ ἕκατι 
το καὶ νῦν Μεταπόντιον εὐ- 
τ γυίων [κατέχ]ουσι νέων 
2 κῶμοί τε καὶ εὐφροσύναι θεότιμον ἄστυ" 
3 ὑμνεῦσι δὲ Πυθιόνικον 
A ν « 
4 παῖδα θαητὸν Φαΐσκου. 


> ‘ ε ἈΝ ε 
GvT. α. 15 τ ἵλεφ νιν 0 Δαλογενὴς υἱ- 


2 ὃς βαθυζώνοιο Λατοῦς 


20 


δέκτο βλεφάρῳ: πολέες 

δ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ ᾿Αλεξίδαμον ἀνθέων 
ἐν πεδίῳ στέφανοι 

Κίρρας ἔπεσον κρατερᾶς 


> , ΄ 
7 ρα παννίκοιο πάλας" 


> 
8 οὐκ εἶδέ νιν ἀέλιος 


ο Κείνῳ γε σὺν ἄματι πρὸς γαίᾳ πεσόντα. 
’ \ % > / 
το φάσω δὲ καὶ ἐν ζαθέοις 


ἁγνοῦ Πέλοπος δαπέδοις 


1. ᾿Αλφεὸν παρὰ καλλιρόαν, δίκας κέλευθον 
.3 εἰ μή τις ἀπέτραπεν ὀρθᾶς, 
4 παγξένῳ χαΐταν ἐλαίᾳ 


> ΄ 
επτ.α, 


9 Στυγὸς Fennell, Blass. 


10 ET corrected from EI by A!? 
Nairn, Bruhn, Blass, κελαδοῦσι K. (cp. however 13 ὑμνεῦσι). 


t γλαυκᾷ στεφανωσάμενον 


11 κατέχουσι 
15 [AE is 


due to correction (probably by A!): A seems to be written over C: and ¢ is added 


above the line. 


Had the scribe inadvertently repeated -toxov from the end of 14? 
17 βλεφάρῳ] The ending has been corrected (from -wy or -ow ὃ). 


21 IIANNIKOI 


9 κούρα Στυγός. Nike is the daughter 
of Styx by the Titan Pallas : Bacchylides 
epigr. τ. τ κούρα Πάλλαντος πολυώνυμε, 
πάτνια Nixa. Hes. Theog. 383 ff. Στὺξ 
δ᾽ érex’ Ὠκεανοῦ θυγάτηρ Πάλλαντι μιγεῖσα 
Ζῆλον καὶ Νίκην καλλίσφυρον ἐν μεγάροισι, 
καὶ Κράτος ἠδὲ Βίην. Styx and these her 
children helped Zeus in his war with 
their Titan kinsfolk, and were received 
by him into Olympus. The mother had 
a further reward; αὐτὴν μὲν yap ἔθηκε 
θεῶν μέγαν ἔμμεναι ὅρκον ( Theog. 400). 

ὀρθοδίκου : Styx is such because the 
ὅρκος is a fence against wrong-doing. As 
ὅρκος in its primary sense denoted the 
witness or sanction of the oath, rather 
than the act of taking it, Styx is herself 
the ὅρκος θεῶν. 


10 Μεταπόντιον is here the name of 
the town, not the neut. of Μεταπόντιος 
(Thuc. vil. 33 §4): the later form of 
the adj. was Μεταποντῖνος (Paus., etc.). 
Metapontion (Lat. Metapontum) was on 
the west coast of the Gulf of Tarentum, 
about 28 miles s.w. of that city. (See 
Introduction.) 

12 εὐφροσύναι, ‘festivities’ (like @a- 
λίαι, XU. 187): cp. Solon 4. 10 εὐφροσύνας 
κοσμεῖν δαιτὸς ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ, and Aesch. P.V. 
540. The sing. (III. 87, IX. 53), alone 
used by Pindar, is more frequent.—ed- 
τιμον : so he calls Phlius θεοτίματον πόλιν 
(VIII. 98). 

14 θαητόν : said in ΧΙ. 115 of Troy. 
Pindar often uses the word, in the sense 
of ‘conspicuous’ (P. xX. 58 θαητὸν ἐν 


x] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 323 
who guards the right. ‘Tis due to thee even now that Meta- 
pontion, city honoured by gods, is full of rejoicings, while festal 
bands of stalwart youths hymn the Pythian victor, the brilliant 
son of Phaiscus. 


The Delos-born son of Latona the deep-girdled gave him ant. r. 
welcome with kindly eyes ; and many were the wreaths of flowers 
that fell around Alexidamus in Cirrha’s plain, for his triumph in 
the strenuous wrestling. Never in the course of that day did 
the sun behold him brought to earth. 
And I will avouch that in the glorious domain of holy Pelops 
also, by the fair stream of Alpheus, if some one had not warped 
the course of righteous sentence, he would have crowned his hair 


with the gray olive for which all comers strive, epode 1. 


MS.: παννίκοιο K.—TIAAAAC A, but a line has been drawn through the second A. 
23 TE made from TE (by A!?).—The words σὺν... πεσόντα have been added by 
another hand, the same which supplied xvii. 16. 24 ἘΠῚ A: EN A?.—«’ ἐπὶ 
Housman. 26 δίκαν κελεύθου conj. Herwerden. 28 IIATZENQI A: 
ΠΑΓΞΕΊΝΩΙ A!?—EAAIAT] The final I has been written by a corrector (over Ὁ ὃ). 


ἅλιξι), or ‘comely’ (γυῖα, P. τιν. 80; duration. So ΧΙ. 125 σὺν ἅπαντι χρόνῳ, 


δέμας, V. ΧΙ. 12). 

17—20 Séxro: cp. VIII. 31 n.— 
ἀνθέων.. στέφανοι. Pindar P. ΙΧ. 123 
describes a victor in olden days as thus 
greeted by the spectators,—zod\a μὲν 
κεῖνοι δίκον | PUAN ἔπι καὶ στεφάνους: and 
doubtless he took this from the usage of 
his own time. So in P. vill. 57 he says 
(figuratively) ᾿Αλκμᾶνα στεφάνοισι βάλλω. 
This custom was called φυλλοβολάα.---- 
Kippas. Cirrha, the harbour-town of 
Crisa on the Corinthian Gulf, was de- 
stroyed by the Delphians (with aid from 
Cleisthenes of Sicyon) about 585 B.c.: 
but the name, like that of Crisa, was still 
used by the fifth-century poets in con- 
nexion with Delphi: Pind. 9. ΧΙ. 12 
ἀγῶνί τε Kippas: vill. 19 Kippadev 
ἐστεφανωμένον. 

21 ἦρα... πάλας. ἦρα as=xdpw, ‘on 
account of,’ cccurs in Callimachus fr. 41, 
ἦρα φιλοξενίης: and in Anthol. Planud. 
4. 299 οὐκ épéw.—rivos ἦρα; (‘why not?’). 
In 277]. τ. 572 μητρὶ φίλῃ ἐπὶ ἦρα φέρων, 
‘doing kind service’ to her (-: φέρων 
χάριν in 71. 9. 613): ‘a very ancient 
phrase, appearing in the Vedic véra dbhar, 
lit. to bring the wishes’ (Leaf ad Jvc.). 
Cp. also //. 14. 132 θυμῷ ἦρα φέροντες, 
‘indulging their resentment’; which (as 
Smyth remarks) illustrates the origin of 
the prepositional use. 

23 κείνῳ ye σὺν ἄματι : ‘in the course 
of that day’: σύν denoting concurrent 


‘through all the years’ (‘in the whole 
course of history’): Pind. fr. 123 σὺν 
ἁλικίᾳ, ‘while we are in our prime.’ 
Slightly different is the temporal use in 
which σύν marks the arriva/ of a moment: 
Pind. P. IV. 10 σὺν δεκάτᾳ γενέᾳ: P. ΧΙ. 
10 ἄκρᾳ σὺν ἑσπέρᾳ.---πρὸς yala: cp. 
VIII. 38.—teorévra: for the aor. (instead 
of pres.) part. after εἶδε, cp. Vv. 40 εἶδε 
νικάσαντα: Her. IX. 22 πεσόντα εἶδε. 
24 φάσω, 1.6. ‘I will make bold to 
say’: cp. VII. 42 κομπάσομαι.---ἴπ pro- 
posing κ᾿ él here, Housman meant ke 
to go with ἱκέσθαι in 30 (where see n.): 
but the interval would be a long one. ἡ 
The scribe’s ἐπὶ seems to have been a 
mere error: év is the more natural word 


here. 
25 Πέλοπος: see ἢ. on Vv. 181. 
—SaméSois: cp. Pind. 4. Vil. 24 ἐν 


Πυθίοισί re δαπέδοις. δάπεδον (ζάπεδον = 
διάπεδον) is a level surface or ground: in 
the plur., ‘grounds,’ ‘domain.’ 

26 f. δίκας κέλευθον ... ὀρθᾶς, ‘the 
course of righteous judgment.’ As against 
reading δίκαν κελεύθου (=‘path’) it may 
be noted that hiatus does not occur at 
the end of the corresponding verses, 


~ except in v. 12, where it is excused by 


the point after dorv.—ei μή Ts: ‘some 
one’ (god or man). Ε 

28 £. παγξένῳ.. ἐλαίᾳ, asa prize open 
to all competitors: cp. Soph. fr. 348 
πολὺν δ᾽ ἀγῶνα πάγξενον κηρύσσεται: 


22—2 


324 


BAKXYAIAOY [x 


30 2 πορτιτρόφ[ον ἂν πεδίον πάτ]ραν θ᾽ ἱκέσθαι. 
3 [οὔ τι δόλος κακόφρων 


Col. 20 


4 παῖδ᾽ ἐν χθονὶ καλλιχόρῳ 


5 ποικίλαις τέχναις πέλασσεν᾽" 

6 ἀλλ᾽ ἢ θεὸς αἴτιος, ἢ 
35 7 γνῶμαι πολύπλαγκτοι βροτῶν 

8 ἄμερσαν ὑπέρτατον ἐκ χειρῶν γέρας. 

ονῦν δ᾽ ἼΑρτεμις ἀγροτέρα 

το χρυσαλάκατος λιπαρὰν 

τ ἡμέρα τοξόκλυτος νίκαν ἔδωκε. 
40% τᾷ ποτ᾽ ᾿Αβαντιάδας 

Ν ’ ’ 
13. βωμὸν κατένασσε πολύλ- 
4 Δλιστον εὔπεπλοί τε κοῦραι" 


80 NO’ ἵκξοθαιὶ is certain: 
may have been A: 


before N is seen the top of a letter which 
and before this, again, a trace which is consistent with P. 


Pind. O. a 63 πάγκοινον és χώραν 
(Olympia): O. 11. 18 (the Olympian 
olive) φύτευμα ξυνὸν ἀνθρώποις στέφανόν 
τ᾽ ἀρετᾶν.---γλαυκᾷ: VII. 51.---στεφανω- 
σάμενον: Pindar has the same use of this 
midd. aorist (O. VII. 81, XII. 17). 

80 πορτιτρόφον.. ἱκέσθαι. The letters 
νθ᾽ preceded ἱκέσθαι. In considering 
possible supplements, we have to provide 
for the κε, κεν, or dv which ἱκέσθαι re- 
quires. In the whole passage (24—30) 
there are only three possible places for it, 
one of which is very improbable as being 
too remote (viz. 24, if κ᾽ ἐπὶ replaced καὶ 
ἐν): the other two are v. 28 (if χαίταν 
κ᾿ were read), and v. 30. The last is 
the most probable. πορτιτρόφον may 
have been followed by dv: the other 
possibility is κ᾽ in one of two places 
(6. 5.» ἐς χθόνα κ᾿ εὖ πράσσονθ᾽, or ᾿Ιταλίαν 
x’ ἕδραν θ᾽). ἄν seems the more likely. 
We might have, then, either πεδίον 
πάτραν vi (Blass), or (¢.g.) πατρίδ᾽ εὔ- 
καρπόν θ᾽ (Jurenka): I prefer the former, 
as yielding the fitter sense. ‘ Zhe heifer- 
nourishing plain’ denotes the pasture- 
lands of Messapia (= Calabria) about 
Metapontion; πάτραν is that city itself. 
Cp. the Homeric hymn to the Delian 
Apollo, V. 21, ἠμὲν ἀν᾽ ἤπειρον πορτιτρόφον 
ἠδ᾽ ἀνὰ νήσους. In writing πορτιτρόφον, 
was Bacchylides thinking of the etymology 
which derived Ἰταλία from Αταλός, vitulus, 
a calf? That etymology was adopted by 


the Sicilian historian Timaeus, and was 
therefore older at any rate than ¢. 300 B.C. 
See Gellius x1. τ. Timaeus (and Varro), 
he says, terram Italiam de Graeco vocabulo 
appellatam scripserunt, quoniam boves 
Graeca vetere lingua ἱταλοὶ vocitati sint, 
guorum in Italia magna copia fuerit, 
buceraque [‘horned cattle,’ vulg. dzceta, 
‘pastures’ ] 272 ea terra gigni pascigue solita 
sint complurima. 

31—86 The general sense of the lost 
verse would probably be represented by 
οὔ τι δόλος κακόφρων or the like. Verses 
26 f. might seem to suggest corrupt con- 
duct on the part of the judges: so the 
poet hastens to guard against such an 
inference. Some god may have warped 
the minds of the judges; as Athena did 
(according to one legend) when the 
Greek chiefs preferred Odysseus to Ajax 
in awarding the arms of Achilles. Or it 
may have been purely an error of human 
judgment. 

Alexidamus, whose forte was wrestling, 
may have gone in for the pentathlon, and 
lost the odd event through being just 
beaten in the foot-race, according to the 
verdict of the judges (or a majority of 
them), while he and his friends held that 
he had won. Or there may have been 


. a question as to the fairness of a throw in 


the wrestling-match. Pausanias (VI. 3. 7) 
tells a story which is in point. Eupolemus, 
an Elean, ran in the men’s sfadion at 


x] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 325 
ere he returned to the horse-feeding plain of his own land. Not 
that a malignant fraud made the boy a prey to crafty arts 
in the fair precincts of Olympia: no, a god was the cause, or 
else the oft-erring judgments of mortals snatched the supreme 


prize from his grasp. 


But now bright victory has been given to him by the Huntress 
with golden shaft and bow of fame, Artemis, the Soother. 

To her an altar, goal of many a prayer, was set up of old by 
the son of Abas and his well-robed daughters, 


—ay πεδίον πάτραν θ᾽ Blass: ἂν πατρίδ᾽ εὔκαρπόν θ᾽ Jurenka: 
εὐτυχέονθ᾽ K.: ᾿Ιταλίαν νικῶνθ᾽ Platt (with κ᾿ ἐπὶ in 24). 


ἐς χθόνα κ᾽ 
31 The verse 


is lost.—o¥ τι δολοφροσύνα conj. Festa: ἀλλὰ τύχα φθονερὰ Palmer: ἀντιπάλω δύ᾽ ἐπεὶ 


Blass, taking παῖδ᾽ (32) as παῖδε. 
Palmer. 


35 πολύπλαγκοι MS.: corr. K. 
39 ἡμέρα Blass: ἁμέρα Palmer. 


36 ἄμερσαν © 


Olympia. Three ᾿Ἑλλανοδίκαι were the 
judges. Two of them awarded the victory 
to Eupolemus; but the third, to Leon, 
an Ambraciot: and ‘it was said’ that 
Leon, going before the Olympic Council 
(βουλή), had got a fine inflicted (χρημάτων 
καταδικάσαιτο) on each of the two judges 
who had voted against him. The Eleans, 
as presidents at Olympia, were sometimes 
charged with favouring their countrymen: 
Plut. Quaest. Platon. «᾿Ηλείους τῶν σοφῶν 
εἶπέ τις βελτίους ἂν εἶναι τῶν ᾿Ολυμπίων 
ἀγωνοθέτας εἰ μηδὲ εἷς ᾿Ηλείων ἦν ἀγω- 
νιστής. (Cp. also Diodorus I. 95.) It is 
easy, then, to understand why our poet 
may have wished to make it clear that he 
did not impute fraud. 

82 καλλιχόρῳ: V. 106n. Here the 
idea of enclosure contained in χορός 
serves to suggest the scenes of the 
contests at Olympia. 

988 ποικίλαις, in a bad sense; cp. 
Pind. O. 1. 29, M. v. 28.--πέλασσεν: 
cp. 11. 5. 766 ὀδύνῃσι πελάζειν : Aesch. 
P. V. 155 δεσμοῖς... πελάσας. 

35 πολύπλαγκτοι, usu. ‘much wander- 
ing’; here ‘often erring,’ as in Zpigr. Gr. 
594. 4 (4th cent. A.D.?) βροτῶν πολυ- 
πλάγκτοισιν πραπίδεσσιν. Cp. Eur. Hipp. 
240 παρεπλάγχθην γνώμας ἀγαθᾶς. 

36 ἄμερσαν, Doric for ἤμερσαν, like 
&yero for ἤγετο in XIX. 4: the first syll. 
of the verse should be long (cp. 78). 
—dpépdw takes a double acc. in Hom. 
hymn. V. 312 τιμὴν | ...tjpeporev ᾿Ολύμπια 
δώματ᾽ ἔχοντας: but not elsewhere a 
simple acc. (instead of gen.) denoting 
that which is taken away. 

37—39 viv δ᾽ "Αρτεμις. So far as 
appears, it is simply as the goddess of 


Metapontion (116) that she favours him. 
γροτέρα: V. 123 n.—xXpvoaddkaros, 
‘with golden shaft’ (Hesych. καλλέτοξος" 
ἠλακάτη yap ὁ τοξικὸς κάλαμος) : epithet 
of Artemis in //. 16. 183, Soph. 77. 636. 
This sense is not incompatible with the 
addition of τοξόκλυτος, which is more 
general ; ‘renowned with the bow,’ ‘famed 
for archery.” 
ἡμέρα, the ‘gentle,’ the ‘assuager of 
pain.’ This (or Ἡμερασία, Paus. viii. 18. 
8) was the name under which Artemis was 
worshipped at Λουσοί in the north of 
Arcadia. She was so called because she 
had healed the madness of the Proetides: 
ἡμέρῃ, οὕνεκα θυμὸν ἀπ᾽ ἄγριον εἵλετο 
παίδων (Callim. Dian. 237). See Introd. 
—Though dyepos is found in the Mss. of 
Pindar and the bucolic poets, the ἡ of 
ἥμερος seems to have been Panhellenic ἡ 
(cp. Smyth, Melic Poets p. 420).— The 


“fem. form is used by Pind. 4. 1x. 44 and 


Her. v. 82. 

40—42 Αβαντιάδας: Proetus. Abas, 
son of Lynceus and Hypermnestra, figured 
in legend as the twelfth king of Argos. 
He was the father, by Aglaia, of Acrisius 
and Proetus; also of Κάνηθος (eponymus 
of a mountain near Chalcis in Euboea), 
and of Eidomene. (Apollod, 2. 2. 1: cp. 
Roscher s.7z.) 

βωμόν, at Lusi: cp. το. --- κατέ- 
νασσε: aor., with caus. sense (here= 
ἱδρύσατο), on the analogy of ἔνασσα 
(ναίω). Only the aor. (active and middle) 
of καταναίω occurs. Elsewhere it always 
denotes ‘settling’ persons in a place.— 
πολύλλιστον, ‘of many prayers,’ ‘sought 
by many worshippers’; Hom. hymn. 
Pyth, Apoll. τόρ ἐν νηοῖσι πολυλλίστοισι. 


BAKXYAIAOY [x 


στρ. 8. «Tas ἐξ ἐρατῶν ἐφόβησεν 
2 παγκρατὴς Ἥρα μελάθρων 


Προίτου, παραπλῆγι φρένας 


-" 4 5 Ὰ 
καρτερᾷ ζεύξασ᾽ ἀνάγκᾳ 


3 
4 

΄ \ ” 
5 παρθενίᾳ yap ἔτι 
6 -ς“ 


4 > ’ 
ψυχᾷ κίον ἐς τέμενος 
’ Lal 
7 πορφυροζώνοιο θεᾶς" 
4 Ν Ἀ , 
50 8 φάσκον δὲ πολὺ σφέτερον 
’ ’ ’ lal , 
9 πλούτῳ προφέρειν πατέρα EavOas παρέδρου 
lal Ν > 7 
το σεμνοῦ Διὸς εὐρυβία. 
“A Ἀ / 
x ταῖσιν δὲ χολωσαμένα 
, ᾿ ’ ¥ , 
τ. στήθεσσι παλίντροπον ἔμβαλεν νόημα" 
Lal > »¥ > ,’ 
55:3 φεῦγον ὃ ὄρος ἐς τανίφυλλον, 
’ Ν en 
4 σμερδαλέαν φωνὰν ἱεῖσαι, 


ἀντ. β΄. 


1 Τιρύνθιον ἄστυ λιποῦσαι 


Ἁ td > 4 
2 καὶ θεοδμάτους ἀγυιάς, 


3 ἤδη γὰρ ἔτος δέκατον 


60 4 
al , 
s ναῖον ἀδεισιβόαι 


θεοφιλὲς λιπόντες “Apyos 


6 κχαλκάσπιδες ἡμίθεοι 
7 σὺν πολυζήλῳ βασιλεῖ. 
52 εὐρυβία K.: ΕΥ̓ΡΥΒΙΑΙ Ms. : but the final «, which is very small, and slightly 


above the line, may have been added by another hand. 


evpuBig Nairn, Blass, 


45 f. παραπλῆγι.. καρτερᾷ.. ἀνάγκᾳ, 
‘a strong overmastering frenzy’: ἀνάγκα 
is the resistless power of the divine 
plague.—Note the t before φρένας : else- 
where in this poet (as Smyth observes) 
ᾧρ makes position.—I hesitate to forsake 
the Ms. and write παραπλᾶγι with Blass, 
because the ἢ may be one of the poet’s 
euphonic compromises, like φήμα, ἀδμήτα, 
etc.: πλάξιππος (V. 97) is different.— 
ζεύξασ᾽ : Pind. NV. vil. 6 πότμῳ ζυγένθ᾽ : 
Eur. Helen. 255 τίνι πότμῳ συνεζύγην ; 

47—49 παρθενίᾳ.. ἔτι ψυχᾷ, ‘ while 
still in virginal life,’ while still young 
maidens: cp. Soph. 4z. 558 f. νέαν | 
ψυχὴν ἀτάλλων. The addition of ἔτι 
emphasizes their youth as aggravating 
their presumption. — κίον és τέμενος... 
θεᾶς: their offence was not the fact of 
entering Hera’s precinct, but the spirit 
which they showed. There were oc- 
casions when maidens took a prominent 
part in the worship at the Argive Heraion. 
The chorus in Eur. Z/. 173 invite Electra 


to attend a θυσία in honour of that goddess 
(πᾶσαι δὲ παρ᾽ ἭΪραν μέλλουσι παρθενικαὶ 
στείχειν) At one such festival Hera was 
decked as a bride, her priestess enacting 
the νυμφεύτρια (bridesmaid): the maidens 
of Argos attended in their best apparel, 
wearing wreaths of flowers. 

50—52 φάσκον δὲ κιτ.λ. The my- 
thographer Pherecydes (c. 450 B.C.) 
agreed with our poet in assigning such 
a boast as the cause of Hera’s anger 
against the Proetides: παραγενόμεναι yap 
els τὸν τῆς θεοῦ νεὼν ἔσκωπτον αὐτόν 
[αὐτήν 7], λέγουσαι πλουσιώτερον μᾶλλον 
εἶναι τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς οἶκον (Schol. Od. 15. 
225=fr. 24 Miiller I. p. 74). They dis- 
paraged her ‘emple as compared with 
their father’s Aouse. (Remark that this 
definition of the boast is, so far as it 
goes, against reading the dative εὐρυβίᾳ 
here. * Wealth of wide dominion’ suggests 
a more general vaunt.) -The logographer 
Acusilaus (c. 500 B.C.) said that the 
Proetides had ‘slighted the ancient image 


x] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 327 
All-powerful Hera had driven those maidens from the fair str. 2. 

halls of Proetus, their spirits in bondage to a strong overmastering 

frenzy. For while yet in girlhood, they had entered the holy 

place of the purple-girdled goddess, and boasted that their sire 

far surpassed in wealth the golden-haired consort of Zeus, dread 


lord of wide dominion. 


But she, in anger, smote their hearts 


with a thought that turned them to flight; and with fearful 
shrieks they fled to a forest in the hills, 


far from the Tirynthian city and its god-built streets. 
It was now the tenth year since the dauntless heroes with 


shields of bronze had left Argos, dear to the gods, and were- 


dwelling at Tiryns with their much-envied king. 


Jurenka, Herwerden, Festa. 
(EMBAAENOMMA Ms.) 


54 στήθεσσι K. CTHOECIN μ5.--ἔμβαλεν νόημα K. 
55 τανίφυλλον] τανύφυλλον Jurenka. 


of Hera, τὸ τῆς Ἥρας ξόανον ἐξηυτέλισαν 
Apollod. 2. 2. 2=fr. Acus. 19, Miiller 1. 
p. 102). Hesiod (26.) said that they had 
‘refused to accept the rites of Dionysus.’ 
Rather the myth suggests votaries of some 
new cult who show scorn for the older 
a of anathirnoe 

πλούτῳ προφέρειν: Her. VI. 127 πλούτῳ 
καὶ εἴδεϊ προφέρων ᾿Αθηναίων .---παρέδρου, 
‘consort,’ intended to be statelier than 
auvetvov.—I would read (as K. does) 
evpuBia, gen., not εὐρυβίᾳ: the ms. has 
the latter, but the t may have been added 
by a later hand. εὐρυβίᾳ, following σεμνοῦ 
Διός, and referring back to πλούτῳ, is (to 
my feeling) intolerable: let any one read 
the verses, thinking of the sense, and 
judge. Further, a second epithet for 
Διός is thoroughly in B.’s manner: see 
(e.g) V. 99 σεμνᾶς χόλον ᾿Αρτέμιδος 
λευκωλένου: 2b. 174 χρυσέας Κύπριδος 
θελξιμβρότου.---ΟΥ̓Ἠ course εὐρυβίας is, in 
itself, a perfectly suitable epithet for πλοῦτος 
(cp. Pind. P. v. 1 6 πλοῦτος εὐρυσθενήΞς): 
but that is not the point.—evpuBilas is said 
of Poseidon in Pind. P. vi. 58, and often of 
heroes. Β. has φθόνος εὐρυβίας in XV. 31. 

54 παλίντροπον νόημα, ‘an impulse 
that turned them to flight,’—from the 
τέμενος. Elsewhere παλίντροπος is found 
(1) with ὄμματα, etc., as in Aesch. Ag. 
778: or (2) with verbs of moving, as ἕρπειν 
(Soph. £7. 1222). The accent here might 
be παλιντρόπον, but that is not required : 
νόημα παλίντροπον is (strictly) the νόημα 
of ἃ raXivrporos.—Note the error in the 
mMs., EMBAAENOMMA (through change 
of H into M, and loss of the second N). 

55 ὄρος. Callimachus (Dian. 236) 
describes the Proetides as οὔρεα πλαζομέ- 


vas ᾿Αζήνια, the hills of the region in 
N.W. Arcadia called ᾿Αζανία (from the 
᾿Αζᾶνες, descendants of ᾿Αζάν, son of 
Arcas): it was the hill-district about 
Cleitor (some 12 miles s. of Lusi) and 
Psophis.—tavigvAdov (Theocr. ΧΧΥ. 
221) is the correct form, but B. may have 
written. τανίφυλλον to avoid v in two 
consecutive syllables: see n. on III. 60. 

56 φωνὰν ἱεῖσαι: Verg. Ec. 6. 48 
Proetides implerunt falsis mugitibus agros 
(they imagined themselves to be cows). 

59—81 The Proetides having fled 
from 7iryns, the poet pauses to explain 
how it had come about that they were 
living there. 

Nearly the same story is told by Pau- 
sanias (II. 25. 7 f.). He describes the 
brothers as fighting a drawn battle, after 


ant. 2. 


which they were reconciled, ὡς οὐδέτεροι . 


βεβαίως κρατεῖν ἐδύναντο. Apollodorus 
(2. 2. 1), on the other hand, says that 
Acrisius drove Proetus out of Argolis. 
Proetus took refuge with Iobates (or 


‘ Amphianax) king of Lycia; married his 


daughter (the Anteia of the Ziad, the 
Sthenoboea of Tragedy); and was restored 
to Argolis by a Lycian army. Then he 
and Acrisius divided the realm. The 
dualism of royal seats is hinted in the 
Iliad (2. 559); οἱ δ᾽ “Apyos τ᾽ εἶχον 
Τίρυνθά τε τειχιόεσσαν. 

61 ξ. ἀδεισιβόαι, not quailing at the 
βοὴ ἄσβεστος of battle: anew compound, 
suggested by such words as δεισήνωρ, 
δεισιδαίμων .---ἡμίθεοι (cp. VIII. ro), the 
heroes who had fought under Proetus 
against Acrisius, the ἀντίθεοι.. ἥρωες of 


vv. 79 ff. 
63 πολυζήλῳ here seems best taken 


328 


BAKXYAIAOY [x 


8 νεῖκος γὰρ ἀμαιμάκετον 
“A > ’ A 3 > > Lal 
65 9 βληχρᾶς ἀνέπαλτο κασιγνητοῖς am ἀρχᾶς 


Col. 21 


’ὔ 
το Προίτῳ τε καὶ ᾿Ακρισίῳ' 


1x λαούς τε διχοστασίαις 
12 ἤρειπον ἀμετροδίκοις. μάχαις τε Avypats. 
13 λίσσοντο δὲ παῖδας “ABavtos 


7O 14 


ἐπ. β΄. 


γᾶν πολύκριθον λαχόντας 


x Τίρυνθα τὸν ὁπλότερον 


2 κτίζειν, πρὶν ἐς ἀργαλέαν πεσεῖν ἀνάγκαν᾽ 


75 


nun δὈ7᾽᾽ ὦ 


Ζεύς τ᾽ ἔθελεν Κρονίδας, 
τιμῶν Δαναοῦ γενεὰν 

μ᾽ 4 , 
καὶ διωξίπποιο Avyxeos, 
παῦσαι στυγερῶν ἀχέων. 


γ τεῖχος δὲ Κύκλωπες κάμον 
8. ἐλθόντες ὑπερφίαλοι κλεινᾷ πόλει 


65 βληχᾶς...ἄκρας (a primo vagitu) conj. Tyrrell. 
the first ε. 68 ἤριπον MS.: 


corr. K.—7pecxoy conj. Housman. 


66 ᾿Ακρισίῳ] The Ms. omits 
69 ITAIAEC 


as ‘much-envied,’ or ‘all-admired’; as 
in Soph. 77. 185 πολύζηλος is said of 
the victorious Heracles. But it could 
also mean ‘greatly prosperous’: as ζῆλος 
sometimes=‘ enviable happiness’: Soph. 
Ai. 503 οἵας λατρείας ἀνθ᾽ ὅσου ζήλου 
τρέφει. 

64 f. νεῖκος... ἀμαιμάκετον: a stubborn 
feud. As an epithet of fire (Soph. O. 7. 
177) or of the sea (Hes. Scut. 207) the 
word expresses the notion of irresistible 
force, while as applied in Od. 11. 311 to 
a mast it is taken by some to mean ‘of 
vast length’ (from root wax-), rather than, 
‘proof against any strain’: that passage, 
however, stands alone. 

βληχρᾶς... ἀπ᾽ dpxas, ‘from a slight 


cause’ (which the poet does not name). ἡ 


See however Apollod. 2. 4. 1 (speaking 
of Danae, daughter of Acrisius): ταύτην 
μέν, ws ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, ἔφθειρε Ipotros- 
ὅθεν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἡ στάσις. It is not likely 
that B. had this story in his mind.—For 
BAnxpés, cp. XII. 227. Alcaeus fr. τό 
applies the word to faint breezes (βλήχρων 
ἀνέμων ἀχέίμαντοι πνόαι), and Pindar 
(fr. 129) to sluggish streams.—Some take 
the phrase here as=‘from a feeble be- 
ginning,’ z.e. ‘from childhood.’ (Apollod. 
2.1.1 κατὰ γαστρὸς ἔτι ὄντες ἐστασίαζον 
πρὸς ἀλλήλους.) That seems forced. 

αλτο, ‘had sprung up,’ 2nd aor. 
midd, of ἀναπάλλω : see //. 23. 694 where 


ἀνέπαλτο corresponds with ἀναπάλλεται in 
692.—Not from ἀνεφάλλομαι, of which the 
only part found is ἀνεπάλμενος in Ap. 
Rhod. 2. 825. 

67 f. διχοστασίαις : used in the sing. 
by Solon fr. 4. 37, and Theognis 78, of 
civil faction. ἀμετροδίκοις, not observing 
the μέτρα δίκης: ‘feuds that broke the 
bounds of law.’ The peculiarity consists 
in the fact that compounds with duerpo- 
usually mean ‘unmeasured’ in respect to 
that which is denoted by the subst.; as 
ἀμετροεπής (7. 2. 212), ἀμετροβαθής 
(Oppian fal. τ. 85, ‘of i immense depth’). 
-ἤρειπον, ‘they were ruining’ the people: 
cp. Soph. Ant. 596 (of the Labdacidae) 
ἐρείπει | θεῶν τις, some god is ever bringing 
them to ruin. 

70- 72 After λαχόντας, τὸν ὅὁπλό- 
τερον is in partitive apposition: ‘that 
(the two brothers) should share the land 
between them, and that the younger should 
make a new seat at Tiryns’: cp. Soph. 
Ant. 21 τὼ κασιγνήτω Κρέων | τὸν μὲν 
προτίσας τὸν δ᾽ ἀτιμάσας ἔχει (η.). - 

v. .. ἀνάγκαν, ‘ grievous straits,’ 
the last extremities of famine and misery. 

74. Δαναοῦ... Λυγκέος. Abas, the 
father of Acrisius and Proetus, was son 
of Lynceus, and maternal grandson of 
Danaus. Lynceus succeeded Danaus as 
king of Argos; Herodotus (11. 91) names 
them together as ancestors of Perseus 


x] ETTINIKOI 329 
For a stubborn strife had sprung up from a slight cause between 
the brothers Proetus and Acrisius; and they had been ruining 
their people with feuds that broke the bounds of law, and with 
dire battles. But the folk besought the sons of Abas that they 
would share the fertile land between them, 


and that the younger should make a new seat at Tiryns, before 
they all fell into grievous straits. Then Zeus the son of Cronus, 
honouring the race of Danaus and of Lynceus, urger of steeds, 
was willing to give them rest from their cruel woes. So the 
mighty Cyclopes came and wrought a goodly wall for the 


famous city ; 


A, corr. Al. 
77 κάμοντ᾽ conj. Platt. 


70 λαχόντας MS.: λαχόντα Wilamowitz, Herwerden, Blass. 


(grandson of Acrisius). Lynceus was 
reckoned also among the ancestors of 
Heracles and of Iolaus, who are meant 
by Λυγκῆος γενεή in Hes. Scut. 327. 
A statue of him was dedicated by the 
Argives at Delphi along with those of 
his wife Hypermnestra and her father 
Danaus (Paus. Χ. 10. 5). His grave 
was shown at Argos (zd. II. 21. 2).— 
διωξίπποιο: epithet of Ares in VIII. 44: 
Pind. P. 1X. 4 διωξίππου... Κυράνας : cp. 
the epic ἱππηλάτα. 

_77 £. τεῖχος. Tiryns was the most 
impressive example of that prehistoric 
wall-building which Greeks of a later 
age ascribed to giants of superhuman 
strength. The walls, which had a maxi- 
mum thickness of 25 feet, were built of 
limestone blocks, mostly polygonal, and 
either unhewn or only roughly shaped, 
piled on one another and bonded with 
small stones and clay: the larger blocks 
were from seven to ten feet long. Similar 
remains exist at Mycenae (mixed with 
later masonry), and at Argos (north of 
the theatre). 

Κύκλωπες ... ὑπερφίαλοι, ‘the mighty 
Cyclopes.’ The adj. clearly has no bad 
sense here: cp. Od. 21. 289 οὐκ ἀγαπᾷς 
ὃ ἕκηλος ὑπερφιάλοισι μεθ᾽ ἡμῖν | δαίνυσαι ; 
(‘in our high company,’ as Butcher and 
Lang render). The derivation is still 
doubtful: that from βία involves an ab- 
normal change: while the old explana- 
tion, ‘overflowing the φιάλη,᾽ seems too 
artificial. Curtius, with Buttmann, refers 
it to root φυ (‘overgrown,’ ‘luxuriant’). 

The /iad (2. 559) knows the walls of 
Tiryns; but the legend of the Cyclopes 
as builders is post-Homeric, though older 


than the fifth century. It is found in 
Hellanicus (fr. 179) and Pherecydes 
(fr. 26b); in Pindar (fr. 169); Sophocles 
(fr. 207); Euripides (27. 7. 15 Κυκλωπία 
πόλις, of Mycenae; ἢ A. 534 τείχη 
Κυκλώπια, of Argos; and often else- 
where); and in some later writers. For 
Tiryns in particular, see Paus. 11. 25. 8: 
Statius Zheb. 4. 150 Cyclopum ductas 
sudoribus arces. 

The poet leaves ἐλθόντες (78) vague. 
But the story which made Proetus go to 
Lycia for help said that he summoned 
the Cyclopes thence after his return to 
Argolis (Strabo p. 372 jKew...ueraméur- 
τους ἐκ Λυκίας). Another account brought 
them from Thrace (schol. Eur. Or. 965). 
Here myth was blended with a tradition 
of foreign builders.—The home of the 
Homeric Cyclopes was popularly iden- 
tified with Sicily (Thuc. vi. 2 $1: Eur. 
Cycl. 297). 

κάμον. Objection has been taken to 
the syllaba anceps here: v. 35 ends with 
βροτῶν, and in 119 f. πρόγοϊνοι is 
corrupt. But κάμοντ᾽ seems impossible. 
The aor. midd. ἐκαμόμην occurs only 
twice in pre-Alexandrian Greek: (1) 22, 
18. 341, Tas αὐτοὶ καμόμεσθα, (the cap- 
tives) whom we won by our toil: (2) Od. 
9. 130 of κέ opw καὶ νῆσον ἐϊκτιμένην 
ἑκάμοντο, ‘who dy Ζοΐΐ would have gained 
for them a goodly island home.’ In both 
these places. the middle aor. has its 
distinctive sense; it is not a mere sub- 
stitute for the active aor. [In post-classical 
Greek it may be otherwise: Ap. Rhod. 
2. 718 ipdv...6 ῥ᾽ ἐκάμοντο | αὐτοί: 4. 1321 
ὑπέρβια ἔργ᾽ ἐκάμεσθε.1---Τί may be added 
that a corruption of xdéuovr into κάμον is 


epode 2. 


330 


BAKXYAIAOY [x 


9 κάλλιστον, ἵν᾿ ἀντίθεοι 
8010 ναῖον κλυτὸν ἱππόβοτον 
¥ y \ , 
x Ἄργος npwes περικλειτοὶ λιπόντες. 


» 5 , 
2 ἔνθεν ἀπεσσύμεναι 


’ ’ 
13. Προίτου κυανοπλόκαμοι 
4 evyov ἀἄδματοι θύγατρες, 


στρ. 7-851 τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν ἄχος κραδίαν, ξεί- 
2 να τέ νιν πλᾶξεν μέριμνα" 
3 δοίαξε δὲ φάσγανον ἄμ- 
+ φακες ἐν στέρνοισι πᾶξαι. 


5 ἀλλά νιν αἰχμοφόροι 


go 6 


μύθοισί τε μειλιχίοις 


7 καὶ βίᾳ χειρῶν κάτεχον. 

8 τρισκαίδεκα μὲν τελέους 

ο μῆνας κατὰ δάσκιον ἠλύκταζον ὕλαν 
10 φεῦγόν τε κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν 


95 τι μηλοτρόφον᾽ 


ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ 


τ Λοῦσον ποτὶ καλλιρόαν πατὴρ ἵκανεν, 
3 ἔνθεν χρόα νιψάμενος φοι- 
4% Σ5νικοί κραδέμνοι]ο Λατοῦς 


88 κυανοπλοκαμος A, corr. A’. 
K. (ἠλύκταξον MS.): 
᾿Αρκαδίαν Palmer: κατακαρδίαν MS. 


86 MEPIMNAI A, corr. A’. 
ἀλύκταζον Blass (2nd ed.), ἀλύσκαζον (3rd ed.). 


93 ἠλύκταζον 
94 κατ᾽ 


improbable from a palaeographical point 
of view. It could hardly have been 
prompted by πρόγοϊνοι in 110 f., since 
v. 35 would have shown that a long 
syllable might stand at the end of the 
verse. 

80 ἱππόβοτον, as in XVIII. 
mov (n.). 

82 ff. The story of the Proetides is 
resumed from v. 58.---δδματοι: cp. n. 
on Vv. 167. 

85 f. τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν ἄχος Kpadiayv: for 
the second acc. cp. //. 1. 362 τί δέ σε 
φρένας ἵκετο πένθος; Ar. Lys. 542 οὐδὲ 
γόνατ᾽ ἂν κόπος ἕλοι με.---ξείνα, foreign to 
his saner moods. Cp. Soph. dz. 639 
οὐκέτι συντρόφοις | ὀργαῖς ἔμπεδος, ἀλλ᾽ 
ἐκτὸς ὁμιλεῖ (‘he is true no more to the 
promptings of his inbred nature, but 
dwells with alien thoughts’). Cp. 
Aesch. P. V. 689 ξένους...λόγους (where 
fear or horror of them is implied): 
Timaeus Locrus p. 104 ἢ τιμωρίαι ξέναι. 


15 ἵπ- 


87 f. δοίαξε... πᾶξαι, “he was minded’ 
to do so. For the infin., cp. Ap. Rhod. 
4- 575 τὰ δ᾽ ἠεροειδέα λεύσσειν» | οὔρεα 
δοιάζοντο Κεραύνια (‘half thought that 
they saw’).—The aor. denotes the moment 
at which the impulse seized him, as the 
Homeric διάνδιχα μερμήριξεν (77. 1. 189) 
shows the thought flashing on Achilles,— 
Shall he draw his sword, or still curb his 
anger? It is thus more dramatic than the 
imperfect would be.—Remark the de- 
signed series of harsh sounds here, ξεένα---- 
πλᾶξεν---δοίαξε: and contrast v. go. 

89 aixpoddpor, his body-guard (dopu- 
φόροι) : the sense of the word in Her. 1.8 
and VII. 40. 

92 ξ. τρισκαίδεκα : this indeclinable 
form is read in 71. 5. 387, Ar. Ran. 50, 
Xen. H. v. 1 8 5, etc. In Thuc. 111. 69 §1 
and vill. 88 §1 Hude reads τρεῖς καὶ 
δέκα, and in VIII. 22 § 1 τρισὶ καὶ δέκα: in 
those places all or most of the good Mss. 
have τρισκαίδεκα (except that in VIII. 88 §1 


x] ETTINIKOI 331 
where the renowned heroes were dwelling, after leaving glorious 
Argos, nurse of steeds. : 

Thence it was that the dark-haired maidens, the daughters 


of Proetus, had rushed in flight. 


Grief took hold of their father’s heart ; a strange thought smote 
him, and he was minded to plunge a two-edged sword in his 
breast ; but his spearmen restrained him with words of comfort, 
and by force of hand. 

For thirteen whole months the maidens roamed wildly 
through the dense forest, and went in flight through the pastures 
of Arcadia. But when at length their father came to Lusus 
with its fair stream, he washed himself with water taken thence, 


the Vaticanus B has τρεῖς καὶ δέκα). In 
Ar. Plut. 194 and 846 and Pax 
and Andoc. or. 3. 4 τριακαίδεκα is read: 
in Isaeus or. 8 ὃ 35 τριῶν καὶ δέκα: in 
Dem. or. 9 ὃ 25 τρισὶ καὶ déka. The 
result seems to be as follows. The in- 
declinable form was current from the 
earliest times, at least in poetry, and was 
probably prevalent in post-classical Greek 
generally: but classical Attic writers (of 
prose at least) preferred the form in which 
τρεῖς was inflected.—The number thirteen 
probably had some mystic or symbolic 
meaning here in relation to Artemis as a 
lunar goddess. In Soph. 77. 164f. the 
last period in the ordeals of Heracles is 
Tplunvos κἀνιαύσιος (xpdvos). 

ἠλύκταζον : I follow the Ms. in keeping 
the ἠ: the poet may have wished to break 
the series of a sounds.—ddvcxafor Blass*: 
see Appendix.—tAav: see ἢ. on 55. 

94 κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν. The wanderings 
of the Proetides over the hills of north- 
western Arcadia (Afavia 55 n.) were 
more especially associated by legend 
with the Apodua ὄρη, now Chelmos. At 
the southern foot of this range rises the 
Aroanios, the chief tributary of the 
Ladon: and in the upper plain of its 
‘valley, in the N.E. corner, is Sudena, 
which probably marks the site of Lusi. 
In the Aroanian hills, above Nonacris,— 
which lay on their N.E. side,—was shown 
a cave to which the frenzied Proetides 
had fled (Paus. vi1l. 18. 7). J. G. Frazer 
(ad Joc.) mentions two caves, very near 
each other, ‘on the brow of the mountain, 
overlooking the profound glen of the 
Styx.’ 

96 Λοῦσον : this accent, given in the 
papyrus, is that which has the older and 
better authority: Theophr. zst. Plant. 


9. 15. 8 Λοῦσα : Callim. Dian. 235 Λούσ- 
cos (implying Λοῦσσοι or -a): Polyb. Iv. 
18 Λούσσων. But later writers make 
the word oxytone: Λουσοί Paus., Λουσός 
Arcadius 75. 16, Λουσσοί Steph. Byz. 

Λοῦσος is here the name of the famous 
κρήνη near the town of Λοῦσοι, at which 
the Proetides were said to have been 
healed (τὴν ἐν Λούσοις κρήνην, Theo- 
pompus fr. 287, Miiller I. p. 327). 
Those who tasted it were said thence- 
forth to dislike wine: hence πηγὴ μισ- 
άμπελος, epigr. in Vitruvius 8. 3. 21 ; and 
Ovid Avet. XV. 322, where it is called 
Clitorius fons, as Lusi was in the territory 
of Cleitor, being some twelve miles N. of 
it. So Phylarchus (Athen. p. 43 F) 
spoke of it as κρήνην ἐν Κλείτορι. 

A narrow valley opens southward just 
to the west of Lusi. Three springs issue 
from the western edge of it; and at the 
middle one there are traces of ancient 
foundations. In winter these springs 
form a large pool or small lake: this is 
the Clitorius lacus of Pliny H. N. 31. 
13. (Leake, Morea 11. 110: Curtius, 
Pelop. τ. 375.) 

97 f. χρόα νιψάμενος. Folk-lore of 
course connected Λοῦσοι with λούεσθαι. 
So Paus. VIII. 28. 2 mentions an Arcadian 
stream ὀνομαζόμενος Λούσιος, ἐπὶ λουτροῖς 
δὴ τοῖς Διὸς τεχθέντος : and an Arcadian 
epithet of Demeter was Λουσία, ἐπὶ τῷ 
λούσασθαι τῷ Λάδωνι (id. VIII. 25. 6).— 
φοινικοκραδέμνοιο, ‘with red kerchief.’ 
The κρήδεμνον (worn by Hera in //. 14. 
184) was a kerchief worn over the back 
of the head, and hanging down to the 
shoulders, but not veiling the face. (So 
Hera’s ‘purple girdle’ is mentioned in 
49.) 


str. 3. 


BAKXYAIAOY [x 


332 
ἀντ. γ. : κίκλίῃσκε θύγατρα] βοῶπιν, 
Col. 22 100 2 


ἱππώκεος ἀελίου, 


χεῖρας ἀντείνων πρὸς αὐγὰς 


τέκνα δυστάνοιο λύσσας 


3 

4 

s πάρφρονος ἐξαγαγεῖν" 

6 θύσω δέ τοι εἴκοσι βοῦς 


105 


on 


alvyas φοινικότριχας. 
τοῦ δ᾽ ἔκλυ᾽ ἀριστοπάτρα 


9 θηροσκόπος εὐχομένου: πιθοῦσα δ᾽ Ἥραν 
10 παῦσεν καλυκοστεφάνους 
τι κούρας μανιᾶν ἀθέων" 
1101. ταὶ δ᾽ αὐτίκα (F)ou τέμενος βωμόν τε τεῦχον, 
13 χραῖνόν τέ μιν αἵματι μήλων 
4 Σ5καὶ χοροὺς ἵσταν γυναικῶν. 


3 ΄ > 
ér.y. ἔνθεν καὶ ἀρηϊφίλοις 
2 ἄνδρεσσιν « ἐς » ἱπποτρόφον πόλιν « τ᾽ Ayxatots 


99 Before ΒΟΩΠΙΝ there is a faint trace of A. 
A$ wrote rou δ᾽ εκλυ᾽ αριστοπατρα at the top of col. XxII. 


106 This v. was omitted by A: 
110 ΤΑΙ Ms. : ταὶ 


99 βοῶπιν: the Homeric epithet of 
Hera is nowhere else given to Artemis. 

100 ἀντείνων : for the apocope, Cp. 
fr. 17. 4 ἀντείνασα : III. 7 ἀμπαύσας. 

108 πάρφρονος: apocope as in παρ- 
φάμεν (Pind. O. η- 66), πάρφασις (NV. VIL. 
32), πάρφυκτος ΠΡΟ ΧΩΣ 20). Cp. 7x11 
10 πὰρ χειρός. 

ἐξαγαγεῖν depends on κίκλῃσκε (99). Τί 
is not infin. for imper. in ovatio recta. 
When, 77 a prayer, the infin. stands as 
imperative, (1) a vocative, addressed to 
the god, normally precedes; e.g., 71. 7. 
179 Zed πάτερ, ἢ Αἴαντα λαχεῖν ἢ Τυδέος 
υἱόν: Aesch. 7. 253 θεοὶ πολῖται, μή με 
δουλείας τυχεῖν. (2) The subject to the 
infin. is mot usually the god: e.g., here 
we should expect an infin. in the sense 
of ἀπαλλαγῆναι, to which the subject 
would be τέκνα. 

105 φοινικότριχας : cp. V. 102 ῃ. 

106 ἱστοπάτρα. The mother of 
Craterus was ᾿Αριστόπατρα (Strabo 15. 

. 702): cp. the name Κλεινόπατρος 
Paus. VI. 2. 6). 

108 καλυκοστεφάνους, crowned with 
young flowers, in honour of Artemis ; 
who herself, in v. 98, has this epithet. 

109 μανιᾶν ἀθέων. Pindar uses only 
the plural of μανία (O. Ix. 39; WV. 48; 
fr. 208 μανίαις τ᾽ ἀλαλαῖς τ᾽ ὀρινόμενοι). 


It suggests the ‘throes’ or ‘outbreaks’ 
of madness.—d@éwv, god-forsaken, 7.¢. 
due to the wrath of Hera: Soph. O. 7. 
661 f. ἄθεος, ἄφιλος...ὀλοίμαν .----Ν οἱ, ‘ in- 
flicted on account of impiety.’ 

110 ταὶ δ᾽ seems right. For the Ms. 
γᾷ it might be said that Proetus could 
then be included among the subjects of 
τεῦχον : but γᾷ would be weak; and it 
is natural that the foundation should be 
described as a thank-offering on the part 
of the maidens. 

τέμενος βωμόν τε. The temple of 
Artemis Ἡμέρα or Ἡμερασία at Lusi is 
mentioned by Polybius as being N. of 
Cleitor and s. of Cynaetha: Iv. 18 
προῆγον ws ἐπὶ Λούσων᾽" καὶ παραγενόμενοι 
πρὸς τὸ τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερόν, ὃ κεῖται μὲν 
μεταξὺ Κλείτορος καὶ Κυναίθων x.7.X. He 
notes its inviolable sanctity (ἄσυλον... 
νενόμισται παρὰ τοῖς “Ἑλλησιν). Leake 
(Morea 11. 110) conjectured that the 
remains at the spring (mentioned in n. on 
96) marked the site of the temple; and 
Kiepert accepted this view, which has 
been the prevalent one. Curtius, how- 
ever (Pelop. τ. 397), would identify the 
shrine with a temple-cella found by Dod- 
well (11. 447) nearer Sudena (the probable 
site of Lusi), at the upper end of the plain. 

111 μιν (2.6. βωμόν) was here preferred 


x] ETTINIKOI 333 


and invoked the ox-eyed daughter of Latona with purple 
kerchief, stretching hands aloft to the rays of the Sun-god in 


swift chariot, to deliver his children from the curse of raging 
madness : ‘and I will offer to thee,’ he cried, ‘twenty red oxen, 


strangers to the yoke.’ 


_ His prayer was heard by the Huntress, daughter of a peerless 
sire; she prevailed with Hera, and healed the maidens, crowned 


with young flowers, of the madness sent by angry heaven. 


But 


they straightway made for her a precinct and an altar, and shed 
the blood of sheep thereon, and set choruses of women around it. 


From that place didst thou pass with Achaean warriors to 


their city, nurse of steeds,— 


Blass and others.—TETETETXON A: corr. A!? 


114 és add. J.: ἐν (=és) 


Jurenka: -σσι πρὸς Housman.—zédw MS.: πόλιν τ᾿ Blass*: πόλινδ᾽ Ludwich: ποίαν 
Housman, Hense: χώραν Wilamowitz.—I had conjectured πόλισμ᾽, but now prefer 


πόλιν τ΄. 


by the poet, who elsewhere always uses 
νιν, on account of the preceding xpai- 
νον. 

112 ἵσταν: 
τίθεν: J. 1. 25 tev. The imperfects 
(τεῦχον --- xpatvov—iorav) express the 
series of acts. 

113 ἔνθεν.. ἀρηϊφίλοις. The ἀρηΐ- 
φιλοι ἄνδρες are the Achaean warriors 
who founded Metapontion (Strabo 6. 
p- 264). They brought the cult of 
Artemis with them from the old home. 
She figures on a Metapontine coin 
(British Museum, Italy no. 263 : noticed 
by Smyth). See also Hyginus Fad. 
186.—The Metapontines dedicated an 
ivory Endymion in their θησαυρός at 


Olympia (Paus. VI. 19. 11) ; which shows _ 


that the lunar attributes were among 
those of their Artemis (cp. 92 f. n.).— 
The Achaean settlement of the country 
about the Tarentine Gulf is traceable in 
the Arcadian name of the river Aovolas 
near Thurii (Aelian VV. 4. Χ. 38); also 
in the Kpa@@s a little further s., a name- 
sake of the river near Aegae in Achaia.— 
Arist. Mir. auscult. 106—110 (p. 840) 
notices a cult of the Homeric heroes at 
Tarentum and Sybaris, and a temple of 
᾽Αθηνᾶ ᾿Αχαιΐα in 8. E. Italy. 

114 dydperow...” Axavois. The metre 
is shown by 72. The -w of πόλιν could 
not be lengthened before ‘Axacois. 
Housman supports his conjecture ποίαν 
by Eur. Andr. 1229 ἱπποβότων πεδίων : 
but that surely is very different. <A 
corruption of χώραν into πόλιν is im- 


cp. Pind. P. m1. 65 _ 


probable; and in 72 we find πεσεῖν. 
(1) The simplest remedyis πόλιν -- τ᾽ >, 
the τ᾽ answering to te after ἄλσος in 
v. 118:—éomed τ᾽ és wodw.., ἄλσος τέ 
tol (ἐστιν). The sub-clause, civ δὲ τύχᾳ 
ναίεις. . λαῶν (115—117), then supple- 
ments the first principal clause, ἕσπεό τ᾽ 
ἐς πόλιν. Or ἕσπεό τ᾽ might be co-ordinate 
with σὺν δὲ τύχᾳ ναίεις: for the irregular 
sequence, Te . . δέ, is not rare, esp. when 
the chief stress is on the second clause: 
cp. eg. Thuc. I. 25 ὃ 10, Soph. Ant. 
1096 f. (with my n.), Kiihner-Gerth 
Gramm. ii. vol. 11. p. 244. (2) πόλινδ᾽, 
which Blass read in his 2nd ed., would 
be satisfactory, if it could stand along 
with és: for, except és (ἐν or πρός), the 
only supplements possible seem to be 
ἅμ᾽ or ποθ᾽, either of which would be 
weak. The only parallel is Od. ro. 351, 
ποταμῶν of τ᾽ eis ἅλαδε προρέουσι: so 
Aristarchus read; but Zenodotus had 
wished to eliminate εἰς by reading of τε 
ἅλαδε (Ludwich, Aristarch. hom. Text- 
hritik, 1. 583). The redundant phrase 
might be compared with ἀπὸ Tpoinfer 
(Od. 9. 38). (3) Another resource is 
πόλισμ᾽, freely used in poetry as an 
equivalent for πόλις. Aesch. Zh. 120 
πόλισμα Κάδμου: Euripides applies it 
to Athens (Med. 771, 7 7. 1014, 
H. F. 1323); Troy (4 4. 
Mycenae (ὁ. 1500); Thebes (Bacch. 
919). Those places where the word 
precedes.a vowel are suggestive in con- 
nexion with the present passage, as 
illustrating the metrical convenience of 


777) 3 


ant. 3. 


epode 3. 


334 


ΠῚ 
115 3 ἕσπεο, σὺν δὲ τύχᾳ 


ΒΑΚΧΥΛΙΔΟῪ 


[X, XI 


, ΄, > 
«ναίεις Μεταπόντιον, ὦ 
s χρυσέα δέσποινα λαῶν' 
5» 
6 ἄλσος τέ τοι ἱμερόεν 
΄ ἂν πεῖν ἣ ’ 
7 Kdoav παρ᾽ εὔυδρον πρὸ va- 


I20 8 


a <= , 4 3 ἈΝ / 
of ἐσσαμένων, ἹΙριάμοι ἐπεὶ χρόνῳ 


9 βουλαῖσι θεῶν μακάρων 
10 πέρσαν πόλιν εὐκτιμέναν 


τι χαλκοθωράκων μετ᾽ ᾿Ατρειδᾶν. 


δικαίας 


12 ὅστις ἔχει φρένας, εὑ- 


125 13 


’ Ἀ ν / 
ρήσει σὺν αἀπαντι χρόνῳ 


4 pupias ἀλκὰς ᾿Αχαιών. 


ΧΙ. 


[XI1.] 


TEICIAI AIFINHTHI 


TTAAAICTHI 


ε Ν ld / ε ψ 
Ὡσεὶ κυβερνήτας σοφός, ὑμνοάνασ- 
σ᾽ εὔθυνε Κλειοῖ 


στρ. 


NEMEA 


νῦν φρένας aperépas, 


118 τε MS.: γε Herwerden. 


προγόϊνων ree  ΑΑδ: Wilamowitz, Blass: 
ἕσσαν ἐμέν Housman.—ézei] ΕΠῚ A: 


γουνοῖ Platt : 


119£. ΠΡΟΓΟΙΝΟῚ ECCAMENOI s.: 


mpoyolvo. ἕσσαν ἐμοὶ Palmer, K.: πρὸ 


corr. A®, 


this substitute for médts:—Bacch. 919 
πόλισμ᾽ ἑπτάστομον : Heracl. 193 f.’Axai- 
κὸν | πόλισμ᾽, ὅθεν k.7.X.: 16. 957 πόλισμ᾽ 
ἐλεύθερον. On the whole, I prefer πόλιν τ᾽. 

ἱπποτρόφον hints the traditions of 
Aline chivalry, as πορτιτρόφον (30) 
suggests the prosperous Metapentine 
stock-breeders. 

115 ff. σὺν.. τύχᾳ: cp. VIII. 51 n.— 
χρυσέα: VIII. 72 η.--δέσποινα λαῶν. 
Metapontion throve by agriculture (Stra- 
bo p. 264), cattle, and horse-breeding. 
Artemis was concerned with all these 
(cp. v. 98 and 1o4.nn.).* to horses, 
at Pheneos in Arcadia she w: ΝΣ ΤΩΣ 
as Εὑρίππα (Paus. a § 4. 4): in Pind. 
O. 111. 26 she 15: rgookh 1 Artemis was 
also in a. general sense σώτειρα (as at 
Pellene in Achaia, Paus/11. 31. 1), σωσί- 
mods, etc. In.Arcadia she was closely 
associated: with the cult of the Δέσποινα 
(Persephone) and Demeter (Paus. VIII. 
37. 1 εἴς). Cp. Soph. £7. 626 τὴν 
δέσποιναν ΓΑρτεμιν. [Preller 11. 243 held 


that Δέσποινα was an Arcadian title of 
Artemis herself.] 

119 ΣΦ. Κάσαν. The Kdcas is not 
mentionedelsewhere (unless it is to be 
recognized. ‘in Suidas, Κῆσος" ὄνομα 
ποταμοῦ).. But Pliny (27. M. 11. 15. 3) 
mentions the river Casuentus near Meta- 
pontion, and this is doubtless the Kdoas, 
the modern Bastento. Its course is 
nearly parallel with that of the Bradanus 
(Bradano): both flow into the Tarentine 
Gulf near the site of Metapontion.— 
εὔυδρον. ‘Though here the coast is 
everywhere perfectly flat, yet the land 
rises gently from the sea, and, being 
well-watered, is pre-eminently adapted 
for pasture and wheat.’ (Curtius, 2725 2, 
Gr. I. p. 445. Eng. ed.) 

πρὸ vaot’ ἑσσαμένων is the remedy 
which I would suggest for the corrupt 
πρόγονοι ἑσσάμενοι of the papyrus. 
(The metre is shown by vv. 35 and 77.) 
I suppose that in ITPONAOT the letters 
NA had been mutilated or partly ob- 


"» 


X, XI] 


ETINIKOI 


335 


and with happy fortune dost thou dwell in Metapontion, O 
glorious mistress of her people—and a lovely grove is thine, 
which they dedicated to thee by the fair stream of the Casas, 
[in front of thy temple,] when at last, in the counsels of the 
blessed gods, they sacked Priam’s stately town with the mail-clad 
Atreidae. Whoso has a just spirit will find, through all the course 
of time, countless deeds of valour wrought by the Achaeans. 


ΧΙ. 


[XII] 


For Teisias of Aegina, victor in the wrestling-match at Nemea. 
Like a skilful pilot, guide thou my thoughts, Cleio, queen 


of song, 


I. Title added by A® in left margin, opposite to vv. 1-4. TEICIAI Blass : 


TICIAI ms. 


literated, so as to leave ΠΡῸΣ OI or 
ΠΡῸ OI. This was taken to be some 
nominative plural, and was conjecturally 
restored as ITLPOTONOI, causing ἑσσα- 
μένων to become ἑσσάμενοι. On my 
view, ἑσσαμένων is a genit. absolute, 
referring to the Achaean warriors who 
are mentioned in 113 f. (ἀρηϊφίλοις 
ἄνδρεσσιν), and who are the subject of 
πέρσαν in 122. ἄλσος is nomin., ἐστί 
being understood ;—‘And a lovely grove is 
thine, (the Achaeans) having founded it by 
the fair stream of the Casas in front of thy 
temple.’ For πρὸ vaot’, compare Alcaeus 
fr. g (from a hymn to the Athena of 
Coroneia) : & ποι Κορωνείας ἐπὶ πισέων (so 
Bergk) | ναύω πάροιθεν ἀμφιβαίνεις | 
Κωραλίω ποτάμω map’ ὄχθαις : where, as 
here, there is a sacred temenos (πίσεα) 
on the banks of a river, in front of the 
temple. Speaking of the same Athena, 
Callimachus says (//ymn v. 63 f.), ἵνα 
οἱ τεθυωμένον ἄλσος | καὶ βωμοὶ ποταμῷ 
κεῖντ᾽ ἐπὶ Κουραλίῳ. (Ορ.᾽ αἰδο 111. 19 f. 
πάροιθε ναοῦ, τόθι μέγιστον ἄλσος | Φοίβου 
παρὰ Κασταλίας ῥεέθροις κ-τ.λ.---σσαμέ- 
vov (ζω): the midd. is normal in this 
sense: Pind. P. Iv. 204 Ποσειδάωνος ἕσ- 
σαντ᾽ εἰναλίου τέμενος: Her. 1. 66 ἱρὸν 
εἱσάμενοι: Thue. 111. 58 § 5 (θυσίας) τῶν 
ἑσσαμένων καὶ κτισάντων : Eur. Hipp. 31 
ναὸν . . ἐγκαθείσατο. 

Whatever the original reading may 
have been, πρόγονοι is impossible : mpo- 
γόνων also seems impossible. A short 
syllable in the middle of a word divided 
between two verses could not stand as 
a syllaba anceps (representing a long 
syllable) at the end of the first verse.— 


See Appendix. 

120f. IIpidpor ἐπεὶ πέρσαν πόλιν : 
Strabo says of Metapontion (p. 264), 
Πυλίων δὲ λέγεται κτίσμα τῶν ἐξ ᾽Ιλίου 
πλευσάντων μετὰ Νέστορος. The safe 
return of Nestor to Pylus is mentioned in 
the Odyssey (3. 182), and was told in the 
Cyclic osti. Among the heroes from 
Pylos (Πύλιοι) who afterwards founded 
Metapontion, the legend doubtless in- 
cluded some of his sons; possibly even 
Nestor himself. Sacrifices (ἐναγισμός) 
to the spirits of the Neleidae (so called 
from Nestor’s father Νηλεύς) were offered 
at Metapontion down to Strabo’s time.— 
χρόνῳ, after ten years’ war: Aesch, Ag. 
126 χρόνῳ μὲν αἱρεῖ Πριάμου πόλιν ἅδε 
κέλευθος. 

128 δικαίας : see n. on V. 196. 

125 σὺν ἅπαντι χρόνῳ: X. 23n. 
Some of the Achaean legends (such as 
those of the Aeacidae) embraced many 
successive generations of a family. 

126 ἀλκάς, virtutes: Pind. N. vit. 
12 Tai μεγάλαι yap ἀλκαὶ | σκότον πολὺν 
ὕμνων ἔχοντι δεόμεναι.--- Αχαιῶν. The 
Ionian communities of the Aegean islands 
and coasts were very proud of their 
legendary Achaean founders, especially 
of the Neleidae (or Nestoridae). Timo- 
theus of Miletus, in the newly-found frag 
ment of his nome, the Persae, vv. 246 ff., 
speaks of the Ionian folk of the dode- 
capolis as λαοῦ mpwréos ἐξ ᾿Αχαιῶν, ‘a 
foremost scion of the Achaeans’; Miletus 
having been founded, according to tra- 
dition, by Neleus son of Codrus. 


I. 1- 8 κυβερνήτας with ἡ, as in 


336 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XI, XII 


> ΄ \ , chs x 3 ΄ 

εἰ δή ποτε καὶ πάρος" ἐς γὰρ ὀλβίαν 
5 ξείνοισί με πότνια Nixa 

νᾶσον Αἰγίνας ἀπάρχει 

> , A ΄ , δ: 

ἐλθόντα κοσμῆσαι θεόδματον πόλιν 


ἀντ. ὃ τάν τ᾽ ἐν Νεμέᾳ γυιαλκέα μουνοπάλαν 
[The rest is 1οϑί.] 
XII. ΧΕΙ; 
«ΠΥΘΕΑΙ AIFINHTHI 
TTATKPATIACTHI NEMEA> 
στρ. α΄. [Eight verses lost. ] 
Gok, 28 a, τ ae Se 
—-VVY—YV»Y dew 
δ᾽. 2 Os Se epl 
«τ ]—_ UY — 
-πυ - - τὺ - éar' 
στρ. β΄. [ἀντ. α΄, ἐπ. α΄, and the first ten verses of στρ. β΄, are lost.] 
Col.24 τ ὕβριος ὑψινόου 
451: παύσει, δίκας θνατοῖσι κραίνων" 


6 ἀπάρχει] ἀπαίρει conj. Crusius, J. (ἀπαιτεῖ also J.) : ἐπάρκει (= ἐπήρκει, plpf. of ἐπαίρω) 


Tyrrell. 


8 τάν] τόν conj. Desrousseaux, W. Christ.—After this verse, the last in 


col. ΧΧΙΙ, the papyrus breaks off. There is no clue to the extent of the lacuna, nor, 


therefore, to the original length of the ode. 
In column XXIII, the secon 


τι. 
fifth with day: the third, with p.. 


or B.. (Blass traces eg). 


yes 
d verse ended with ew, and the 
The rest of col. 


v. 47(n.)—oodés, a frequent epithet of 
this subst. : Archilochus fr. 45 κυβερνήτην 
σοφόν: Aesch. Suppl. 770 κυβερνήτῃ 
cop@: Phaedrus 4. 17. 8 gubernator 
sophus. Cp. Pind. P. Iv. 274 εἰ μὴ θεὸς 
ἁγεμόνεσσι κυβερνάτηρ γένηται. 
ὑμνοάνασσα, like μεγιστοάνασσα(Χ ΠΙ. 
21), implying βάνασσα (see VIII. 45). 
Cp. vi. τοῦ. ἀναξιμόλπου | Otpavias.— 
vot: see n.on Vv. 176ff. In ΠῚ. 3 the 
name scans as ~—: here it is —-, as in 
XII. 228. 

5 ξείνοισι, dat. of interest after κοσ- 
μῆσαι, ‘for hospitable friends.’ The 
poet doubtless had formed ties of fevia 
in Aegina. Cp. ἢ. on ξένος in III. 11. 

6 amdpxe, if sound, must mean ‘leads 
off,’ ‘shows the way’; this use being 
borrowed from that in which the verb is 
applied to one who leads a dance or 


song: Anthol. 9. 189. 3 ἔνθα καλὸν 
στήσεσθε θεῇ χορόν: ὕμμι δ᾽ ἀπάρξει | 
Σαπῴφώ, χρυσείην χερσὶν ἔχουσα λύρην. 
As ὕμμι there shows, we should expect 
here the dative μοι... ἐλθόντι, which, how- 
ever, is excluded by metre. It seems 
scarcely possible that dmwdpxe should 
govern the accus. (45 -- ἀπάγει). Blass 
compares ἀφηγεῖσθαι: which, when it 
governs a case, takes the genitive. The 
construction with the accus. can only be, 
‘leads the way, (so that) I should go to 
Aegina.’ This is awkward: but the 
only alternative is to suppose that ἀπάρχει 
governs the acc. κατὰ σύνεσιν, because 
felt as equivalent to ἀπάγει or the like. 
ἀπαίρει, ‘causes to set forth,’ ‘despatches,’ 
is possible: cp. Eur. Helen. 1519 τίς δέ 
vw ναυκληρία | ἐκ τῆσδ᾽ ἀπῆρε χθονός ; If 
the first ι of ἀπαέρει had been lost, leaving 


XI, XII] ETTINIKOI 


337 


now if ever before; for divine Victory leads the way, bidding 
me go to Aegina’s happy isle, in honour of hospitable friends, 
and do grace to that god-built city, 


and to the sinewy strife of the wrestler at Nemea.... 


XII. [XIIL] 


For Pytheas of Aegina, victor in the pancration at Nemea. 
* ~ * * ~ ” 


..."He shall stay them from their arrogant violence, con- 
firming the reign of law for mortals. 


ΧΧΠῚ is lost. If, as Blass thinks, these verses belonged to the first strophe of ode ΧΙ, 
then at least one whole column (containing the end of ΧΙ and the first 7 verses of x11) 
has been lost between columns Xx1I and xx11I. (See Introd. to Ode, ὃ 3.)—The title 
is supplied by Kenyon from the internal evidence: IITOEAI AITINHTHI παιδὶ 


παγκρατιαστῇ Νέμεα. 


Blass omits παιδί, inferring from Pind. WV. ν. 6f. that Pytheas 


competed, not among the παῖδες, but among the ἀγένειοι : see Introd. 


ἀπάρει, this might have been altered by 
conjecture to ἀπάρχει. Another possi- 
bility is ἀπαιτεῖ, ‘ bids,’ ‘ requires me.’ 

7 θεόδματον : epithets in @eo- are 
especially given by B. to cities: vill. 98: 
X. 12, 58: XII. 163. 

8 μουνοπάλαν : the only certain in- 
stance of the feminine form; it is, how- 
ever, possible in an epigramma found at 
Delphi (Bul. de Corr. Hellén. 1898, 593- 
3), νικῶν μουνοπάλη(ν), which would be 
in harmony, as Blass observes, with 
companion inscriptions giving παγκράτιον 
νικᾷς and νικῶ δὲ στάδιον. The masc. 
occurs in Paus. 6. 4. 4 (an inscription at 
Olympia), μουνοπάλης νικῷ dis ᾿Ολύμπια 
Πύθιά τ᾽ ἄνδρας. The epithet γυιαλκέα 
tells neither way; and it seems best to 
keep the Ms. tav.—pouvvordd\y is the 
simple wrestling-match as distinguished 
from the παγκράτιον, in which wrestling 


was combined with boxing. For the- 


form cp. Paus. 8. 4 $9 (inscr. recording 
Hieron’s victories) τεθρίππῳ μὲν ἅπαξ, 
μουνοκέλητι δὲ δίς. 


Ir. 44—57 After a large lacuna 
(see Introd.), in which the first part of 
the ode has been lost, column XXIV of 
the papyrus begins in the midst of a 
prophecy concerning Heracles...‘ He shall 
put down violence, and establish the reign 
of law. Behold how he grapples with the 
Nemean lion! In this place, some day, 
Greeks shall strive for the prize of the 
pancration.’ 


j. B 


Who is the speaker, before whose eyes 
the struggle is going on? Many vases, 
both red- and black-figured, show Hera- 
cles subduing the Nemean lion, in the 
presence of the hero’s half-sister and 
guardian-goddess Athena, who stands on 
the right; over against her on the left, 
behind Heracles, is another female form, 
who (in many instances at least) pre- 
sumably represents the nymph Memea. 
(See Roscher, Zex. Myth. s.v.: Bau- 
meister, Denkmdaler p. 655, fig. 722.) It 
is Athena, I conjecture, who speaks here; 
addressing Nemea. At this, the first 
labour of Heracles (v111. 8 f.), she who is: 
to protect him through all (7. 8. 363 ff.) 
predicts his great destiny,—to be the 
purger of Hellas from pests and wicked- 
ness. (Prophecy by Athena was not 
strange to Greek poetry: cp. Aesch. 
Eum. 685 ff.)—Blass and Wilamowitz 
think that Nemea speaks: but the tone 
seems too lofty and authoritative for the 
nymph. Further, it can scarcely be 
doubted that the poet would have fol- 
lowed the tradition attested by art, in 
conceiving Athena as present; but, in 
her presence, Nemea could not take such 
a part. 

44f. ὕβριος... παύσει : so Teiresias 
predicted of Heracles (Pind. . 1. 64f.), 
καί τινα σὺν πλαγίῳ | ἀνδρῶν κόρῳ στεί- 
χοντα τὸν ἐχθρότατον | φᾶσέ νιν δώσειν 
μόρῳ (‘he should give to death those 
hatefullest of men who walk in guile and 
insolence’). 


23 


Str. 2. 


338 
ἄντ. β΄. 


2 μηστᾷ λέοντι 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XII 


: Olav τινὰ δύσλοφον ὠ- 


3 Περσείδας ἐφίησιςεν; 


“A ’ 4 
εἴρα παντοίαισι τέχναις" 
5 Ν ,» » 
89 ς οὐ γὰρ] δαμασίμβροτος αἴθων 
Ν 3 ΄ A 
6 yah |kos ἀπλάτου θέλει 
~ Ν ’ 3 
7 χωρεὶν διὰ σώματος, €- 


— 
Ny 
ο 

— 
co 


9 φάσγα vor" 


γνάμ |\bOn δ᾽ ὀπίσσω 
ἢ ποτέ φαμι 


55 10 τᾷδε] περὶ στεφάνοισι. 
τ παγκ)]ρατίου πόνον Ἕλ- 
4 ε ’ 3 » 
1. λάνεσσι᾽)ν ἱδρώεντ᾽ ἔσεσθαι. 


ἐπ. β΄.(25) - ὃς νῦν παρ]ὰ βωμὸν ἀριστάρχου Διὸς 
2 Νίκας ἐ]ρ[ ικ Ἰυδέος ἀν- 


δεθε]σιν ἄνθεα, 


ave | τρέφει παύροις βροτῶν 


3 
+ χρυσέ lav δόξαν τ πολύφαντον ἐν αἰ- 
5 
6 


at Jet, καὶ ὅταν θανάτοιο 


7 κυάνεον νέφος καλύψῃ, λείπεται 
65 ὁ ἀθάνατον κλέος εὖ ἐρ- 
9 χθέντος ἀσφαλεῖ σὺν αἴσᾳ. 


52 £. χωρεῖν Blass, Ἠετγιγεγάςη.---ἐγνάμφθη Tyrrell, Blass.—ONICCQ A: 
55 τᾷδε] So Blass. 


second C deleted (by A*?). 


the 
56 f. Ἑλλάνεσσιν Blass, 


δίκας ... κραίνων, ‘confirming judg- 
ments’; 2.6. securing that justice shall 
not be overridden by violence. Cp. 
Solon fr. 4..37 (of Eunomia), εὐθύνει δὲ 
δίκας σκολιὰς ὑπερήφανά T ἔργα | mpaiver: 
Pind. P. Iv. 153 εὔθυνε λαοῖς δίκας. 

46—49 οἵαν. This eager exclamation 
is illustrated by the vases (¢.g. fig. 722 in 
Baumeister, p. 655), on which Athena 
and the other female figure are holding 
up their hands in wonder and delight.— 
δύσλοφον, ‘ pressing heavily’ (lit. ‘heavy 
on the neck’); Aesch. P. V. 931 δυσλο- 
φωτέρους πόνους. The vase just noticed 
shows Heracles grappling with the lion, 
who is erect on his hind feet; the hero 
has his left arm round the monster’s 
neck ; his right hand is on the throat.— 
TlepoefSas. Perseus was grandfather of 
Amphitryon, Alcmena’s husband, and 
great-grandfather of Heracles.—réxvats, 
‘devices’ in grappling with the monster, 
since the sword is useless. 


51 ἀπλάτου : Soph. 77. 1092 Νεμέας 
ἔνοικον, βουκόλων ἀλάστορα, | λέοντ᾽, 
ἄπλατον θρέμμα κἀπροσήγορον (‘that no 
man might approach or confront’). The 
lion was invulnerable: n. on VIII. 6 ff. 

52—54 χωρεῖν : Blass cp. Xen. An. 
Iv. 2. 28 τὸ τόξευμα ἐχώρει διὰ τῶν 
θωράκων. (πείρειν is also possible, but is 
usually said of the man, not of his 
weapon; as //. τό. 405 διὰ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πεῖρεν 
ὀδόντων | ἔγχεϊ.)---ἐγνάμφθη : 7. 3. 348 
ἀνεγνάμφθη δέ οἱ αἰχμή. This is said by 
the spectator of the struggie, which is still 
in progress ; it is a parenthesis : ‘ see, his 
hands are on the monster (for his sword 
is useless,—it was bent back’). Heracles 
had thrown his sword aside before closing 
with the lion. The aorist is another 
indication that the poet had in his mind 
some picture of the type found on the 
vases. Heracles is there represented as 
using his hands alone. In one example 
(fig. 733 in Baumeister, p. 666) his sword 


XII] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


339 
‘See how that scion of Perseus, skilled in every resource, lays 
a crushing hand on the savage lion; for the gleaming bronze, 
slayer of men, refuses to pierce the dread monster’s body ; the 
sword was bent back. 
‘Verily I prophesy that here the Greeks shall strive for 
wreaths in the strenuous toil of the pancration.’ 


And now, for those who have been crowned with the flowers 
of glorious Victory at the altar of Zeus the peerless king, that 
toil nourishes a golden renown, conspicuous in their life-time 
evermore ; few are they among men. And when the dark cloud 
of death enfolds them, there remains the undying fame of a deed 


bravely done, with a fortune that can fail no more. 


“EAdacly τιν᾽ K. 
Platt and others : παύροισι MS. 
A, corr. Al. 


58—68 For the supplements here see Appendix. 
63 OTAGANATOIO A, corr. 3, 


62 παύροις 
64 καλυψη 


is hanging on the branch of a tree in the 
background ; his bow and club have also 
been discarded. 

55- 57 τᾷδε is right : ‘ Here’—in the 
vale of Nemea. The strenuous wrestling 
of Heracles with the lion foreshadows 
the conflicts of wrestlers (and boxers) in 
the pancration. 

The traces “EX......v in the Ms. seem 
to leave only three choices: (1) “EAAd- 
νεσσιν (Blass), which is the simplest. 
Cp. Pind. Z. 1. 47 Πανελλάνεσσι. (2) 
“Ἑλλασίν tw’ (Kenyon). The ms. has 
no apostrophe after the ν before ἱδρώεντ᾽, 
and that must be considered: it is not, 
however, decisive. τιν᾽ might seem 
slightly weak ; but, in a prophecy, might 
be intended to add a touch of mystery. 
(3) πόνον “Εἰλλασιν τὸν idpwevr’ (‘that 
arduous toil’) seems improbable here. 
On the whole, I incline to (1). 

58—63 In the lacuna before παρὰ 
(v. 58) I insert ὃς νῦν. ὃς refers to 
παγκρατίου πόνον in 56, and is subject 
to τρέφει in 62. The whole passage is 
then clear. From Athena's prophecy 
concerning the pancration the poet 
passes to the victory of Pytheas, effecting 
the transition by means of a relative 
word, as Pindar often does (e.g. in O. 1. 
25 the relat. τοῦ links proem to myth; in 
95 ἵνα links myth to conclusion). ‘And 
now that toil (of the pancration), for men 
who have been crowned with the flowers of 
victory at the altar of (Nemean) Zeus, 
nourishes a golden glory,’ εἰς.---ἀνδεθεῖσιν 
(Housman) seems certain: the first syl- 
lable of v. 60 must be short, as it is 


in all the five corresponding verses, 93, 
126, 159, 192, 225. (Blass’s ἀνθρώποισιν 
is therefore very improbable.) ἄνθεα, 
acc. denoting the ἀνάδημα : cp. C. 7. G. 
στέμμ᾽ ἀναδησάμενος: Athen. p. 676D 
στέψονται... ῥόδα. The dat. ἄνθεσι (Ix. 
16) would be more usual.—éy αἰῶνι, ‘in 
their life-time’; as opposed to xal ὅταν 
θανάτοιο κιτιλ. This reading is confirmed 
by the fact that the syllable answering to 
the second of αἰῶνι is long in all the 
corresponding verses where it remains, 
viz. 95, 129, 194, 227; and presumably 
was so also in τό2.--παύροις βροτῶν, 
a sort of afterthought, serves to explain 
πολύφαντον : few there be that win such 


ant. 2. 


epode 2. 


glory.—For other views of the passage, 


see Appendix. 

64 xvdaveov: the only example in B. 
of xvav- with v. 

65:2. ἐρχθέντος, from ἔρδω : so in 207 
ἐργμένον (perf. pass. part.). Both forms 
are unique. Of the passive the only other 
part extant is the pres. part. ἐρδόμενος 
(Pind. O. vit. 78, Her. Iv. 60). In 
Ll. 21. 282 ἐρχθέντ᾽ ἐν μεγάλῳ ποταμῷ 
(‘pent’), the word is from ἔργω. Hippocr. 
5. 384 has ῥεχθείη : 71. 9. 250 ῥεχθέντος, 
and 20. 198 ῥεχθέν : from ῥέζω. It may 
be noticed, as Headlam remarks, that 
some writers of Ionic prefer -épxrns to 
-ρέκτης : as Herodas Vv. 42 παντοερκτέω 
(but Anacreontea X. 11 mavropéxrg); 
Antipater of Thessalonica in Anth. IX. 
92. 4 εὐέρκταις. 

ἀσφαλεῖ σὺν αἴσᾳ. Thenceforth their 
fame is beyond the reach of φθόνος 
evpuBlas. 


23—2 


Col. 25 avr. γ΄. 


[XII 


340 BAKXYAIAOY 
στρ. γ. ττῶν καὶ σὺ τυχὼν Νεμέᾳ, 
(35) - Λάμπωνος υἱέ, 


, 4 
3 πανθαλέων στεφάνοισιν 
79 + ἀνθέων] χαίταν ἐρεφθείς, 
“ 7 ε ,ὔ 
5 αὔξων] πόλιν ὑψιάγυιαν 


fon) 


(49) 


s 


’ ’ 
8 κωμων πατρῳαν 


ἤλυθες τερψιμβρότων 
αὐλῶν ὑπό θ᾽ al δυπν Ἰόων 


“ ε / > ‘ 
75 ονᾶσον, ὑπέρβιον ἰσχὺν 
10 παμμαχιᾶν ἀναφαίνων. 


(45) : 


Lol 


802 ἔδωκε τιμὰν 


μι κα la) , 
ὦ ποταμοῦ θύγατε 

A Ἦν > > /, 
δινᾶντος Atyw’ ἠπιόφρον, 


ἦ τοι μεγάλαν [Κρονίδας 


> ’ὔ 
ἐν πάντεσσιν [ ἀέθλοις, 


(5ο) 


3 
4 πυρσὸν ὡς “Ed aoe παντᾷ 

la ’ Ν ’ > “A 
s φαίνων: τό ye σὸΪν κλέος αἰ]νεῖ 
6 


’ ε Ἁ / 
καί Tis ὑψαυχὴς Kol pa, 


85 7 


[λευκοῖς ἀνὰ γᾶν ἱερὰν 


8. πόδεσσι ταρφέαϊς, 


71- 74 For the conjectural supplements see Appendix. 
letter after A was, Blass thinks, B, P, C, or E. But A is also possible. 


73 ἀ[δυπν]δων. The 
Kenyon 


remarks that the top of A in this Ms. often resembles that of the letter following A 


here; see e.g. the A of δύσλοφον in v. 46. 
conj. ἁβροπνόων : now, ἀερσινόων. 


ἁδυπνόων will then serve. 
See Appendix. 


Blass formerly 
76 παμμαχίαν MS.: παμ- 


μαχιᾶν Κ. 78 δινᾶντος] T made from E by Al. 79 Κρονίδας Blass: 
ὅδε παῖς K. 81 ἀέθλοις K.: ἀγῶσιν Blass, Jurenka. - 82 πάντᾳ J.: 
69 πανθαλέων, ------, being Doric for would be, ‘ illustrating thy native isle as 


πανθηλ- (Anth. g. 182. 6 ὕλη wavOnn7s) : 
see ἢ. on εὐθαλές in VIII. 5. 

71—76 In the restoration tenta- 
tively given above, these points may be 
noted. (1) The vestiges in 73 f. suggest 
(e.g.) αὐλῶν ὑπό θ᾽ ἁδυπνόων | κώμων. 
But, if such words stood there, a verb of 
coming or returning stood in 71 or in 72. 
(2) Inv. 75 NACO(N) is more probable 
than NACO(T), as the space between O 
and the T of ὑπέρβιον requires a very 
broad letter, and in this Ms. N can be 
broader than T. In any case, πατρῴαν 
νάσου... ἰσχὺν παμμαχιᾶν would be awk- 
ward. νᾶσον probably depended on a 
verb such as ἤλυθες (cp. I. 4 ἤλυθεν) in 
72. If it depended on ἀναφαίνων, ἰσχὺν 
must be acc. of respect, and the sense 


of great might in the feats of the pancra- 
tion’: but this is improbable; ὑπέρβιον 
should be the epithet of ἰσχύν. (3) The 
acc. πόλιν ὑψιάγυιαν in 71 can hardly 
have been in apposition with νᾶσον : the 
interval is too long. It may have been 
governed by a participle such as αὔξων: 
cp. Pind. O. v. 4 τὰν σὰν πόλιν αὔξων, 
P. Vill. 38 αὔξων... πάτραν (said of vic- 
tors).—Trappaxiay. παμμαχία occurs 
elsewhere only in Eusebius De Jaud. 
Constantini 7 init.: but Photius and 
Suidas give παμμάχιον᾽ παγκράτιον. For 
πάμμαχος as=maryKpatiacrys, cp. Plat. 
Luthyd. p. 271 C: Theocr. XXIV. r11 ff, 
where the πάμμαχοι are those who have 
learned all the σοφίσματα of wrestling 
and of boxing. 


xt] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


341 

Such honours thou also, son of Lampon, hast won at Nemea; 
wreaths of luxuriant flowers have crowned thy head; for the 
glory of the stately city, amidst the gladdening sound of flutes 
and the choice strains of festal companies, thou hast returned 
to thy native isle, illustrating her pre-eminent strength in the 
feats of the pancration. 

O daughter of the eddying river, Aegina of gentle soul, 


verily the son of Cronus has given thee honour in all contests, 
making it to shine everywhere as a beacon-light for the Greeks. 
Yea, and thy glory is a theme for the high vaunt of some maiden, 
as oft with her white feet she moves o’er thy sacred soil, 


ἀλκὰν K., Jurenka: τῆλε Blass. 84f. καί ris] The I of KAI added by A??— 
TWVATXAC A: ἡ written above the second A by A*.—At the extreme right of v. 84 
are the letters pay. (The p seems certain: though Jurenka finds cay.) They are 
separated from xo by the space of some seven letters only. But a whole verse (85) 


has been lost. 
were pieced on to v. 84. 


That verse probably ended in -pay, and the mutilated remains of it 
86 ταρφέω[ν] K.: but Blass thinks that the final letter 


was s, and writes rap@éws (with Headlam and Platt). 


ἀναφαίνων: //. 20. 411 ποδῶν ἀρετὴν 
dvagatyvwy.—Blass (3rd ed.) reads παμμα- 
χίαν ἄνα φαίνων : but this does not seem 
good. 

77 £ ποταμοῦ, the Asopus (VIII. 
47 ff.). Zeus, transformed into an eagle 
(or according to Ovid Met. v1. 113 into a 
fiery shape, zgneus), carried off Aegina 
from her father to the island formerly 
called Οἰνώνη, which thenceforth bore 
her name.—ymiddpov: Aegina’s isle 
was a place ἔνθα Σώτειρα Διὸς Zeviov | 
πάρεδρος ἀσκεῖται Θέμις | ἔξοχ ἀνθρώπων 
(Pind. O. ΝΠ. 27): Z. IV. 22 εὔνομον 
πόλιν : cp. also Pind. fr. 1. It was 
a centre of commerce at which visitors 
from all parts of Hellas found hospitality 
and upright dealing. 

The passage on the glories of Aegina 
which begins here fills the greater part 
of the ode. Only at v. 190 does the 
poet return to the victory of Pytheas. 

81 ἀέθλοις is more euphonious than 
ἀγῶσιν here. Blass prefers the latter 
because it will include sea-fights as well 
as athletic games: but the poetical sense 
of ἀέθλοις covers both. 

82 ὃν ὡς x.7.A. The fourth verse 
of the strophe ends with a long syllable 
in 49, 70, 136, 148, 181 (where θάλασσαν 
is certain), 202; 2.6. in every place where 
it can be ascertained, except v. 115 
(dorv). There is therefore a strong 
presumption against τῆλε, which Blass 


supplies. The word may have been 
παντᾷ: cp. V. 31 μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος. 
As τιμὰν has just preceded, this seems 
slightly preferable to ἀλκάν: but the 
latter is quite possible. 
84—86 καί τις ὑψανυχὴς κόρα: 
some daughter of the island, who exults 
in its legendary glories; one, perhaps, 
whose family claims descent from the 
Aeacidae. So Pindar imagines Hieron’s 
praises as sung in Magna Graecia by 
Locrian maidens: P. Il. 18 σὲ δ᾽, ὦ 
Δεινομένειε παῖ, Zedupia πρὸ δόμων | Ao- 


κρὶς παρθένος ἀπύει.---ὑψαυχὴς occurs only | 


here: but Pindar and Aeschylus use 
μεγαυχής. 

ws, ‘frequently’; the Homeric 
form of the adverb is ταρφέα (//. 12. 47, 
εἰς.). πόδεσσι may have had an epithet 
in the lost verse (85), such as λευκοῖς 
(cp. Eur. Bacch. 863, Jon 221); it could 
then go with θρῴσκουσ᾽ (go). The rest 
of v. 85 may have been something like 
ἀνὰ γᾶν ἱεράν, or max’ ἀνὰ χλοεράν. 
[I formerly thought of πολλᾶν προφέρουσα 
κορᾶν | πόδεσσι ταρφέων, pedibus frequen- 
tium (ταρφὺς is fem. in Aesch. 7h. 535): 
cp. Soph. 0.0. 718 f. τῶν ἑκατομπόδων | 
Νηρήδων. But it seems more likely that 
the companions were first mentioned in 
80 f.]|—Blass would point after κόρα᾽ 
(taking her to be Athena;) and then 
read, στείχεις δ᾽ ἀνὰ γᾶν ἱεράν, referring 
to the nymph Aegina, with ἀγακλειταῖσι 


str. 3. 


ant. 3. 


342 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XII 


> oh Ν 3 ΄, 
ο ηὔτε νεβρὸς ἀπενθής, 


(55) 0 ἀνθεμόεντας ἐπ᾽ [6 


fous 


“A Ν 3 / 
x κοῦφα σὺν ἀγχιδόϊ pots 


QO 12 


> ΄ 
επ. γ- 


θρῴσκουσ᾽ ἀγακλειτα ts ἑταίραις" 


: ταὶ δὲ στεφανωσάμεϊ ναι πλόκοις νέων 


2 ἀνθέων δόνακός T ἐϊπιχω- 


(60) - 


ρίαν ἄθυρσιν 


+ παρθένοι μέλπουσι τ εὸν κράτος], ὦ 


95 5 


δέσποινα tray ivov χθονός, 


6 Ἐνδαΐδα τε ῥοδόϊ παχυν, 

7 ἃ τὸν ἱππευτὰ Ἰν ἔτικτε Πηλέα 
(65) 8 καὶ Τελαμῶνα ἱ κορυστών, 

9 Αἰακῷ seas ἐν εἰ vvais: 


στρ. δ΄ τοο 1 τῶν «θ' » υἷας ἀερσιμάχους, 
2 ταχύν ὦ ᾿Αχιλλέα 
3 εὐειδέος τ᾽ Ἔ ριβοίας 
(7°) 4 παῖδ᾽ Seiten Boal θόον 


5 Αἴαντα σακεσφόρον ἥρω, 


87 veBpos] NEKPOC A, corr. 45: 
sometimes worked. 

κλειταῖσι Νύμφαις Blass. 
letters before -εων. 
doubtful. 


92 f. ἐπιχωρίαν J. 
τεὸν κλέος ὦ. 


noteworthy as showing how mechanically A 
89 ayxidduas J. 

91 After στεφανωσάμεϊναι there is room for about seven 
The traces of ov, which Blass supposes before εων, seem altogether 
94 In K.’s editio princeps (p. 118) I suggested 
For κλέος Blass substitutes κράτος : 


ΘΟ ἀγακλειταῖς ἑταίραις K.: aya- 


and this is preferable, as the space 


between 7 and w admits about nine letters.—reoy γόνον (so also Thomas), or γάμον, 


Νύμφαις (the other nymphs of the island) 
in go. But the comparison to ‘a joyous 
fawn’ suggests a mortal rather than a 
semi-divine maiden. 

87 For veBpos cp. Eur. Bach. 862 ff. ; 
ap ἐν παννυχίοις χοροῖς θήσω ποτὲ λευ- 
κὸν | πόδ᾽ ἀναβακχεύουσα, δέραν | εἰς αἱ- 
θέρα δροσερὸν  ῥίπτουσ᾽, ὡς νεβρὸς 
χλοεραῖς  ἐμπαίζουσα λείμακος ἡδοναῖς 
κιτ.λ.---ἀπενθής : fr. 7-2 θυμὸν... .ἀπενθῆ. 

88 ὄχθους, ‘hills’: Eur. Heracl. 781 
ἀνθεμόεντι γᾶς ἐπ᾿ 6x8. The word 
could also mean ‘river-banks’ (Ξε ὄχθας), 
as in Aesch. Ag. 1161, ᾿Αχερουσίους 
ὄχθους. B. often associates flowers with 
rivers (XV. 5, 343; XVIII. 39): δόνακος 
also (g2) might suggest this. But then 
we should expect some distinct mention 
of a river, to define ὄχθους. 

89 Φ. ἀγχιδόμοις occurs only here: 
but cp. Theognis 302 γείτοσί τ᾽ ἀγχιθύ- 
ροις.---ἀγακλειταῖς : the epithet might 


mean merely, ‘famed for beauty’: Pindar 
P. 1X. 105 calls the daughter of Antaeus 
ἀγακλέα κούραν. But the word also 
suggests the idea of ‘high-born,’ ‘illus- 
trious’ (cp. Od. 17. 370 ἀγακλειτῆς 
βασιλείης). 

91- 98 πλόκοις νέων (or the like) 
is a safer supplement than χρυσαυγέων 
or φοινικέων. If either of the latter 
words were read, the construction of στε- 
φανωσάμεναι must be either (1) with acc. 
adOupow,—‘crowned with festal wreaths. 
of flowers and reeds,’ the genitives de- 
pending on that noun: or (2) with gen. 
ἀνθέων, ἄθυρσιν being the acc. in appo- 
sition. A genitive with the simple o7e- 
φανοῦσθαι or στέφεσθαι is not unexampled 
(cp. Nonnus Dzonys. 5. 282); but the 
dative is normal. [We cannot properly 
compare Il. τ. 470 κρητῆρας ἐπεστέψαντο 
ποτοῖο-- ἔπλησαν, nor Aleman fr. 61 ἐπιστέ- 
φοισαι ἄρτων.) The fourth syllable from 


XII] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


343 
bounding lightly as a joyous fawn towards the flowery hills, 
with her glorious neighbours and companions. 


And when they have crowned themselves with wreaths of epode 3. 
young flowers and of reeds, in the festive fashion of their isle, 
they hymn thy power, O queen of a thrice-hospitable land. They 
sing also of Endeis with rosy arms, who in wedlock with Aeacus 
bare chariot-driving Peleus, and the warrior Telamon ; 


and also of their sons, the kindlers of battle, swift Achilles, and str. 4. 
fair Eriboea’s offspring, the great-hearted helper at need, Ajax, 


shield-bearing hero ; 


conj. Housman. 
παγξείνου χθονός (πέδου Blass) Housman. 


97 τὸν ἱππευτὰν Headlam.—értxre Πηλέα J. 


95 ΠΑΙΞῈ ms.: but the I may have been made from Γ᾽, ---- 


96 ᾿Ενδαΐδα τε ῥοδόπαχυν Palmer and J. 
98 κορυστάν J. (κραταιόν conj. K.) 


99 After EN Kenyon read A (hence ἐν αἴσᾳ Blass!): but the letter seems rather to 


have been E.—é€v εὐναῖς J.: ἐνηεῖ Blass?. 
viéas MS. 
without θ᾽) Wilamowitz, Housman. 


100 θ᾽ add J.—vlas W. Christ, Blass : 


108 βοαθόον K.: βοατὰν Blass.—Bodew (reading τῶν in 100 as relat., 


the end of the verse is long in 58 and 
124, but short in 157 and 190.—émtxwpiay 
ἄθυρσιν, acc. in appos. with sentence, 
‘a local sport,’ 2.6. ‘in the festal fashion 
of the isle’: ἄθυρσις (only here) from 
ἀθύρειν, which was said of dancing, 
singing, or other pastime: cp. Plat. 
Legg. 746B 7...7ap ἡμῖν Κόρη καὶ Aé- 
σποινα, εὐφρανθεῖσα τῇ τῆς χορείας παι- 
dud, κεναῖς χερσὶν οὐκ φήθη δεῖν ἀθύρειν.--- 
The local trait was the blending of reeds 
with flowers in the wreath. 

94f. κράτος, ‘majesty’: Aesch. Ag. 
258 ἥκω σεβίζων σόν, Κλυταιμνήστρα, 
κράτος.--παγξείνου : see n. on παγξένῳ 
in X.28. Pindar says of Aegina (0. VIII. 
25 ff.) reOuds δέ τις ἀθανάτων καὶ τάνδ᾽ 
ἁλιερκέα χώραν | παντοδαποῖσιν ὑπέστασε 
ξένοις | κίονα δαιμονίαν. [I formerly pro- 
posed παῖ ξείνου πατρός, supposing B. to 
refer to the Phliasian legend that Asopus 
was of Phrygian origin, Paus. 2. 5 ὃ 3, 
᾿Ασωποῦ τὸ ὕδωρ ἔπηλυ καὶ οὐκ ἐγχώριον. 
But, as it seems that the first hand may 
have written ITAI, I now prefer παγ- 
ξείνου. 

96 ᾿Ἔνδαΐδα, the daughter of Σκίρων 
(a Megarian hero, XVII. 25 n.) and wife 
of Aeacus, to whom she bore Peleus and 
Telamon. (Apollod. 111. 12. 6: Pindar 
N. v. τ2 ᾿Ενδαΐδος ἀρίγνωτες viol.) See 
stemma in Introd.—podémaxvv: Hes. 
Theog. 247 Ἐὐνείκη ῥοδόπηχυς (cp. 1b. 251): 
Hom. hymn. ΧΧΧΙ. 6 "HG τε ῥοδόπηχυν : 
Sappho fr. 69 Bpodomaxees ἄγναι Xaperes.— 
For τὲ before podo-, cp. XV. 34 ἐπὶ podd- 


εντι. 


97 ἱππευτάν, the Homeric ἱππότα. 
Πηλεύς (77. 16. 33 etc.). Thessalians 
were breeders and riders of horses. 
Pind. P. Iv. 152f. Κρηθεΐδας (Aeson, 
Jason’s father)...irwérais εὔθυνε λαοῖς 
δίκας. 

98 κορυστάν, helmed warrior (//. 4- 
457 etc.). I propose this, rather than 
a word like κραταιόν, because the last 
syllable of this verse is always long 
(see 44, 56, 77, I10, 122, 143, 155, 188, 
221). 

99 ἐν εὐναῖς (or εὐνᾷ) must, I think, 
be right here. For the statelier plural 
cp. Pind. P. 11. 27, 1X. 12. 

100 τῶν θ᾽. In adding θ᾽ (which 
Kenyon, Blass and Jurenka accept) I was 
guided by the fact that υἷας ought to ~ 
be governed by μέλπουσι (94): it is still 
the maidens that sing of Achilles and 
Ajax. If θ᾽ is absent, then Soa- in 103 
must be read as Bodow (cp. Eur. Helen. 
1108 f. σὲ... | ...dvaBoarw, ‘loudly hymn 
thee’): but this is much less fitting or 
probable.—depotpdxouvs: cp. Hes. Of. 
775 ἀερσιπότητος ἀράχνης: Scut. 316 
ἀερσιπόται: Ap. Rhod. 2. 1061 ἀερσιλό- 
gous. On the other hand ἀρσίποδας in 
Hom. hymn. iv. 211 is exceptional. We 
might suppose synizesis in vidas: but 
vias is more likely. Cp. 111. 77 where 
vic seems certain. 

102—104 ᾿Εριβοίας, daughter of 
Alcathous, king of Megara; wife of 
Telamon (Pind. 7. v. 45: Soph. AZ. 
69). 
: 108 ξ. βοαθόον (βοή and rt ef), hast- 


BAKXYAIAOY [XII 


344 


105 6 OS τὰ ἐπὶ πρύμνᾳ σταθεὶς 
7 ἔσχεν θρασυκάρδιον [ὁρ- 
8 μαΐνοντα vi aas 
(75) 9 θεσπεσίῳ tui pi καῦσαι 
το Ἕκτορα 'χαλ κεομίτραἽν, 
Ifo ὅππότε ΠΙ[ηλεΐδας 
τ. τραχεῖαν ᾿᾿Αργείοισι μ]ᾶνιν 


> , > , / 
ἀντ. 8. : ὠρίνατ[ο, Δαρδανίδας 
> » ΕΠ 
(80) - τ᾽ ἔλυσεν ἀΐτας 
a \ Ν ’ 
3 οἵ πρὶν μὲν [πολύπυργο |v 
> ’ Ν κέ 
Col.26115 4 Ἰλίου θαητὸν ἄστυ 
> el > ’ Ν 
ς οὐ λεῖπον, ἀτυζόμενοι [dé 
A > ~ ’, 
6 πτ]ᾶσσον ὀξεῖαν μάχαν, 
Φ 9 5 / a 
(85) 7 εὖτ᾽ ἐν πεδίῳ κλονέων 
’ > 3 4 
8 μαίνοιτ Αχιλλεύς, 
΄, , ΄, 2 
120 9 λαοφόνον δόρυ σείων 
> > ν Ἁ 3 
10 ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ πολέμοιο 
“ > ’ 
«x λῆξεν ἰοστεφάνου 
κ᾿ > , ers: 
(90): Νηρῇδος ἀτρόμητος vids 
> ν 3 > pre \ 
ἐπ. 8. ὥστ᾽ ἐν κυανανθέϊ ΘΙ paki ναυβάτας 
’ / ε Ν 4 
125 2 πόντῳ Βορέας ὑπὸ κύ- 
oh 
3 μασιν datler 


106 ἔσχεν] ἴσχεν Ludwich.—xaidoa Blass (καίειν K.). 109 The final N of this v., 
the ANIN in 111, and the final N of 114, are found in a fragment (18 K.) which was 
placed here by Blass.—yadxeouirpayv K. (suggesting also χαλκεοχάρμαν) : χαλκοκορυστάν 
Smyth (conj. Blass). 110 ὁππότε K.: οπότε Ms. 111 τραχεῖαν Desrousseaux, 
Blass: the letters A...A alone are certain.—Apyeiowot Blass! (’Arpeldacot Β].3).---μᾶνιν 
HNIN A: but H has been changed to A by a corrector. 112 £. Δαρδανίδας | 


ing at the war-cry, prompt to aid (Z/. 13. 
477, 17. 481). The synizesis is harsh: 


ὁ τὸν ἂψ ὥσασθαι, ἐπεί ῥ᾽ 
Cp. Soph. “42. 1273 


νῆα | οὔθ᾽ 
ἐπέλασσέ γε δαίμων. 


but I hesitate to adopt βοατάν, which 
would be a strange substitute for βοὴν 
ἀγαθόν.---σακεσφόρον, as in Soph. 42. 
19. Cp. //. 7. 219 (of Ajax), φέρων σάκος 
hire πύργον, | χάλκεον, ἑπταβόειον. 

105 The Homeric relative ὅς τε (Z/. 
I. 279 etc.) is freely used by lyric poets 
(as Alcman fr. 26. 3, and Pindar fas- 
sim).—émi πρύμνᾳ σταθεὶς, at the stern 
of his own ship. These services of Ajax 
are related in 7]. 15. 415—745- The 
stubborn conflict between Ajax and 
Hector is pithily described there in 417 f.: 
οὔθ᾽ ὁ τὸν ἐξελάσαι καὶ ἐνιπρῆσαι πυρὶ 


—1279. 

108 θεσπεσίῳ, ‘terrible,’ cp. Od. 9. 
68 λαίλαπι θεσπεσίῃ: Ji. 12. 440 f. 
(Hector’s cry to the Trojans) ῥήγνυσθε δὲ 
τεῖχος ᾿Αργείων καὶ νηυσὶν ἐνίετε θεσ- 
πιδαὲς πῦρ (‘fiercely blazing’). 

109 χαλκεομίτραν : Pindar Λ΄. Χ. go 
has χαλκομίτρα (gen.). The very fact 
that χαλκοκορυστής is a stock Homeric 
epithet of Hector seems rather against 
supplying it here: B. might naturally 
wish to vary. χαλκεοχάρμαν (Pind. P. 
v. 82 χαλκοχάρμαι) would also serve.— 
Cp. //. 4. 187 (Gud τε καὶ μίτρη τὴν 


ΧΙ] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


345 
who stood at his vessel’s stern, and stopped bold Hector, the 
bronze-girdled, when he was rushing on to burn the ships with 
dread fire ; what time the son of Peleus had set up his fierce 


wrath against the Greeks, 


and had given the children of Dardanus a respite from doom. 
Hitherto they had forborne to leave the goodly town of 

many-towered Ilion, and had shrunk in dismay from the keen 

fight, so oft as furious Achilles, brandishing his deadly spear, 


made turmoil in the plain. 


But when at last the intrepid son 


of the violet-crowned Nereid had ceased from war,— 


as Boreas, on the dark Thracian sea, falls in with mariners by 
night and buffets them with billows, 


τ᾽ ἔλυσεν ἄτας Desrousseaux (which had occurred to me also): Δαρδανιδᾶν | τ᾽ ἔλυσεν 


ἄταν is also possible.—Tpwot δὲ πάντ᾿ ἔλυσεν aivd Blass. 
116 [οὐ] λεῖπον Blass. 
118 IIEAION A: corr. A’. 
some correction between A and ®: perhaps of IO to 0. 

Herwerden : θύων ναῦν θοὰν Blass: Θρῆιξ ναυβάτας Crusius. 


θεότιμον Jurenka, Smyth. 
Platt, Thomas. 


114 πολύπυργον Blass: 
1197 πτᾶσσον Blass, 
120 λαοφόνον] There has been 
124 Θ[ρᾳκὶ ναυβάτας 
θύων ναυβάτας Smyth. 


χαλκῆες κάμον ἄνδρες. The μίτρα was 
a metal girdle, protecting a part of the 
body to which the θώραξ did not reach 
(Helbig, Hom. Epos p. 200). 

111—113 ᾿Αργείοισι seems fitter 
here than ᾿Ατρείδαισι: the antithesis is 
between Greeks and Trojans.—ap{varto: 
the aor. midd. is found nowhere else. 
The impf. pass. occurs in 71. 9. 595 τοῦ 
δ᾽ ὠρίνετο θυμός, and the aor. act. in 
11. 792 ὀρίναις.---ἄτας, the ‘destruction’ 
which was impending over them: cp. 
Pind. O. x1. 37 ὑπὸ στερεῷ πυρὶ | πλαγαῖς 
τε σιδάρου βαθὺν eis ὀχετὸν | ἄτας ἵζοισαν 
ἐὰν πόλιν. (ἄλγους is unsuitable here.)— 
Another possible supplement is that of 
Blass, Τρωσὶ δὲ πάντ᾽ ἔλυσεν aivd: but 
such a use of αἰνά seems questionable. 

114 2. The lost word, ending in v, was 
doubtless an epithet of Ilium. πολύ- 
avpyov suits the context, as suggesting 
the security of the Trojans within their 
walls. The word occurs only in Hom. 
hymn. τι. (Apoll. Pyth.) 64. θεότιμον, 
however, is also possible: see ἢ. on XI. 7. 
—dorv. This is the only instance of 
hiatus between verses 4 and 5 of the 
strophe (cp. 70, 82, 136, 148, 181, 202): 
but ἄστυ <7’>... ἀτυζόμενοί <tre> is 
improbable. 

115 ov λεῖπον is certainly right. Cp. 
141 f., where their sally in force is de- 
scribed by πασσυδίᾳ δὲ λιπόντες τείχεα. 

117 πτᾶσσον... μάχαν: cp. Aesch. 
P.V. 174 οὔποτ᾽ ἀπειλὰς πτήξας: Ly- 


cophron 280 πτήσσων δόρυ. So in 7|. 20. 
4526. οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἔτι δὴν | ἀλλήλους πτώσσοι- 


118 κλονέων, absolute, ‘making tur- 
moil’: 7]. 21. 532f. ἦ yap ᾿Αχιλλεὺς | 
ἐγγὺς ὅδε κλονέων. 

122 ἰοστεφάνου, here the epithet of 
Thetis, is that of Persephone in III. 2. 
It might seem to have a special fitness 
for these dwellers in dark depths: but 
such a theory fails when we find the 
word applied also to the Muses (V. 3), 
to Aphrodite (//om. hymn. νι. 18), and, 
in a late epigram, to the Charites (Anh. 
VIII. 127). 

124—126 ὥστ᾽ --ὡς, ‘as,’ an epic 
use admitted by Aeschylus and Sophocles 
not only in lyrics but also in trimeters: 
Pindar, however, uses ὥστε only with 
infin., and in this sense employs are. 

κυανανθέϊ (only here), ‘of dark hue’ 
(cp. μελανθής), under a stormy wind; 
little more than xvavéw: for -ανθής in this 
compound could not refer to the white 
crests of waves. Cp. Eur. Δ 7. 7 (the 
Euripus) πυκναῖς | αὔραις ἑλίσσων κυανέαν 
ἅλα στρέφει. (In Helen. 179, κνανοειδὲς 
...0d@p, the epithet is a general one.) 
Dionysius Periegetes (c. 130 A.D.) 169 
has κυαναυγής of the sea. 

Θρᾳκί: /. 23. 230 Θρηΐκιον.. πόντον: 
Boreas blows Θρήκηθεν (ὁ. 9. 5). For 
Θρᾷε-τε Θράκιος, cp. Simon. 31 Κρῆτα... 
τρόπον: Eur. Alc. 346 f. Λίβυν . . αὐλόν. 
(ϑύων Blass: but see p. 97.) --ναυβάτας 


ant. 4. 


epode 4. 


BAKXYAIAOY [XII 


346 


VUKTOS ἀντάσας, avat| ελλομένᾳ 
(95) λῆξεν δὲ σὺν φαεσιμβρότῳ 
‘Aoi, στόρεσεν δέ τε πόντον 
1380 7 ovpia’ νότου δὲ κόλπίωσαν πνοᾷ 
᾿ 8 ἱστίον, ἁρπαλέως τ᾽ ἅ- 
9 ελπτον ἐξίκοντο χέρσον 


σι υ ». 


, a ἴω > ἈΝ ,ὕ 3 
στρ. ἐ. τὼς Τρῶες, ἐπεὶ κλύον ai- 
(101) 2 ,“χματὰν ᾿Αχιλλέα 
135 3 μίμνοντ᾽ ἐν κλισίῃσιν. 
4 εἵνεκεν ξανθᾶς γυναικός, 
5 Βρισηΐδος ἱ ἱμερογυίου, 
(105) 6 θεοῖσιν ἄντειναν χέρας, 
7 “φοιβὰν ἐσιδόντες ὑπαὶ 
1408 χειμῶνος αἴγλαν" 
9 πασσυδίᾳ δὲ λιπόντες 
το τείχεα Λαομέδοντος 
127 ἀντάσας ἀνα- ANTACANTM A. The corrector (A*) added ac above the line 
after AC, and altered T into A. Over M he wrote what has hitherto been read as II. 
But this (as Blass was the first to observe, and as Kenyon recognizes) looks more like 
T followed by E or O (the rest of the second letter having been torn off). 128 δὲ] 
TE A: corr. A*?—¢gavotuSpsTw Blass. 180 οὐρία K.: OTPIAI Μ8., made from 


OTPANIA (by 41}).---κόλπωσαν Blass (ἐκόλπωσαν πνοαῖς E. Bruhn, -ev πνοά Lud- 
wich): πνοᾷ J. (Class. R. XII. p. 152, but with -7), Housman: so Blass® (πνοαῖς 


(xvI. 48) is better than ναῦν θοάν. ἐφορεύει: Soph. O. 7. 485 ὅ τι λέξω δ᾽ 


The reason is not ἐξίκοντο in 132, for 
the ‘ship’ would imply the crew (cp. 
Soph. O. C. 942 where αὐτούς refers to 
πόλιν in 939); it is rather the sense of 
δαΐζει. If ναῦν were read, that verb 
must have its literal meaning, ‘cleaves,’ 
‘shatters’; but the ship comes safe to 
land. With ναυβάτας, it is figurative, 
‘affticts’: cp. Od. 13. 320 ἔχων δεδαϊγμένον 
qrop. The notion of rough treatment is 
combined with that of harassing anxiety. 
-ο-Οὀὑπὸ κύμασιν : the waves rise above the 
ship: cp. Soph. Azz. 335 ff. (man) καὶ 
πολιοῦ πέραν πόντου χειμερίῳ νότῳ | χωρεῖ, 
περιβρυχίοισιν | περῶν ὑπ᾽ οἴδμασιν. 

127 νυκτός, gen. of time: ἀντάσας, 
sc. avrots.—The correction in the Ms. 
points to avare- rather than to avar-: 
see cr. note. I therefore conjecture 
ἀνατελλομένᾳ (cp. Pind. 7. 111. 83 φλὸξ 
FOS PALE No exception can be 
taken to the place of δὲ as third word. 
It often holds a place later than the 
second: Aesch. Zum. 530 ἄλλ᾽ ἄλλᾳ δ᾽ 


ἀπορῶ: Ph. 959 φόνον φόνου δὲ ῥύσιον : 
AZ. 116 τοῦτο σοὶ δ᾽ ἐφίεμαι : Eur. fr. 776 
δεινόν γε, τοῖς πλουτοῦσι τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔμφυτον. 
[In 1. 6 we find Διὸς Εὐκλείου δέ, and in 
XVII. 47 περὶ φαιδίμοισι δ᾽: these in- 
stances, however, are of the still commoner 
kind in which the words before δέ are 
instar unius; as Aesch. Ag. 606 γυναῖκα 

πιστὴν δ᾽, P. V. 384 ἐν τῷ προθυμεῖσθαι 
δέ. }-For the conjectures which have 
assumed avam-, see Appendix. 

128 λῆξεν, like the aorists which 
follow, is gnomic.—acotpBpdte (with 
synizesis) appears more probable in an 
Ionic poet than the Pindaric φαυσιμ- 
βρότῳ (O. VII. 39). 

129—182 στόρεσεν... οὐρία : the 
gentle, favouring breeze ‘Jays’ the sea 
after the storm, 7.2. allows it to subside : 
Verg. Aen. 6. 763 placidi straverunt 
aequora venti. The MS. has οὐρίᾳ, pro- 
bably an error due to mvog: though 
Βορέας could be the subject to στόρεσεν, 
in the sense that, by ceasing to blow, he 


XI] ETTINIKOI 


347 
but ceases with the rise of light-bringing dawn, when a gentle 
breeze smooths the deep, and the breath of the south-wind 
swells their sail, till they joyfully reach the land for which 
they had ceased to hope,— 


even so, when the Trojans heard that the warrior Achilles was 
tarrying in his tent on account of Briseis, the golden-haired, the 
lovely, they lifted up their hands to the gods ; for now they saw 
a bright gleam of sunshine from under the shadow of the storm. 

Leaving the walls of Laomedon with all their forces, 


Bl.}). 131 APITAAEOTA A: but T has been altered to C (by A*?). 133 ἐπεὶ 
κλύον was K.’s first reading, but in his ed. he gave ἐπέκλυον, with θεοῖσι δ᾽ in 138. 
138 θεοῖσιν] OIC is written above an erasure: it is impossible to say what first stood 
there. 139 φοιβὰν] φοίβαν K. 141 δὲ λιπόντες] A wrote MEATIONTEC : 
A has been written above M, and I has been added above the line between A and II 


(by A??). 


makes a calm (cp. Soph. Az. 674 f. δεινῶν 
τ᾿ ἄημα πνευμάτων ἐκοίμισε | στένοντα 
πόντον). 

The epic δέ τε occurs also in fr. 3. 1 
τίκτει δέ τε, but (as Smyth notes) not 
elsewhere in lyric poetry, except in 
Sappho fr. 94. 2. In this formula, τε 
marks the statement as general; hence it 
sometimes stands (as here) after a gnomic 
past tense (Od. 6. 185 μάλιστα δέ τ᾽ 
ἔκλυον αὐτοί). It was more especially 
used to introduce an additional touch in 
a simile: //. 2. 455 f. ἠῦτε πῦρ ἀΐδηλον 
ἐπιφλέγει ἄσπετον ὕλην | οὔρεος ἐν κορυ- 
φῇς, ἕκαθεν δέ τε φαίνεται αὐγή, | ὥς 
k.7..: where the clause with δέ τε comes 
next before the apodosis, just as it does 
in v. 463 (͵ὁ.), σμαραγεῖ δέ τε λειμών. In 
Sappho fr. 94. 2 also it brings in the 
second clause of a simile (οἵαν τὰν 
ὑάκινθον... | πόσσι καταστείβουσι, χάμαι 
δέ τε πόρφυρον ἄνθος ---Ὀὰϊ there the 
fragment breaks off). 

κόλπωσαν: so Meleager (c. 80 B.C.) 
in Anthol. 1X. 10 (ναῦται) πνοιῇ ἀπημάντῳ 
Ζεφύρου λίνα κολπώσαντες. Lucian Ver. 
Hist. 2. 9 ἄνεμος ἐμπεσὼν τοῖς ἱστίοις 
ἔφερε, κολπώσας τὴν ὀθόνην. Apart from 
our verse, the word is extant in no writer 
earlier than Polybius. 

ἁρπαλέως properly means ‘eagerly’ 
(Od. 6. 250 etc.), here ‘joyfully.’ In 
Mimnermus 12. 5—8, where the Sun’s 
voyage in his cup is described,—(evv7) 
φέρει --- εὕδονθ᾽ apradéws,—Bergk would 
take the adv. with φέρει as=‘ rapidly’; 
but the context rather indicates that 
Mimnermus meant, ‘in welcome sleep,’ — 
after toil. 


183—138 ἐπεὶ κλύον is confirmed, 
as against émékAvov, by the size of the 
space in the papyrus between II and K. 
-- κλισίῃσιν. B. has the epic -yow of 
dat. plur. only here; but the Homeric 
colouring of the passage sufficiently ac- 
counts for it.—®eoto.v: cp. θεῶν as first 


word of the verse in V. 95 (ν. 50 ends 
with θεός.) 


139 f. I leave φοιβὰν oxytone, since 
the papyrus indicates it (φοὶβαν) ; but we 
should expect φοίβαν (potBos). 

ὑπαὶ χειμῶνος, lit. ‘from under the 
storm’: the bright sunshine flashes out 
from beneath the rim of the storm-cloud 
that passes away. Cp. //. 17. 645 Zed 
πάτερ, ἀλλὰ σὺ ῥῦσαι br’ ἠέρος υἷας 
᾿Αχαιῶν, | ποίησον δ᾽ αἴθρην, δὸς δ᾽ ὀφθαλ- 
μοῖσιν ἰδέσθαι. 

141 πασσυδίᾳ-- πανστρατιᾷ, sallying 
forth (σευόμενοι) with all their forces. 
This is the regular sense of the word in 
Attic writers: Xen. 27. Iv. 4. 9 πασσυδίᾳ 
βοηθοῦντες: Eur. 770. 792 πανσυδίᾳ | 
χωρεῖν ὀλέθρου διὰ παντός : Thuc. VIII. 1 
πανσυδὶ διεφθάρθαι (where Hude gives 
that form, with the cod. Vaticanus: 
πασσυδὶ and πασσυδεὶ are variants). In 
Il. 2. 11 f., however, θωρῆξαί σ᾽ ἐκέλευσε 
κάρη κομόωντας ᾿Αχαιοὺς | πασσυδίῃ, the 
word is usually rendered, ‘with all speed.” 
On the other hand in //Z τι. 725 the 
sense ‘with all our forces’ is fitter (as 
vv. 723 f. show). 

142 τείχεα Λαομέδοντος : //. 7. 4521. 
(Poseidon speaking of the τεῖχος of Troy), 
τὸ ἐγὼ καὶ Φοῖβος ᾿Απόλλων | ἥρῳ Λαομέ- 
δοντι πολίσσαμεν ἀθλήσαντε. (In 71. 21. 


str. 5. 


348 BAKXYAIAOY [XII 


(110): és πεδίον κρατερὰν 
2 at€ay ὑσμίναν φέροντες" 


ἀντι. 1451 ὦρσάν τε φόβον Aavaorts: 
2 ὥτρυνε δ᾽ "Apys 
3 εὐεγχής, Λυκίων τε 
(115) 4 Λοξίας ἄναξ ᾿Απόλλων" 
s ἷξόν 7 ἐπὶ θῖνα θαλάσσας: 
Ο01.27:180 ὁ ναυσὶ δ᾽ εὐπρύμνοις παραὶ 
μάρναντ᾽, ἐναριζομένων 
δ᾽ ἔρ Ἰευθε φώτων 
(120) 9 aaa γαῖα μέλαινα 
ο Ἕκτορ Ἰέας ὑπὸ χειρός, 


155 πῆμα μέγ᾽ ἡμιθέοις 
τ ὀξεῖαν] ἰσοθέων δι’ ὁρμάν. 


ἐπ. τ. τἃ TNdpjoves, 7 μεγάλαισιν ἐλπίσιν 
(125) 2 πνείοντες ὑπερφίαλον 
[φρόνημ᾽ ἐθάρσευν] 

Τρῶεϊὶς ἱ ἱππευταὶ κυανώπιδας ἐκ- 
πέρσασιν ᾿Αργείων] νέας 

παύραις χορὸν €tha|rivas τ᾽ ἐν 
ἁμέ]ρ[ α]ις ἕξειν θεόδματον πόλιν. 


160 


nA un 7 ὦ 


(130) 7 
149 δῖνα K.: θεῖνα MS. (the spelling of Aristarchus, who derived it from θείνω) : cp. 
however IX. 10 ἐκείνησεν, XVI. QI νειν (=v), etc. 150 παραὶ Blass, with Platt 
and Housman: cp. 139 ὑπαί. 152 ἔρευθε Palmer: ...ETOE A: το added above 
the line by A® (ἐρεύθετο). 155 πῆμα μέγ᾽ J.: δεῖμα μέγ "Jurenka. 156 ὀξεῖαν J.: 
τεύχοντος Desrousseaux : βαρεῖαν Blass.—icobéwv] The O is written above an erasure.— 
δι’ ὁρμάν] ΔῚ OPMAN A: A=—OPMAN a corrector (the horizontal lines being 


446—457, where the king’s fraud is told, all. At one moment, stirred by the fall 


Poseidon alone builds, while Apollo is 
serving as herdsman.) <A pious gloss 
associated Aeacus with Poseidon and 
Apollo: the vulnerable point in the 
stronghold was the work of man, and 
not of gods (Pind. O. VIII. 42). Heracles 
"IMlouv ἐξαλάπαξε πόλιν (71. 5. 642); bis 
periura capit superatae moenia Troiae 
(Ovid Met. 11. 215): but here, as in 
Zl. 7 1. σιν it is assumed that ‘ Laomedon’s 
walls’ survived that capture. 

146 “Apys. This is not Homeric; 
nay, it is in marked contradiction to the 
Tliad. The Homeric Ares takes no part 
in the fight at the ships, being under the 
general interdict which Zeus had laid on 
the gods (7. 8. το ff.). But that is not 


of his son Ascalaphus, he arms himself 
for battle, in defiance of Zeus; but is 
detained in Olympus by the remonstrance 
of Athena (//. 15. 113—142). 

147 2. Λυκίων... ἄναξ. No other 
Greek poet places Apollo in a personal 
relation with the Lycians quite so definite 
as is denoted by this phrase. His titles 
Λύκιος (Pind. /. I. 39, Eur. fr. 700) and 
λυκηγενής (7. 4. τοι) were popularly 
explained as ‘ Lycia-born’ (Hor. C. 3. 4. 
62 gui Lyciae tenet Dumeta natalemque 
silvam). Both epithets, like Αύκειος, 
originally denoted a god of light (Auk): 
the name Λυκία itself may have come 
from the cult.—The Lycians are pro- 
minent in the Homeric fighting at the 


XU] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


349 
they rushed into {πε plain, intent on stubborn strife, 


and roused terror in the Danai; while Ares of the mighty spear 
urged them on, and the lord of the Lycians, the soothsayer, 
Apollo. 

So they came to the seashore, and fought at the sterns of the 
good ships; and the black earth grew red with the blood of men 
slain by Hector’s hand; a grievous woe for the heroes, through 
the keen onset of their godlike foes. 


Hapless ones! Uplifted in spirit by great hopes, the chariot- 
borne warriors of Troy were sure that they would sack the dark- 
prowed ships of the Greeks, and that in a few days dancing and 
feasting would be the portion of their god-built city. 


meant simply to fill the space: cp. XVIII. 48). 157—163 For other conjectural 
supplements see Appendix. 157 f. The letters NEC “ΗΜ in 157 and 
ONTECTIIEP in 158 are supplied by a fragment placed here by Blass; who in 
163—166 also fitted in a fragment giving the earlier portions of those verses; and in 


167— 169 a third fragment (τῶν εἰ καὶ...ἢ βαθυξύλγῳ. 


ships (/7. 15. 424 f.),—Aof(las, the title of 
the oracle-god, is out of place here: 
indeed it is seldom joined with ᾿Απόλλων. 
(In Aesch. Cho. 549 f., 7 καὶ Λοξίας 
ἐθέσπισεν, | ἄναξ ᾿Απόλλων, the second 
title is in apposition with the first.) 

149 ἷξον (//. 5. 773 etc.), a weak (or 
‘sigmatic’) aorist, formed with o (and ε in 
2nd pers.) instead of a. Cp. the epic 
ἐ-βήσε-το (71. 14. 229), ἐ-δύσε-το (16. 2. 
578), imper. ὄρσε-ο (16. 3. 250), infin. 
ἀξέ-μεναι (2b. 23. 50), ἔ-πεσο-ν, etc. 

152 ἔρευθε: a solitary but certain 
instance of the active used intransitively. 
For the normal use, see //. 11. 394 f. ὁ δέ 
θ᾽ αἵματι γαῖαν ἐρεύθων | πύθεται. 

155 πῆμα μέγ᾽, acc. in apposition 
with the preceding sentence. ἡμιθέοις, 
the Greek heroes (VIII. 10, X. 62). 

156 It is possible that there has been 
some corruption here. If, however, ἰσο- 
θέων is sound, the sense seems to be, 
Sowing to the fierce onset of the Trojan 
heroes.’ The first syllable of the verse 
is long in all the corresponding places 
where it is preserved (45, 57; 78, 90; 
111, ἀρ 1441 177, 189). We might 
supply ὀξεῖαν (epithet of μάχαν in 117), 
or ἄτλατον.---τεύχοντος, referring κατὰ 
σύνεσιν to ‘Exropéas...xetpds (cp. Od. 11. 
gof.), is also possible; but a recurrence 
to him seems less apt here: these two 
verses speak of heroes pitted against 
heroes. —toro@éwv after ἡμιθέοις (both 


having the same sense) illustrates the 
use of a synonym to avoid repeating a 
word: so Soph. O. 7. 54 dptes...xparets, 
O.C. 1501 σαφὴς... ἐμφανὴς (n.), etc. — 
Blass supplies βαρεῖαν (in which, how- 
ever, the first ἃ is a drawback), and 
understands, ‘through the resentful im- 
pulse of Achilles’ (ἰσοθέων), in refusing to 
help the Greeks. 

157—163 In the restoration of this 
passage given above, the following points 
may be noted. (1) 157 @ tcedpoves 
(Blass) is quite possible (Aesch. Zhed. 
174 ἰὼ δύσφρονες, ‘alas, misguided ones’: 
Soph. Ant. 261 φρενῶν δυσφρόνων ἁμαρ- 
τήματα): but δύσφρων more often means 
either ‘ melancholy’ or ‘ malevolent’; so 
that & tAdpoves (Kenyon) seems slightly 
more probable. (2) 158f. Before ovres 
there is room for 4 letters, or for 5 
if one of them was thin (like I). πνεί- 
ovtes (Jurenka, Ludwich) is more likely 
than πνέοντες (Blass), because in all the 
corresponding verses (59, 92, 125, IQI, 
224) the first syllable is long.—mepdt- 
adov might be ady., but I rather prefer 
ὑπερφίαλον φρόνημ᾽. (3) 160f. ἱππευταὶ, 
if it stood alone, would be too vague: 
the insertion of Τρῶες before it is a gain. 
—tk w: the participle (whatever 
it was) should be in the dative, if (as 
seems almost certain) πόλιν was the 
subject to ἕξειν. A nomin., ἐκπέρσαντες, 
would, in that case, imply that they 


ant. 5. 


epode 5. 


350 BAKXYAIAOY [XII 
8 μέλλον ἄρα πρότερον δι- 
1659 νᾶντα φοινίξειν Σκάμανδρον, 
στρ. s’. -θνάσκοντες ὑπ᾽ Αἰακίδαις 
.“ ἐρειψ[ dous: 
(135) 3 τῶν εἰ καὶ [διόλωλεν 
.ἢ βαθυξύλζῳ πυρᾷ - 
EO ge MRIS OD eins 
6—-VYU— —- | Vv 
- —- VU UY — 
(x40) 8 oa tae ted Sot 
g- VYU-V- = 
175% οὐ yap ἀλα[μπέσ |e vul KTOS 
τ πασιφανὴς ᾿Αρετὰ 
2 κρυφθεῖσ᾽ ἀμαυρο[ῦται δνόφοισιν, 
ἀντ. ς΄. : ἀλλ᾽ ἔμπεδον ἀκί αμάτᾳ 
(146) . ββρύουσα δόξᾳ 
180 3 στρωφᾶται κατὰ γᾶν | TE 
4 καὶ πολυπλάγκταν 6] άλασσαν. 
skal μὰν φερεκυδέα v| σον 
(150) 6 Αἰακοῦ τιμᾷ, σὺν Εὐ- 
7 κλείᾳ δὲ φιλοστεφ] ave 
Col. 28 185 8 πόλυν κυβερνᾷ, 


175 ἀλαμπέσι] AAAEIII A: but a corrector has cancelled II, and written letters (uz ?) 


actually destroyed the ships. (4) 162 f. 
παύραις.. ἐν dpépats (Nairn) seems prob- 
able. Blass (whose own restorations are 
given.in the Appendix) objects that the 
space in 163 before P suggests more than 
three letters (AME). But in this hand- 
writing A and M are sometimes very 
broad. I had thought, indeed, of ἐσθλαῖς 

..€v συμφοραῖς (Eur. Alc. 1155 χοροὺς 
dx’ ἐσθλαῖς συμφοραῖσιν ἱστάναι), but 
rather prefer ἁμέραις. 

166 f£. ὑπ’ Αἰακίδαις, under their 
hands: 71. το. 452 ἐμῇς ὑπὸ χερσὶ δαμείς : 
13. 98 ὑπὸ Τρώεσσι δαμῆναι.---ῸΥ ἐρειψι- 
λάοις cp. X. 67f. λαούς τε διχοστασίαις] 
ἤρειπον : V. 56 ἐρειψιπύλαν.---1π Aesch. 
Th. 880f. the brothers are δωμάτων 
ἐρειψίτοιχοι (they destroy the τοῖχοι of 
their house): but I doubt whether that 
word could mean ‘destroying relx7,’ 


πτολίπορθοι, as an epithet of heroes 
generally. 

168—174 τῶν εἰ καί. The pronoun 
refers to the Aeacidae. Though their 
bodies have perished, their names live 
evermore. βαθύξυλος is elsewhere said 
of deep forest shades: Eur. Bacch. 1138 
ὕλης ἐν βαθυξύλῳ 68%. Here (πυρὰ) 
βαθύξυλος is a pyre built high with wood 
(111. 49 ξύλινον δόμον) ; as in Pind. ΙΧ. 40 
βαθύκρημνοι ἀκταί are shores with high, 
steep cliffs. For the sentiment, cp. IIL. 
go f. ἀρετᾶς ye μὲν οὐ μινύθει | βροτῶν 
ἅμα σώματι φέγγος (where γε μὲν = ἴῃς 
Attic ye μήν, ‘however’). The ἢ before 
βαθυξύλῳ shows that a second clause with 
ἢ followed. The tenor of the passage 
may have been somewhat as follows :— 

τῶν εἰ καὶ διόλωλεν 
ἢ βαθυξύλῳ πυρᾷ καυ- 


XII] 


ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


351 


Ah, they were doomed, or ever that should be, to redden the 
eddying Scamander with their blood, 


as they fell under the hands of the death-dealing Aeacidae. 
And if [the bodies] of the Aeacidae [have perished, burnt] on 
high-built pyre [or buried in the tomb, yet their names live for 


ever:...|. 


For shining Virtue can never be hid from view in the murky 


shades of night ; 


hers is the unfading flower of a steadfast fame ; she goes abroad 
over the earth, and with the wanderers on the sea. 

And verily she honours the renowned isle of Aeacus; with 
Eucleia, to whom wreaths are dear, she rules that city ; 


above, from which only a few dots remain. 
181 TIOATITAATKTAN A: -ON A. 


μάτᾳ Blass, Platt: ἀκάματος Κ. 


177 δνόφοισιν Tyrrell. 178 ἀκα- 


θέντ᾽ ἢ κεκαλυμμένα τύμβοις 
σώματ᾽, ἄφθαρτόν γε μὲν 
ζώει κλέος ἀθάνατον 
Μουσᾶν λιγειᾶν 

εὐκελάδοις ἐν ἀοιδαῖς. 

175—177 ἀλαμπέσι.... ἀμαυροῦται. 
Cp. Plut. Phocion τ (quoted by Kenyon), 
τὴν δὲ Φωκίωνος dpeTHy...ai τύχαι τῆς 
Ἑλλάδος ἀμαυρὰν καὶ ἀλαμπῆ πρὸς δόξαν 
ἐποίησαν, where the verbal coincidences 
with this passage are noteworthy.— 
*Aperd is here personified, as by Simo- 
nides (fr. 58) and by Aristotle in his hymn 
in memory of Hermeias, ’Apera πολύμοχθε 
γένει βροτείῳ (Bergk* 11. 360). An epi- 
gram ascribed to Asclepiades of Samos 
(c. 300 B.C., Anth. VII. 145) refers to 
a work of art in which she was repre- 
sented as mourning by the tomb of Ajax: 
ἅδ᾽ ἐγὼ ἁ τλάμων ᾿Αρετὰ παρὰ τῷδε 
κάθημαι | Αἴαντος τύμβῳ κειρομένα πλοκά- 
μους.---πασιφανὴς is not found elsewhere 
in classical poetry.—S8védo.rv : for the 
plur., cp. Aesch. Cho. 52. 

178 ἀκαμάτᾳ, not to be exhausted, 
‘unfailing.’ Though dxaudra might 
naturally be the epithet of “Apera here, 
the dative is more probable, as an 
epithet for δόξᾳ seems needful. The 
fem. form occurs in Soph. Anz. 330, 
which also illustrates the sense; (Τ ἂν) 
ἄφθιτον, ἀκαμάταν : and in Hes. 7h. 747 
ἀκαμάτῃσι χέρεσσιν. 

181 Poetical use justifies πολυπλάγ- 
«tay, the form given by the first hand, 
as against the correction πολύπλαγκτον. 
Cp. n. on 178: IX. 8 ἀπράκταν : Aesch. 
Ag. πολυκλαύτην (Porson on Med. 822), 


Ar. Pax 978 πολυτιμήτη, Lys. 217 
aravpérn.—The sense of the adj. here is 
passive, ‘much-traversed’; in X. 35 it is 
active. “Apera, the Virtue that survives 
death and is never hid in dark oblivion, 
‘roams over land and sea’; z.¢. the fame of 
great deeds isspread throughout the world. 

182—189 καὶ μάν: ν. 56 n.—depe- 
κυδέα : cp. I. 17. 

*Apera ‘honours’ Aegina as a home of 
Themis: see n. on 77 f.: she ‘governs’ 
the land in company with Εὔκλεια ‘ who 
delights in wreaths’ (won by Aeginetan 
athletes in the national games). Evvoyia 
also bears sway there, she who keeps 
cities ἐν εἰρήνᾳ. 

Two points should be noted here. 
(1) The association of Εὔκλεια with 
Evvouia. In the theatre at Athens there 
was in later times a seat for the lepeds 
Εὐκλείας καὶ E’voulas (C. 7. A. 111. 277). 
(2) Eunomia was one of three Ὧραι 
(daughters of Zeus and Themis, and 
sisters of the Moirae),—the other two 
being Δίκη and Εἰρήνη: Hes. Zh. gor f.: 
Pind. O. xu. 6f.: Bergk* adespota 140 
(perhaps by Simonides) Εὐνομίαν λιπαρο- 
θρόνους 7 ἀδελφάς, Δίκαν | καὶ orepavo- 
φόρον Eipdvay. As in the natural sphere 
the Horae represent a fixed order, so as 


ethical powers they are Loyalty, Justice 


and Peace. Cp. Diod. v. 73 Ὡρῶν 
ἑκάστῃ δοθῆναι τὴν ἐπώνυμον τάξιν τε καὶ 
βίου διακόσμησιν. 

The same group of ideas is expressed 
here, though elpjva, instead of being 
personified, appears as a gift bestowed by 
Εὐνομία. Cp. xiv. 54f. 


str. 6. 


ant. 6. 


352 BAKXYAIAOY [XII 
9 Εὐνομία te σαόφρων, 
1 ἃ θαλίας te λέλογχεν 
(155)... adored τ᾽ εὐσεβέων 
3 “ > > 7 ’ 
2 ἀνδρῶν ἐν εἰρήνᾳ φυλάσσει 
΄ ’, VE: 2 , , > > , 
ἐπ.ς΄.190 1 νίκαν τ ἐρικυδέα μέλπετ᾽, ὦ νέοι, 
2 Πυθέα, μελέταν τε βροτω- 
3 φελέα. Μενάνδ ρου, 
(160) 4 τὰν ἐπ "Ἀλφειοῦ. τε ῥοαῖς θαμὰ δὴ 
5 τίμασεν a. χρυσάρματος 
195 6 σεμνὰ μεγάθυμος ᾿Αθάνα, 
7 μυρίων 7 ἤδη μίτραισιν ἀνέρων 
8 ἐστεφάνωσεν ἐθείρας 
(165) ο ἐν Πανελλάνων ἀέθλοις. 
> ’ XX 
στρ. ζ. : εἰ μή τινα θερσιεπὴς 
er an 
200 2 φθόνος βιᾶται, 
> ’ Ν A 
3 αἰνείτω σοφὸν ἄνδρα 
‘ ’ ἴω Ἀ “ 
«σὺν δίκᾳ. βροτῶν δὲ μῶμος 
(170) s πάντεσσι μέν ἐστιν ἐπ᾽ ἔργοις" 
186 Εὐνομία σαοσίφρων conj. Housman. 198 θαμὰ J., Nairn. 199 εἰ] Eis 


lost: the short stroke above I is part of the paragraphus with coronis, )———, 
written between 198 and 199 to mark the end of a system—el μή τινα θερσιεπής. 
Between the N and the A of twa there is a mark like a very small and partly broken o, 
perhaps intended to indicate that the words should be read as tw’ ἀθερσιεπής. 


186 Eivopla τε σαόφρων, sc. κυβερνᾷ. 
The construction is harsh: -but I follow 
the MS., rather than read Εὐνομίᾳ (to 
depend on σύν) With the dative, the 
position of σαόφρων (referring to ᾿Αρετά) 
would be awkward ; though it might be 
regarded as practically adverbial (=cw- 
φρόνως). Housman’s Εὐνομία caocippwr 
would meet the difficulty; but that 
form of the adj. is not found, and can 
scarcely be assumed from σαοσίμβροτος in 
Hesychius. 

187 θαλίας, acc. plur., ‘ festivities’ ; 
Her. Ill. 27 ἦσαν ἐν θαλίῃσι. Eunomia 
has these for her portion, because they 
belong to the peace which she maintains. 
Cp. fr. 3 (on the blessings of εἰρήνα), 12 
συμποσίων δ᾽ ἐρατῶν βρίθοντ᾽ ἀγυιαί. 

190 From the praises of Aegina and 
the Aeacidae, which began at v. 77, the 
poet now returns to his immediate theme. 


ὦ νέοι: the youths, wearing wreaths 
(vi. 8f.), who form the κῶμος. So 
Pindar 7. Vil. 2 Κλεάνδρῳ τις... ὦ νέοι... 
ἀνεγειρέτω κῶμον : cp. NV. il. 4 f. μελι- 
γαρύων τέκτονες | κώμων νεανίαι : ib. 65 f. 
ὕμνος... ὀπὶ νέων ἐπιχώριον χάρμα κελαδέων : 
P.V. τοβ ἐν ἀοιδᾷ νέων. See also VIII. 
102 ff. 
191 f. μελέταν is the ‘care’ used by 
the trainer, who, in preparing a com- 
petitor for the great contests, not only 
supervised his exercises, but prescribed 
his diet (Arist. Z7h. 11. 5), and regula- 
ted his whole life. The scientific trainer 
of athletes was, so far, a physician. He 
is called γυμνάστής (Xen. Alem. 11. 1. 20), 
or ἀλείπτης (Arist. /.c.): while παιδοτρίβης 
is properly the ordinary teacher of boys in 
a palaestra.—B : not found else- 
where; cp. δημωφελής. -- Μενάνδρου, an 
Athenian, mentioned by Pindar also in 


X11] ETTINIKOI 


353 
as doth also temperate Eunomia, to whom festivities belong, 
and who keeps the towns of pious men in peace. 


Sing, O youths, the glorious victory of Pytheas, and the helpful 
care of the trainer Menander: oft has that care been honoured 
on the banks of Alpheus by Athena of the golden chariot, 
majestic queen of lofty soul, when ere now she has set garlands 
on the heads of countless men at the great games of Hellas. 


Let those who are not thralls of bold-tongued Envy give just 
praise to a master of his art. Disparagement waits on every 
work of man: 


OEPC ὦ ΠΗΟ : the letter after the first C seems to have been I, but is not certain. 
Nairn conj. ἀθερσοεπής, ‘disparaging in speech’ (ἀθερίζειν) : Housman, ἀμερσιεπής (envy 
‘bereaves of speech,’ when praise is due). Jurenka reads ἀθερσιεπής (θερ-μός, “ chill 
of speech’), comparing Ov. Met. 11. 763 (the domus Invidiae) ignavi plenissima 


Srigoris. 


202 BPTQTON A: corr. Al. 


his ode on this same victory, Δ΄ v. 48: 
ἴσθι, γλυκεῖάν τοι Μενάνδρου σὺν τύχᾳ 
(‘by Menander’s happy aid’) μόχθων 
ἀμοιβὰν | ἐπαύρεο- χρὴ δ᾽ am’ ᾿Αθανᾶν 
τέκτον᾽ ἀθληταῖσιν ἔμμεν. Lampon, the 
victor’s father, is described by Pindar 
(1. ν. 66f.) as μελέταν | ἔργοις ὀπάζων, 
‘bestowing care on feats of prowess’ 
(z.e. on athletics), and recommending it 
to his sons,—thus observing Hesiod’s 
maxim (Of. 382 μελέτη δέ τοι ἔργον 
ὀφέλλει). Pindar’s meaning (or a part of 
it) must be that Lampon, a rich man 
(cp. 224 f.), procured the best training 
for his sons. [{ was natural, then, that 
both poets should pay a tribute to 
Menander. 

193—198 Athena has ‘honoured’ 
the skill of the Athenian trainer by 
giving several Olympian victories to his 
pupils, whose successes in the four ‘ Pan- 
hellenic’ festivals, taken all together, 
have been ‘countless.’—@apd (the accent 
given by Apollonius De adveré. p. 563. 3) 
is emphasized by δή, as in Pind. 4. 1. 17. 
—Of Athena’s three epithets, χρυσάρ- 
ματος denotes a conventional attribute; 
σεμνά, divine rank; and μεγάθυμος a 
personal quality: cp. v. 98 f.—A@dva: 
cp. σελάνα VILI. 29. 

196 μίτραισιν. This μέτρα was a 
woollen headband to which the sprays 
or leaves of the wreath were attached: 
Pind. 7. Iv. 62 λάμβανέ ἔοι στέφανον, 
φέρε δ᾽ εὔμαλλον μίτραν. Hence the 
word is used as an equivalent for στέ- 


J. B. 


gpavos: O. 1X. 84 ᾿Ἰσθμίαισι Λαμπρομάχου 
μίτραις.---ἀνέρων : this inflexion of ἀνήρ 
is not elsewhere extant in B.: Pindar 
uses it freely. 

198 Πανελλάνων: Pind. 7. ΠΙ. 47 
Πανελλάνεσσι δ᾽ ἐριζόμενοι δαπάνᾳ χαῖρον 
ἵππων. Λ' 11. 38 ἐν Πανελλάνων νόμῳ. 
The four great πανηγύρεις are ‘ Panhel- 
lenic’ as distinguished from minor local 
festivals, such as those mentioned in 
IX. 30—35 (n.). 

199 f. φθόνος can bluster as well as 
whisper: θερσιεπής denotes loud, im- 
pudent detraction. The Aeolic θέρσος 
(θάρσος) is found only in proper names, 
such as Θέρσανδρος, Θέρσης, Θέρσιππος, 
Θερσίτης. For the connecting vowel t in 
θερσιεπής cp. Θερσίλοχος. (Θερσολόχειος 
occurs, however, as the patronymic in an 
inscription: see Pape-Benseler s.v.) The 
sense of the word is illustrated by the 
name Θερσαγόρας (Dem. or. 23 ὃ 142), 
‘bold in debate.’—Prarat: B. pictures 
φθόνος as a malignant force within the 
man, against which candour has to 
wrestle: v. 187 f. χρὴ δ᾽ ἀλαθείας χάριν | 
αἰνεῖν, φθόνον ἀμφοτέραισιν | χερσὶν ἀπω- 
σάμενον. Cp. XV. 31 φθόνος εὐρυβίας. 
Frag. trag. adesp. 547. 12 £. πρὸς γὰρ τὸ 
λαμπρὸν ὁ φθόνος βιάζεται, | σφάλλει δ᾽ 
ἐκείνους ods ἂν ὑψώσῃ τύχη. 

202 £. σὺν δίκᾳ: cp. v. 196 (η.): 
X. 123 f.—@pos: Smyth refers to Anth. 
Planud. 84 παντὶ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔργῳ | μῶμος: 
and Theogn. 1184 (there is no man) ᾧ μὴ 
μῶμος ἐπικρέμαται. 


24 


epode 6. 


str. 7. 


354 


205 7 


BAKXYAIAOY 
6a δ᾽ ἀλαθεία φιλεῖ 


νικᾶν, ὅ τε πανδαμάτωρ 
8. χρόνος τὸ καλῶς 


[XII 


9 ἐϊργμένον αἰὲν ἀ ἔξει" 
(175). δυσμενέων δὲ pal tata 
x γλῶσσ᾽ ἀϊδ]ὴς μινύθει 


[The last v. of στρ. ζ΄, and the first nine of ἀντ. ζ΄ , are lost.] 


Col.29 avr..220 10 ἐλπίδι θυμὸν -iaive: 


ag Ν 3 ‘ ΄ 
II τα και cya πίσυνος 


2 φοινικοκραδέμνοισι Μούσαις 


ἐπ. ζ΄. 


:- ὕμνων τινὰ τάνδε | εόπλοκον δόσιν 


(191) 2 φαίνω, ξενίαν τε [φιλά- 


225 3 


_yhaov γεραίρω, 


4 τὰν ἐμοὶ Λάμπων [παρέχων χάριν οὐ 


5 βληχρὰν ἐπαθρήσαις 


, 
ει, 


(195) 6 τὰν εἴ γ᾽ ἐτύμως apa Κλειὼ 


207 ἐργμένον] Wackernagel conj. ἀργμένον (cp. ὑπαργμένον Her. VII. 11). 
faint traces after M would suit either A or I. 


208 The 
209 An upright can be traced before 


CMIN. Blass? supplies γλῶσσ᾽ ἀϊδὴς μινύθει from Cramer Anecd. Oxon. 1. 65. 22 


(=fr. 46 Bergk4, 
δυσμενέων ὃ ἀϊδὴς λέγει Βακχυλίέδης. 
Blass. 
Μούσας Housman : 


36 Bl.*), Bapurévws δὲ τὸ ᾿Αἴδης" 


222 φοινικοκραδέμνοισι Μούσαις Blass (-o1s te Μούσαις Nairn) : 
τοιο Κλειοῦς Jurenka. 


τὸ γὰρ ἐπιθετικὸν ὀξύνεται" 
220f. ἰαἰν[ ἐπ. τᾷ K.: ἰαίν[εἴται " καὶ 
τοῖο 
223 νεοπλόκων δόσιν Blass: who 


after TANAE finds a small trace of N written above I (or P), as if ἰοπλόκων) had 


204 ἀλαθεία. This may be merely 
the Ionic poet’s conventional Doricizing 
of ἀληθείη. See however Choeroboscus 
(Bekk. Anecd. p. 1314), ἀλήθεια κοινῶς 
καὶ ἀληθεία ᾿Αττικῶς. This was the older 
Attic accent (Chandler § δ 103, 2nd ed.). 
Cp. Ar. fr. 29 ὦ wapavola καὶ dvadela 
(instead of παράνοια etc.). 

205 ff. πανδαμάτωρ : epithet of χρόνος 
in Simonides fr. 4, 5.--καλῶς with the 
epic (and Ionic) a, which is not found in 
Pindar. —épypévov: see on ἐρχθέντος in 
65 f.—ééea, ‘exalts,’ strengthens in re- 


pute. In Od. 15+ 372 ἔργον ἀέξουσιν 
μάκαρες θεοί, ᾧ ἐπιμίμνω, the sense is 
‘ prospers.’ 
209 ἀϊδής. In Hes. Scut. 477, σῆμ᾽ 


ἀϊδὲς ποίησεν, the word is passive in sense, 
as it must be here. 

220 ff. ἐλπίδι, as in 1X. 40, the ‘hope’ 
or ambition of a man who aspires to win 


fame by the exercise of some gift. The 
ten verses lost before v. 220 may have 
spoken of various pursuits, ending with 
a reference to the poet’s. In 221 the 
MS. has no point after rac: and tatve- 
τᾷ καὶ gives a far better rhythm than 
ἰαίϊνεται" καὶ etc., though the latter is 
otherwise unobjectionable (cp. Archil. 
fr. 36 ἄλλος ἄλλῳ καρδίην ἰαίνεται). In 
222 a dat. plur. is more probable than ἃ 
genit. sing. (which would go with ὕμνων). 
The dat. will depend on πίσυνος : ‘In (or 
with) which hope, trusting to the Muses,’ 
etc. (We might read -os τε Μούσαις: 
but it seems less fitting that the Muses 
should he thus subjoined to the ἐλπές.) 
--φοινικοκραδέμνοισι : a merely ornamen- 
tal epithet, given to Latona in X. 97 (n.). 

223 The letter after τάνδε may have 
been N: but it is very uncertain. As a 
conjectural supplement, νεόπλοκον δόσιν 


ΧΙ] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


355 

but truth is wont to prevail; and all-subduing time ever 

strengthens the repute of fine achievement. The vain speech 

of foes covertly detracts [from worth; but fails in the end...] 
* * - * ~ + 


[Every one who works aright at his appointed task] has ant. 7. 
a hope to cheer his heart. With such hope I also, trusting in the 
Muses of purple kerchief, 


now present a gift of newly-woven song; thus honouring the epode 7. 
splendid hospitality shown to me by Lampon, his tribute to the 
Muse’s charm, not slight, which has found favour in his eyes. 

And if it be indeed radiant Cleio 


been corrected to ν(εοπλόκων). 226 f. οὐ at the end of 226 was first proposed by 
Housman : ἐπαθρήσαις (as part.) by Platt (who after it placed τέχναν) : παρέχων and 
χάριν by J.: τίει by Blass. 228. EIK’Ms.: εἴ γ᾽ J.(in 1897), Blass, Platt: elk as=el 
W. Schulze (cp. οὐκ Ξε οὐ), on analogy of Arcadian εἴκαν : Wilamowitz cp. Ar. Zys. 1099 
aix εἶδον, and the Cnidian verse in Her. 1. 174, where he reads-aix (vulg. ef x’) ἐβούλετο. 
—Knrew | ---ἐνέσταξ[εν ppaciv]: so I had conjectured (but with φρεσίν) from KA- and 
ENEC, before EIQ and TAZ were furnished by a small fragment, containing the ends 
of vv. 227—230, which Blass identified as belonging here.—gpacly Housman and 


Blass. 


is suitable: Blass gives νεοπλόκων. 1 
rather prefer the acc. sing., on account 
of τινά, which serves to soften the 
figurative sense. ὕμνων ἥδε νεόπλοκός τις 
δόσις seems better than the same phrase 
with νεοπλόκων. Another possibility 
would be veddporov. (Or, if the letter 
after τάνδε was M, μελίφθογγον or μελί- 
yAwooov.)—For δόσιν cp. Pind. O. vil. 7 
Μοισᾶν δόσιν, and /. 1. 45 κούφα δόσις 
ἀνδρὶ σοφῷ κ.τ.λ. 

2262. In the restoration of these 
verses two points may, I think, be taken 
as certain. (1) χάριν must have stood 
in 226, meaning the poet’s ‘charm,’ as 
in lI. 97 καὶ μελιγλώσσου τις ὑμνήσει 
χάριν | Κηΐας ἀηδόνος. There is no other 
word to which the τὰν in 228 could so 
fitly refer. (2) ἐπαθρήσαις, aor. partic., 
must be read in 227. The Aeolic form 
in -ats is not elsewhere used by B.: but 
his λαχοῖσαν in XVIII. 13 f., and Μοῖσα 
in’ Vv. 4, are also exceptional Aeolisms. 
ἐπαθρήσαι, with or without xe in 226, 
would require after it a word beginning 
with στ: but the possible words (στέφων, 
στίχων, στόμα) are all inadmissible. The 
remaining question seems to be between 
(i) παρέχων....τίει (Blass), and (ii) eg. 
μελέων (XVIII. 2) .. «τελεῖ or tive. I 
prefer (1),. because, (a) after ξενίαν, 
παρέχων is fitter than τελεῖ or τίνει : and 


(ὁ) τίει, governing χάριν, is better zz 
that place than a verb governing ξενίαν 
would be, since τὰν in 228 refers to χάριν. 
For the t in τίει, cp. Aesch. 4g. 942, 
Eur. Heracl. 1013. 

The meaning is, then, that Lampon, 
in affording (παρέχων) hospitality to the 
poet, ‘honours the poetic charm, not 
slight, on which he has looked with 
Javour. οὐ βληχράν (cp. X. 65), as being 
the Muse’s gift. The compound éraépew 
recurs only in later verse (Ap. Rhod. 4. 
497 ἐπαθρήσαντας, where ἐσ- is a v.1., 
and Quint. Smyrn. I. 111, where Heyne 
reads ἐσάθρησα). Here the word denotes 
favourable regard; as ἐπιβλέπειν (τινί) 
does in Lucian Astro/.20. Cp. ν. 8 δεῦρ᾽ 
ἄθρησον. 

228 £. εἴ γ᾽, siguidem: Plat. Phaedr. 
242D εἴ ye σὺ ἀληθῆ λέγεις.---πανθαλής, 
as giving bloom to the flowers of song; 
Pind. O. vI. 105 ὕμνων.. εὐτερπὲς ἄνθος. 
One of the Muses was Θάλεια (Hes. 7%. 
77). Distinguish this form, with ἄ, from 
that with a (69 n.). > Od. 2. 
271 εἰ δή τοι σοῦ πατρὸς ἐνέστακται μένος 
hi: Her. 1X. 3 ἀλλά οἱ δεινὸς ἐνέστακτο 
ἵμερος κιτ.λ. v, Doric. This form 
occurs in Pindar, either without a variant 
(WV. 111. 62), or, as is far more often the 
case, with the v. 1. φρεσίν (O. VII. 24, 
P. τι. 56, Ul. 108, IV. 10g, 219). In 


24—2 


[XII, XIII 


356 BAKXYAIAOY 
7 πανθαλὴς ἐμαῖς ἐνέσταξ[ εν φρασίν, 
230 8 τερψιεπεῖς νιν ἀοιδαὶ 
9 παντὶ καρύξοντι hao. 
XIII. [XIV.] 
KAEOTITOAEMQI OECCAAQI 
ITTTTOIC TTETPAIA 
orp. a. * ED μὲν εἱμάρθαι παρὰ Sail μονος ἀν- 
3 θρώποις ἄριστον᾽ 
: συμφορὰ δ᾽ ἐσθλόν 7 ἀμαλδύ- 
4 νει βαρύτλατος μολοῦσα: 
5 κἀγατ]ὸν ἰδ᾽ ὑψιφανῆ τε ύ- 
6 xs κἸατορθωθεῖσα" τιμὰν 
-7 δ᾽ ἄλ]λος ἀλλοίαν ἔχει" 
ἄντ. a’. 


III. The title added in the left margin by A®. 
8 ἐσθλόν τ᾽ or ἐσθλοὺς conj. J. 


(δαίμοσιν K.). 


: μυρί]αι δ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἀρεταί, μία δ᾽ ἐκ 


2 πασᾶ)ν πρόκειται, 


1 δαίμονος Platt and others 
(ἐσθλοὺς K.): ἐσθλὸν MS. 


eRe ONHAHTWVI®ANHTE A: A® cancelled HAH and wrote KAI above.—xdyarov 


6’ ὑψιφανῇ conj. J.: 


ἢ κυδρὸν ἠδ᾽ Blass : 


see comment.—revyer Blass and others. 


P. lll. 59, where the MSS. agree in φρεσίν, 
Boeckh restored φρασίν. Pindar also uses 
φρένεσσιν (7. 111. 5), as B. does (XIII. rr). 
If the Ionian’s conventional Doricism was 
consistent, he would have written φρασίν 
here; and we are not justified in assuming 
the reverse. 

230 The stress is on τερψιεπεῖς. If 
Cleio has really inspired the poet, this 
ode, which honours Lampon (νιν), will 
please.—For the compound with ἔπος as 
epithet of docdai cp. VII. 7 n. 


ΣΚΤΙΙ. 1 εἱμάρθαι, impersonal. παρὰ 
ϑαίμονος : the best thing for men is that a 
good destiny should have been assigned 
(to them) by the gift of heaven: cp. XVI. 
24 ἐκ θεῶν μοῖρα : Aesch. Ag. 1026 μοῖραν 
ἐκ θεῶν : Pers. τοῖ θεόθεν μοῖρα : Xen. H. 
VI. 3. 6 ἐκ θεῶν πεπρωμένον ἐστί: Pind. 
NX. Iv. 61 τὸ μόρσιμον Διόθεν πεπρωμένον. 
P. Wl. 59 χρὴ τὰ _feouxéra πὰρ δαιμόνων 
μαστευέμεν.--παρὰ δαίμοσιν is also pos- 
sible (mortal destiny is /azd up with the 
gods, is in their keeping): but here the 
god is rather the dispenser of fate. 


2—6 The Ms. has a point after po- 
λοῦσα. Fortune, when it comes in a 
grievous shape, crushes (ἀμαλδύνει, weak- 
ens, brings low) even a brave spirit: but, 
when it has a prosperous course (κατορ- 
θωθεῖσα), makes ἃ man admired and 
eminent (ὑψιφανῆ v7). 

After ἐσθλόν in 3 τ᾽ has dropped out: 
unless, indeed, the poet wrote ἐσθλοὺς, 
but the transition from that plural to the 
singular in v. 5 would be very harsh. It 
can hardly be doubted that the metre 
here was the same as in the antistrophic 
verse (Io), [Blass, ac- 
cepting ἐσθλὸν without re, supposes that 
~~--— here is substituted for the -~-- 
in verse 10. But this seems very im- 
probable, even if it be metrically pos- 
sible. ] 

52. The first hand wrote ...ov ἤδη 
ὑψιφανῆ: where ἤδη was doubtless a 
corruption of ἠδ᾽, this, in turn, having 
replaced the less common form, t8’. The 
metre is shown by v. 12, --~~-~ ~--. 
[Blass however reads ἢ κυδρὸν ἠδ᾽ ὑψιφανῇ 
τεύ-, assuming that -—~-— could be sub- 


XII, XIII] 


ETTINIKOI 


357 


who has imbued my spirit with that charm, sweet will be the 
strains that tell forth his name to all the folk. 


XIII. 


[XIV.] 


for Cleoptolemus of Thessaly, victor in the chariot-race at the 
Petraia. 


A happy destiny is heaven’s best gift to mortals. Fortune str. r. 


can crush worth, if she comes fraught with suffering; she can 
make a man admired and eminent, if her course be prosperous. 
The honour won by men takes various shapes: 


the forms of human excellence are countless; but one merit has ant. τ. 


the foremost place among all,— 


& £. The end of v. 8 (MIAAE) is contained in a small fragment placed here by K., which 


gives also the last letters or syllables of ν. 10 
—é€x πασέων conj. Richards (ἐκ πασᾶν Jurenka 


A), 11 (N), 12 (APMO), and 13 (M@A). 
: ἐξ ἀλλᾶν Housman: és τιμὰν R. Ellis. 


stituted for the --~~ in v. 12: but here 
again it seems more than doubtful whether 
such a substitution is possible. The me- 
trical effect is almost intolerably harsh.] 
I regard ἰδ᾽ as well-nigh certain. ἰδέ is 
Homeric, but is not used by Pindar: it 
is probable in Soph. “2:2. 969, but does 
not elsewhere occur in Tragedy. (For 
an instance of elided ἐδ᾽, see Od. 3. 10.) 
We might, indeed, read (κλεινὸν) ὃ καὶ 
ὑψιφανῆ (δέ sometimes follows re: Soph. 
O. C. 367 ff.) : or κλεινόν τε K.7.A. Then, 
however, the scribe’s ἤδη would remain 
without satisfactory explanation, since it 
is unlikely that it could have arisen from 
so familiar a word as δέ. 

There is room before ov for four or five 
letters. Five is the number required by 
Blass’s ἢ κυδρ]όν : but his ἢ cannot (in 
my opinion) be right. We need καί, δέ, 
or τε. I would suggest κἀγατ]ὸν (ἀγητός) 
or kayavdv: for crasis of καί at the be- 
ginning of a verse, see III. 81 x@r1, and 
XVII.- 50 κηὔτυκτον. In Class. R. ΧΙ]. 
Ρ. 131 (Mar. 1898) I proposed καὶ κλει- 
vov, which still seems to me_ not 
improbable. In KAIKAEINON the re- 
semblance of KA to KA might have led 
to the loss of KAI, leaving in our Ms. 
only KAEINON. The number of letters 
before ov for which this conjecture re- 
quires space is, therefore, only the same 
as that demanded by the emendations 
noticed above,—-five. In objecting to it 


as requiring too much room (‘nimia pro 
spatio,’ 2nd ed. p. 121) Blass evidently 
overlooked the fact that, on my hypo- 
thesis, καί had dropped out. 

Tevxa=rlOnor: Od. 13. 397 ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε 
σ᾽ ἄγνωστον τεύξω: so Pind. NV. Iv. 83 ff. 
ὕμνος... ἰσοδαίμονα τεύχει | φῶτα: Aesch. 
Eum. 668 τὸ σὸν πόλισμα καὶ στρατὸν 
τεύξω μέγαν. 

Sf. μυρίαι δ᾽... ἀρεταί. From the 
importance of happy fortune for the 
attainment of honour, the poet passes 
to the various kinds of honour that men 
may win, and the variety of excellences in . 
different aspirants. Cp. vill. 88f., and 
IX. 38 ff. 

μία... πρόκειται. It seems possible, or 
even probable, that πρόκειται here means, 
‘is set in front’ (of all others), ‘ holds the 
Jirst place’; as προτιθέναι τί τινος can 
mean ‘to prefer’ (Her. III. 53, etc.). 
Cp. Arist. Zop. VI. 5 (p. 1426 24) ἐν ols 
οὐ πρόκειται Tod λόγου τὸ τί ἐστιν (‘where 
the nature of the thing is not put first in 
the account of it’). We might then read: 
(1) ἐκ πασᾶν, ‘ranks first among them 
all,’ as suggested by H. Richards (writing 
ἐκ πασέων) in Class. R. Xil. 76 (ἐξ ἀλλᾶν 
Housman, 7. 73). Or: (2) εἰς ὄλβον, 
‘in respect to happiness.” (és τιμὰν 
Robinson Ellis, 74. 65: but cp. 6.) I 
slightly prefer (1), as better fitted to inter- 
pret the sense of πρόκειται. [Blass writes 
és ξυνὸν πρόκειται, z.¢. ‘is set before men 


358 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XIII 


a Ν Ν Ν a 

10 3 ὃς τὸ] πὰρ χειρὸς κυβερνᾶ- 
+ Tat διϊ]καίαισι φρένεσσιν. 
ae , ε , 
sour ἐῆν βαρυπενθέσιν appo- 


fea) 


7 Kat rN 


ζει μ]άχαις φόρμιγγος ὀμφὰ 
κλαγγεῖς χοροί, 


Ἵ ¥ > 9» , \ 
ἐπ. α΄. τ τ οὔτ᾽ ἐν θαλίαις καναχὰ 
’ὔ > > 9535 ε ’ 
2 χαλκόκτυπος᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ 


aun »0ὸ7Ῥ’ἮἸ WwW 


20 


καιρὸς] ἀνδρῶν ἔργματι Kah- 

λιστος: εὖ ἔρδοντα δὲ καὶ θεὸς ὀΓ ρθοῖ. 
Κλεοπτολέμῳ δὲ χάριν 
νῦν χρὴ Ποσειδᾶνός τε Πετραΐί.- 


7 ov τέμενος κελαδῆσαι, 
’ > 3, ε ’ cs 
8 Πυρρίχου τ᾽ εὔδοξον tmmdv|tkov υἱόν, 


10 ΣΦ. ὃς τὸ Headlam, Pearson: ὃς τὰ Wilamowitz: a 7a Blass: εἰ τὸ Richards: 
és ye K.—KYBEPNAI A: corr. A!l.—xvBepvéra: Κ. : xvBépvacey Wilamowitz. 


12 οὔτ᾽ ἐν] οὐκ ἐν K.: οὔτοι Ellis: οὐκ ἂν (with ἁρμόζοι) Platt. 


18 μάχαις J. 


for their common good,’—whatever the 
special ἀρετή of each may be.—My former 
conjecture, accepted by Kenyon and 
Smyth, was εὐδαίμων πρόκειται, ‘is set 
before men,’—‘is proposed to their 
efforts,’—‘as truly happy,’ ze. ‘with a 
sure promise of happiness.”] 

10f. ὃς.. κυβερνᾶται, a relative clause 
serving to define the ἀρετή meant in 8f. ; 
equivalent in sense to ef (or ὅτε) τις 
κυβερνᾶται. Thuc. Il. 44 § 1 τὸ δ᾽ 
εὐτυχές, ol dv τῆς εὐπρεπεστάτης (ξυμφορᾶς) 
λάχωσι: VI. 14 τὸ καλῶς ἄρξαι τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι, 
ὃς ἂν τὴν πατρίδα ὠφελήσῃ ὡς πλεῖστα. 
Cp. also νι. 68 §1: Od. 24. 286. 

τὸ πὰρ χειρός, ‘his immediate task’ ; 
the act which is next to come from his 
hand. The phrase resembles τὸ πὰρ 
ποδός: Pind. P. 111. 60 (a man should 
pray for things which befit men), γνόντα τὸ 
πὰρ ποδός, οἵας εἰμὲν αἴσας, ‘aware of what 
lies in front of him, and of our mortal 
destiny.’ There, τὸ πὰρ ποδός is the 
thing to which one will come at the next 
step from where his foot now is: 1.6., 
what lies directly in front of him,— 
decay and death. Cp. also P. x. 62f. 
τυχών Kev ἁρπαλέαν σχέθοι φροντίδα τὰν 
πὰρ ποδός" | τὰ δ᾽ εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν ἀτέκμαρτον 
προνοῆσαι : ‘if he succeeds, he will seize 
with rapture on his immediate desire; 
but what a year may bring forth, no sign 
can foreshow.’ As τὸ πὰρ ποδός suits 


Pindar’s thought of men moving on their 
appointed paths, so τὸ πὰρ χειρός suits 
our poet’s thought here. Happy is he 
who is guided by a just mind in /¢hat 
which his hand finds to do at each 
successive moment. 

12—16 μάχαις is on the whole much 
more probable in v. 13 than Aaxats, the 
conjecture of Blass (2nd ed.). Hesychius 
gives λάχη (séc)- λῆξις, ἀποκλήρωσιΞ. 
(In Aesch. 7%. 914 τάφων πατρῴων λαχαί 
are their ‘ portions’ in those graves.) It 
may be granted that B. could have used 
λαχή as=Adyos. And at first sight 
Aaxais is distinctly commended by Bapv- 
πενθέσιν. Compare, however, X. 68 
paxas...\uypats. The reasons which 
weigh with me in favour of μάχαις are 
chiefly these. (1) The antithesis be- 
tween joyous music and καναχὰ...ὀκτυπος 
(15f.). With λαχαῖς, we must there read, 
as Blass does, orepvéxturos. But καναχά 
denotes some sharp sound, esp. the 
clanging of metal: //7. τό. 105 πήληξ 
βαλλομένη καναχὴν ἔχε : Soph. Ant. 130 
χρυσοῦ καναχῆς. In I. 12 B. uses 
γλυκεῖαν αὐλῶν καναχάν to describe the 
brisk, high-pitched notes of flutes. καναχὰ 
στερνόκτυπος could not well denote the 
sound made by Jdeating the breast (cp. 
Soph. Az. 631 ff. χερόπλακτοι δ᾽ | ἐν 
στέρνοισι πεσοῦνται | δοῦποι). It would 
have to mean, ‘a shrill sound (of γόοι) 


XII] 


ETMINIKO} 


359 


his, who is guided by just thoughts in each thing that his 


hand finds to do. 


The voice of the lyre, the clear strains of choral song, accord 
not with the grievous stress of battle, 


as the clash of arms has no place amidst festivity. To every epode τ. 


work of man the fitting season lends the fairest grace; and 
heaven prospers him who works aright. 

Now, in tribute to Cleoptolemus, ’tis meet to celebrate the 
sacred domain of Poseidon Petraios, and the glorious son of 
Pyrrhichus, victor in the chariot-race... 


(so K., and Blass?): λαχαῖς Blass?.—duga J. (a conjecture afterwards confirmed by 


the letters M®A in the fragment mentioned above in n. on 8 f.). 
18 EPAONTI A: corr. A*?—ép60? J. 


στερνόκτυπος Blass”. 17 καιρὸς J. 


16 χαλκόκτυπος Κ.: 


accompanied by beating of the breast’: 
this, however, would be a forced sense 
On the other hand καναχὰ χαλκόκτυπος 
(the clash of arms) is a natural phrase: 
and it is strongly confirmed by XVII. 59 
χαλκεοκτύπου μάχας. (2) In 16f. the 
poet adds that καιρός should be observed 
in every deed or work of man, ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ... 
ἔργματι. This is suitable if the anti- 
thesis to festivity is fighting; but less so, 
if it is mourning. (3) Music and choral 
song are prominently named by B. him- 
self (fr. 4. 2) among the gifts of Eipjva, 
Cp. //. 18. 490ff.,—the city at peace, 
with its festal music of αὐλοί and φόρμιγ- 
yes, contrasted with the city at war. 

λιγυκλαγγεῖς (only here): cp. IX. 10 
λιγύφθογγον. λιγύς is notably frequent 
as an epithet of the Muse, the lyre, or 
song (e.g. Od. 24. 62, Terpander fr. 6, 
Alcman fr. 1, Stesichorus fr. 44, Pind. 
O. IX. 47, etc.). 

17 καιρός: from Theognis 401 μηδὲν 
ἄγαν σπεύδειν" καιρὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν dpioros | 
ἔργμασιν ἀνθρώπων : cp. also Hes. Of. 
694 καιρὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἄριστος : Pind. O. 
ΧΠΙ. 47f. ἕπεται δ᾽ ἐν ἑκάστῳ | μέτρον" 
νοῆσαι δὲ καιρὸς ἄριστος (‘a just measure 
goes with every deed; and to discern it 
is the highest opportuneness’). 

18 εὖ ἔρδοντα : suggested by ἔργματι. 
Each deed should be done in season; 
and if a man does it aright, the god, too, 
prospers him. Cp, Eur. fr. 432. 2 τῷ 
γὰρ πονοῦντι καὶ θεὸς συλλαμβάνει. There 
is an allusion to success in the games (cp. 
ul. 94 πράξαντι δ᾽ εὖ), which smooths 
the transition from the prefatory moraliz- 
ing to the proper subject of the ode. 

19—21 χάριν: the poetical tribute. 


The acc. is in apposition with the sen- 
tence (χρὴ... τέμενος κελαδῆσαι). An 
exact parallel is afforded by Pind. O. xt. 
78 ff. (484 B.C.) kal νυν ἐπωνυμίαν χάριν! 
νίκας ἀγερώχου κελαδησόμεθα | βροντὰν 
καὶ πυρπάλαμον βέλος εἴς. : where χάριν 
has a like sense, and is similarly in ap- 
position with the sentence.—viv, as so 
often, when B. passes from proem to 
theme: IX. g-n. 

Πετραίου : schol. Pind. P. Iv. 138 
(where Pelias, king of Iolcus, is addressed 
by Jason as παῖ Ποσειδᾶνος Πετραίου), 
Πετραῖος τιμᾶται Ποσειδὼν παρὰ Θετταλοῖς, 
ὅτι διατεμὼν τὰ ὄρη τὰ Θετταλικά, λέγω 
δὴ τὰ Τέμπη, πεποίηκε δι᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιτρέχειν 
τὸν ποταμὸν Πηνειόν, πρότερον διὰ μέσης 
τῆς πόλεως (sic) ῥέοντα καὶ πολλὰ τῶν 
χωρίων διαφθείροντα. Her. Vil. 129 gives 
the legend, without mentioning the cult. . 
Cp. schol. Ap. Rhod. 3. 1244 (on πέτρην 
θ᾽ Aipoviny): τὴν Θεσσαλίαν Πέτραν" 
χωρίον δέ ἐστιν ἐν ᾧ Ποσειδῶνος ἄγεται 
ἀγών. It is only a conjecture that the 
scene of the Ilerpata was somewhere 
near Tempe. 

22 f. ᾿ΟΘΘΡΉΚΗ probably the victor’s 
father. Cleoptolemus has been named 
in 19 as the recipient of the poetical 
offering. But there is no unfitness in 
this second reference to him as victor. 
Blass’s supplement ἱππόνικον υἱόν may 
therefore be accepted. In v. 23 ὃς refers 
to υἱόν, i.e. Cleoptolemus, and the two 
epithets refer to his father Pyrrhichus. 
Verse 24 may have been, as Herwerden 
suggests, πατρὸς mepuxds.—Jurenka, sup- 
posing Pyrrhichus to be the charioteer, 
supplies ἱππόν[ωμον ὁρμάν] : but see on 
Vv. 43 


360 BAKXYAIAOY ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 


στρ. β΄. 


[XII 


rds φιλοξείνου τε καὶ ὀρθοδ[ ίκου 


[The last six verses of στρ. β΄, the whole of ἀντ. β΄, and the first three 
verses of ἐπ. β΄, are lost.] 


ἐπ. β΄. 4° 4 


πὺ - εἰῤώδεα Θεσσαζλ - - 


s¥ π᾿ υυ] ἐν γυάλοις: 


6 -- 


- - Πα ντέλης κί - - - 


, -υυυυ -Ἰδὼν 


[The rest of the ode is lost.] 


23 This verse, the first of the second strophe, is the last in column XXIXx. 


After this 


at least one whole column has been lost, as ode XIV begins at the top of the next 


column which has been preserved. 


indicates, to verses 4—7 of an epode (probably the second). 


40—43 These words belonged, as metre 


They are supplied by 


a small fragment (no. 11) which K. placed here. 


40—43 Metre indicates that these 
vestiges belonged to verses 4—7 of an 
epode. εὐώδεα was probably the epithet 
of Poseidon’s temple or altar (cp. Pind. 
O. VII. 32 εὐώδεος ἐξ ἀδύτοιο : Eur. 7770. 
1061 f. θυόεντα βωμόν). γνάλοις must 
denote the valley in which the chariot- 
race was held. Thus (¢.g.): βωμὸν ἀμφ᾽] 
εὐώδεα Θεσσαλ[ίας εὐδαίμονος) ἐν γυάλοις, 
if in v. rg there was synizesis in Κλεοπτο- 
λέμῳ : if there was not, the epithet of 
Θεσσαλίας might be ἱπποκυδέος, or Άἱπ- 
πομήτιδος (Pind. 7. VI. 9).—The letters 


ντέλης belonged, as the accent in the Ms. 
shows, to a proper name, doubtless Ilav- 
τέλη. (The names Παντέλειος and 
Παντέλεος are extant.) This was pre- 
sumably the charioteer. The x might 
suggest xuBépva|cev or κυβερνήτας : see 
V. 47-—We might conjecture that the 
poet, having no myth available which 
would suit his Thessalian theme, had 
recourse to description of the chariot-race 
itself, such as Simonides is known to 
have used in some epinikia. 


eunttee wed τῶ as 


Hera Ἐ: Sages gi: his rik a 
any 


Col. 30 στρ. a’. 


362 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XIV 


AlOYPAMBOI 


XIV. 


[XV.] 


AN]THNOPIAAI 


H EAENHJC ATTAITHCIC 


Nv 


aon » ὦ 


x ᾿Αντήνορος ἀντιθέου 

σύζυξ θεμερῶ πις, ᾿Αθάνας πρόσπολος, 
ὥϊξεν ἁγνὸν Π͵αλλάδος ὀρσιμάχου 
ναὸν θύρας τε χ)ρυσέας 

ἀγγέλοις δισσοῖσιΪν ᾽Α 
Aaprudda Μενελ]άῳ 7 ᾿Ατρεΐδᾳ βασιλεῖ 


ργείων ᾽᾿Οδυσσεῖ 


γπὼ - - - βαθύ]ζωνος Θεανὼ 


ἀντ. «. τ- - σὺ -ο υ͵Ἱὸν 


2¥—-VY-UY -] προσήνεπεν 
U 


10 34% -υὑ - - -ὺὔὺ ἐΪ]ὐκτιμέναν 
4- - Ve KH KV -- 
5-U-- πῦ - -Ἴδὼν τυχόντες 
ὁ-πυυ-υυὐ- ππυὺυ -] σὺν θεοῖς 
U 


᾽ - 


---V--—-v-—|ous 


[ἐπ. a’, and the first v. of στρ. β΄, are lost.] 


HIV. ᾿Αν]τηνορίδαι [ἢ Ἑλένη]ς ἀπαίτησις. The title was written by A, not, as 
usual, in the left margin, but at the top of the column, since this ode, the first of the 
extant Διθύραμβοι, began a new volume or a new section. See Introduction to the 
Ode. 1 ᾿Αντήνορος is certain, agreeing with such vestiges as remain before ἀντιθέου. 
2 The letters before C AGANAC were almost certainly III: the epithet must then 
have ended in -Gms. Blass further thinks that ENQI (or EPQI?) preceded IT: but 
this is wholly uncertain: he supplies δάμαρ τερενῶπις. The first syll. of the v., however, 


xIV. 1—9 £With regard to the 
embassy of Odysseus and Menelaus to 
Troy, and the treatment of the subject 
by Bacchylides, see the Introduction to 
this Ode. The poem begins somewhat 
abruptly. Theano, wife of the Trojan 
Antenor and priestess of Athena, is with 
the two envoys at the temple of the 
goddess on the acropolis of Troy. So 
much is clear from the remains of 


vv. 1—5. Probably she has taken them 
thither in order that they may sup- 
plicate Athena to prosper their mission. 
Their hospitable reception at the house 
of Antenor is presupposed. The traces 
in verses 2—4 favour some such con- 
jecture as that of Crusius (see cr. n.): 
she opened the temple of Pallas, with 
its golden doors, to the Greek envoys. 
No point occurs in the Ms. before that 


XIV] AIOY PAMBO! 


363 


DITHYRAMBS. 


XIV. [XV.] 


THE SONS OF ANTENOR 


OR THE DEMAND FOR THE RESTITUTION OF HELEN. 


God-like Antenor’s [wife of grave mien], priestess of Athena, str. τ. 
deep-girdled Theano, [opened the holy temple] of battle-rousing 
Pallas with its golden doors [to the two envoys] of the Greeks, 
Odysseus, son of Laertes, and Menelaus, the prince sprung from 


Atreus... 
* * * * * * 


is long in 44 and 51. I suggest σύξυξ θεμερῶπις. 3 ΣΦ. Crusius supplies ὥϊξξεν ἁγνὸν] 
Παλλάδος ὀρσιμάχου [ναὸν πύλας τε χ]ρυσέας : perhaps θύρας would be better; 71. 6. 207 f. 
αἱ δ᾽ ὅτε νηὸν ἵκανον ᾿Αθήνης ἐν πόλει ἄκρῃ, Prat θύρας ὥιξε Θεανὼ καλλιπάρῃος κιτ.λ. 
5 ἀγγέλοις ἵκουσιν Crusius : -- --- πρέσβεσσιν Blass. 6 Λαρτιάδᾳ Μενελ]άῳ Crusius, 
Nairn, Wilamowitz.—1’ added above line by A*. 7 βαθύζωνος K. 12 The 
letter before QN seems to have been A or Δ. [παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων τυχόντες ?>—TYXONTAC 
A: corr. A’. 18 σὺν θεοῖς] These words answer to -ᾳ βασιλεῖ in 6, θελξιεπεῖ 
in 48, and -ἂς Θέμιτος in 55. Probably ye, τε, or δέ has dropped out after σύν. 
14 After this verse all the rest of column xxx is lost. Column xxx! begins with 
v. 37 (ἄγον κ. τ. λ.), the second v. of epode f’. The number of verses lost is 


therefore 22 (15—36). 


which follows προσήνεπεν in v. 9. 
There was certainly no break in the first 
sentence before βασιλεῖ in v. 6, and 
perhaps none before Θεανώ in v. 7. 
But, whether she or Odysseus was subject 
to προσήνεπεν, a new sentence or clause 
must have begun in the lost part of v. 8 
or of v. 9. 

2 ᾿Αθάνας πρόσπολος: //. 6. 297 ff. 
at δ᾽ ὅτε νηὸν ἵκανον ᾿Αθήνης ἐν πόλει 
ἄκρῃ, | τῇσι θύρας ὥὦϊξε Θεανὼ καλλιπά- 
ρῃος, | Κισσηΐς, ἄλοχος ᾿Αντήνορος ἱπποδά- 
pow: | τὴν γὰρ Τρῶες ἔθηκαν ᾿Αθηναίης 
ἱέρειαν. Her father Κισσῆς, a Thracian 
prince,—to be distinguished from He- 
cuba’s father Κισσεύς (Eur. Hec. 3),—is 
mentioned in //. 11. 223.—The epithet 
ended in -ὥπις (see cr. n.). θεμερῶπις, 
‘of grave mien’ (epithet of αἰδώς in 
Aesch. P.V. 134), would be not unfitting 
for the priestess.—Blass (2nd ed.) gives 
τερενῶπις (not extant). 

5 Possibly ἀγγέλοις δισσοῖσιν : cp. 71. 
II. 140 ἀγγελίην (of this embassy).— 


[πρέσβεσσιν Blass: there is, however, no 
instance in classical poetry of πρέσβεις 
as= ‘ambassadors.’ In Aesch. Suppl. 
727, where πρέσβη is commonly read, 
πρέσβυς could mean only senex.] 

9 προσήνεπεν, impf., a form given by 
Mss. in Pind. 2. IV. 97 and Ix. 29, where 
some edd. read mpocévvere.—Was the 
subject to this verb Theano or Odysseus? 
It might seem fitting that she, as priestess 
of the temple, should speak here. In any 
case, a speech by Odysseus presumably 
occurred before v. 37. A fragment, not 
unsuitable to a speech by him, is con- 
jecturally placed in vv. 30 and 31 (n.). 
If that conjecture be right, several lines 
before v. 30 must also have been spoken 
by him. Supposing, then, that a speech 
by Theano began at v. 10, it cannot 
have been long. τυχόντες in 12 may have 
referred (whoever was the speaker) to 
the ‘obtaining’ of satisfactory terms by 
the Greek envoys. 


364 
στρ. β΄. 


- — WY .--ὧὐὁο .. 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XIV 


23 2—- — οὖ — μεσονύΪκτιος κέαρ 
[The last five vv. of orp. β΄, and the first v. of ἀντ. β΄, are lost.] 


—_ —- WwW -—- Ww - 


dvr. β΄. 


30 «ἡ --ὐὺὖὺ «οὐ yap ὑπόκλοπον φορεῖ 


3 βροτοῖσι φωνάεντα 


λόγον σοφία.» 


[The last four vv. of ἀντ. β΄, and the first v. of ἐπ. β΄, are lost.] 


éer.B'.36 -—--Y---Ww-w- 
Col.31 - ἄγον, πατὴρ δ᾽ εὔβουλος ἥρως 
3 πάντα σάμαινεν Πριάμῳ βασιλεῖ 
4 παίδεσσί τε μῦθον ᾿Αχαιῶν. 
49 ς ἔνθα κάρυκες δι᾿ εὐ- 
6 ρεῖαν πόλιν ὀρνύμενοι 
7 Τρώων ἀόλλιζον φάλαγγας 
στρ. γ. + δεξίστρατον εἰς ἀγοράν. 
ς παντᾷ δὲ διέδραμεν αὐδάεις λόγος: 
45 3 θεοῖς δ᾽ ἀνίσχοντες χέρας ἀθανάτοις 


4 εὔχοντο παύσασθαι δυᾶν. 
5 Μοῦσα, τίς πρῶτος λόγων ἄρχεν δικαίων; 
6 Πλεισθενίδας Μενέλαος γάρυϊ θελξιεπεῖ 


23 μεσονύ]κτιος κέαρ is ἔτ. 9 K., conjecturally placed here by Blass ; 
says) the colour is darker than that seen in the extant part of col. xxx. 
tint is found, however, in parts of col. XxxI. 


though (as he 
A similar 
These two words ended v. 2 of 


a strophe, as is shown by the large vacant space above them (the last three verses of 


an epode, as well as the first of a strophe, being short). 


30 f. On the suggestion 


of G. F. Hill, Blass places here fr. 35 (Bergk), preserved by Clem. Alex. Paedag. 111. 


23 pecovixtios κέαρ. If (which is 
doubtful) the words belonged to this 
place, Odysseus may have been con- 
trasting the bliss of peace with ‘the 
midnight fear’ which torments the heart 
in war-time. Cp. what the poet. says 
of peace in fr. 3. 10: οὐδὲ συλᾶται μελί- 
ῴρων | ὕπνος ἀπὸ βλεφάρων. 

90 f. οὐ γὰρ ὑπόκλοπον. Metre is 
the only definite ground for placing these 
words here. Clement quotes them in 
his Paedagogus, as in his Stromateis he 
quotes vv. 50—56 (cr. n.). The fact 
that this ode was familiar to him may 
be viewed as slightly strengthening the 
conjecture based on the metre. On the 
other hand, verses of this measure may 
have occurred in more than one of the 


poet’s odes. It seemed best, on the 
whole, to print the words here, with 
a due indication of the doubt. If they 
were spoken by Odysseus, what was the 
context? Possibly he was deprecating 
the suspicion that his plea for a peaceful 
settlement veiled some insidious design : 
σοφία would then be the art of the 
orator. That word might, however, 
suggest rather the art of the poet, as 
though B. were saying that there is 
nothing ‘furtive’ in the ‘clear utterance’ 
of poetry. (Contrast Pind. O. 11. οἵ ff. 
φωνάεντα συνετοῖσιν᾽" és δὲ τὸ πὰν ἑρμηνέων 
χατίζει.) 

37 ff. ἄγον: (the sons of Antenor) 
proceeded to conduct Odysseus and 
Menelaus to the Trojan agora. Mean- 


XIv] AIOYPAMBOI 


365 

[ Verses 30f. ?...for no guile lurks in the clear utterance that ant. 2. 
wisdom brings to mortals. ] 

* * * * * * 

[The sons of Antenor] then led [the envoys to the market- epode 2. 
place of Troy]; while their father, the sage hero, went to declare 
all the word of the Achaeans to king Priam and his sons. 

Thereupon heralds, hastening through the wide city, began 
to gather the array of Trojans 


into the marketplace where warriors muster. Everywhere the str. 3. 
loud rumour ran abroad; and men lifted up their hands to the 
immortal gods, praying for rest from their woes. 

Say, Muse, who was the first to plead the righteous cause? 
Menelaus son of Pleisthenes spake with winning voice, 


310, οὐ yap ὑπόκλοπον φορεῖ | βροτοῖσι φωνάεντα λόγον copia: but he writes βροτοῖς δὲ 
instead of βροτοῖσι. As metre shows (cp. 44 f.), these words formed ν. 2 (latter part) 
and v. 3 of a strophe or antistr.; so, if fr. g is rightly referred to str. β΄, they belonged 
to antistr. β΄. . 38 σάμαινεν] σάμανεν Blass. Cp. XVI. 51. 47 λόγων ἦρχεν 
K., with Purser: APXEN AOTQN ms.—The ὑποστιγμή after AIKAIQN is abnormally 


placed on a level with the bottom of the letters. 


(Cp. Vill. 83 cr. n.) 


while their father (εὔβουλος ἥρως, as 
in //. 3. 148 πεπνυμένος) ‘went to lay’ 
(imperf.) ‘all the word of the Achaeans 
before Priam,’ and to obtain his sanction 
for the calling of the assembly. There- 
upon (ἔνθα, v. 40) the heralds went 
forth to convoke it. (I can see no need 
for changing the odpatvey of the Ms. 
to σάμανεν, with Blass.) 

Somewhere, then, in the course of the 
lost verses the sons of Antenor came 
on the scene. Antenor himself (we may 
suppose) had previously learned the wishes 
of the envoys: there is nothing to show 
that he is imagined as present here. 

According to the schol. on //. 24. 
496, B. represented Theano as having 
borne fifty sons to Antenor (only ten are 
named in the //iad). This mention may 
have occurred in the verses lost between 
31 and 37. Was his choice of that 
surprising number connected with the 
requirements of a κύκλιος χορός, which 
consisted of fifty members (Simon. fr. 
147, 476 B.c.)? The Antenoridae, as 
such a chorus, may have formed a 
spectacular element in the production 
of this dithyramb. 

42f. γγας: a term applied in 
the J/iad only to the ‘ranks’ of men 
drawn up in battle array, or engaged 
in fighting. But the poet may have had 
in mind the phrase describing how the 


Achaeans ‘marched forth by companies 
to the place of assembly,’ ἐστιχόωντο | 
ἰλαδὸν εἰς ἀγορήν (7). 2. 92).---δεξίστρατον 
only here: cp. δεξίδωρος, δεξίθεος, δεξί- 
μῆλος, δεξίπυρος.---εἰς (instead of és) is 
extant in B. only here and in εἰσάνταν 
(ν. 110). 

44f. αὐδάεις, ‘loud’: Aesch. Zum. 
380 αὐδᾶται φάτις.--ἀνίσχοντες χέρας : 
Ill. 36 π. 

46 παύσασθαι δυᾶν. Weil observes 
that B. seems here to conceive the 


embassy as occurring in the middle .- 


of the war, and not before its com- 
mencement. Rather, I think, he is 
following the Κύπρια, which must have 
been his chief authority. According to 
the summary of that epic given by Proclus 
in his Χρηστομάθεια, two battles between 
Greeks and Trojans occurred soon after 
the landing of the invaders, and de/ore 
the embassy. In the first encounter the 
Trojans were victorious; in the second, 
they were defeated. 

47 Μοῦσα, τίς mparos...; in the 
epic style (//. ε. 8 etc.). Pind. P. Iv. 70 
τίς yap ἀρχὰ δέξατο ναυτιλίας ; —Adyev... 
δικαίων, ‘righteous pleas’ for the restora- 
tion of Helen.—The ms. places ἄρχεν 
before λόγων: cp. IX. 19D. 

48 ID\ac@evidas. According to a 
post-Homeric genealogy of the Pelopidae, 
the father of Agamemnon and Menelaus 


366 BAKXYAIAOY [XIV 
7 φθέγξατ᾽, εὐπέπλοισι κοινώσας Xapicow’* 
ἀντ.γ΄. 59 I ὧὦ Τρῶες ἀρηΐφιλοι, 


3 Ζεὺς ὑψιμέδων, ὃς ἅπαντα δέρκεται, 

οὐκ αἴτιος θνατοῖς μεγάλων ἀχέων, 

ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται κιχεῖν 

πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν, ἁγνᾶς 
Εὐνομίας ἀκόλουθον καὶ πινυτᾶς Θέμιτος" 
7 ὀλβίων παῖδές νιν αἱρεῦνται σύνοικον. 


ao w ~ Ww 


55 


‘ Ἂ ε 3 27 , es} ΄ 
ἐπ. γ. τἃἁ δ᾽ αἰόλοις κέρδεσσι καὶ ἀφροσύναις 
> ’ ’ὔ > > ἈΝ 
2 earrtous θάλλουσ᾽ ἀθαμβὴς 
9: TBpis, ἃ πλ[οῦτον] δύναμίν τε θοῶς 
60 4 ἀλλότριον ὦπασεν, αὖτις 
5 δ᾽ ἐς βαθὺν πέμπει φθόρον, 
6 κείνα καὶ ὑπερφιάλους 
γ Γᾶς παῖδας ὠὦλεσσεν Τίγαντας. 
50--56 These seven verses are quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 731, without the 
poet’s name (ὁ λυρικός φησι). Sylburg and Boeckh rightly gave them to B., though 
for a wrong reason, viz. because B. had made Cassandra predict the fall of Troy 


(Porphyrion on Hor. C. 1. 15, and schol. Statius 7%. VII. 330): Bergk* fr. 29. 
Clement supplies the defects of our MS. in 51—53. 54 Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν] 


ΔΙΚΑΛΗΘΗΑΝ (AH instead of NI) A: A’ wrote NI above, and altered the second 


was not Atreus, but his son Pleisthenes. 
This occurs first in Stesichorus fr. 42, 
where Agamemnon is βασιλεὺς Πλεισ- 
Gevidas. Aesch. Agam. 1602 πᾶν τὸ 
Πλεισθένους γένος: td. 1569 δαίμονι τῷ 
Πλεισθενιδᾶν. 

In θελξιεπεῖ the second part of the 
compound denotes the θέλκτρον (and not, 
as in @edélvoos, the object): cp. Apigr. 
Gr. 1053 θελξιμελὴς.. φόρμμγξ. 

49 κοινώσας Χάρισσιν, having taken 
counsel of the Graces, z.e. happily in- 
spired by them. The object of κοινώσας 
is left to be understood from the context : 
it is φθέγματα, λόγον, or the like, suggested 
by φθέγξατο. (Jurenka, less well, supplies 
γᾶρυν.) In Pind. 20. Iv. 115 the object 
is expressed, νυκτὲ κοινάσαντες ὁδόν (‘when 
Night alone knew the secret of their 
way’). The use of the middle voice, 
however, illustrates the ellipse here. The 
full phrase is κοινοῦσθαί τινί τι, ‘to con- 
sult one about a thing’ (Xen. ZH, vil. 1. 27 
τῷ μὲν θεῷ οὐδὲν ἐκοινώσαντο, .. αὐτοὶ δὲ 
ἐβουλεύοντο) : but κοινοῦσθαί τινι (without 
an acc.) also occurs (Xen. Ax. ν. 6. 27). 
—The Charites gave eloquence no less 


than song; thus an epigram (Ath. VII. 
416) describes a poet who was also an 
orator as τὸν σὺν "Ἔρωτι | καὶ Μούσαις 
κεράσαντ᾽ ἡδυλόγους Χάριτας. 

50—56 Clement’s citation of these 
verses (cr. n.) is introduced by the words, 
κακῶν yap ὁ θεὸς οὔποτε αἴτιος. 

52 οὐκ αἴτιος : cp. the words of Zeus 
to the gods (Od. τ. 32), ὦ πόποι, οἷον δή 
νυ θεοὺς βροτοὶ αἰτιόωνται" | ἐξ ἡμέων γάρ 
φασι κάκ᾽ ἔμμεναι" οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ | σφῇσιν 
ἀτασθαλίῃσιν ὑπὲρ μόρον ἄλγε᾽ ἔχουσιν. 
Eur. fr. 254 πόλλ᾽, ὦ τέκνον, σφάλλουσιν 
ἀνθρώπους θεοί.---τὸ ῥᾷστον εἶπας, αἰτιά- 
σασθαι θεούς. 

53—55 ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται, it is ‘open to 
all men,’—like a prize proposed in a 
competition for which all may enter. 
Dem. or. 4 ὃ 5 ἦθλα τοῦ πολέμου κείμενα 
ἐν μέσῳ: Cp. the fragment in Clem. 
Alex. Strom. 5. 654 (Bergk* adesp. 86 B), 
οὐ γὰρ ἐν μέσοισι κεῖται | δῶρα δυσμάχητα 
Μοισᾶν | τὠπιτυχόντι φέρειν. --- κιχεῖν, 
‘reach,’ ‘attain to,’as toa goal. Hesiod 
(Op. 289 ff.) and Simonides (fr. 58) place 
᾿Αρετή on a height which men must climb 
with toil,—Atxayv ietay ‘straightforward τ 


a 
ΘΝ εξ 
i 


XIV] AIOYPAMBOI 


367 
counselled of the fair-robed Graces: 


‘Warriors of Troy, Zeus, who rules on high and beholds all ant. 3. 
things, is not the author of grievous woes for mortals. No, 
open before all men is the path that leads to unswerving Justice, 
attendant of holy Eunomia and prudent Themis: happy the 
land whose sons take her to dwell with them. 


‘But Insolence,—the spirit, void of reverence, who luxuriates epode 3. 
in shifty wiles and illicit follies—who swiftly gives a man his 
neighbour's wealth and power, but anon plunges him into a 
gulf of ruin,—she it was who destroyed the Giants, overweening 
sons of Earth...’ 


H to ΕἸ.---Δέκαν ὁσίαν Clem.—ayvas] ἁγνὰν Clem. : corrected conjecturally by Bergk. 
55 ἀκόλουθον omitted by A: added above line by A*.—@éucros] Θέμιδος Clem. : corr. 


Bergk. 
σύνοικον] CTNAIKON A: corr. 43, 


Palmer. 
XII. 131 (Mar. 1898).—o¢’ conj. Platt. 


56 viv] ὦ vw Clem.: ὦ deleted by Neue.—aipeiyra:] εὑρόντες Clem. — 
57 κέρδεσσι Blass: ψεύδεσσι K. (Palmer): 
the traces before AECCI seem to suit the former best. 


59 aJ.: ἁ Κι.---πλοῦτον 


61 δ᾽] The slight traces before EC suit A’, as I noted in Class. Rev. 


63 ὥλεσσεν K.: QAECEN Ms. 


Justice (v. 6 εὐθύδικος) : contrast Hes. 
Op. 219 σκολιῇσι δίκῃσι. Justice is “ at- 
tendant on holy Eunomia and prudent 
Themis’: 2.6. justice as between men is 
secured by good laws administered in 
a righteous spirit. δΔέκη guards the rela- 
tive rights derived from a principle of 
Right, Θέμις. Hence Themis was called 
the mother of Eunomia and Dike: see 
n. on XII. 182—186. 

56 ὀλβίων παῖδες : /7. 6. 127 δυστή- 
νων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ μένει ἀντιόωσιν. --- 
σύνοικον : Soph. Azz. 451 οὐδ᾽ ἡ σύνοικος 
τῶν κάτω θεῶν Δίκη. Smyth refers to 
Ariphron (of Sicyon, c. 410 B.C.?), fr. 
of a paean to Ὑγίεια (Bergk* 111. p. 596), 
σὺ δέ μοι πρόφρων σύνοικος εἴης. 

57—63 In ν. 59 we should read ἃ 
πλοῦτον, not ἃ. Two views of the con- 
struction are possible: I prefer the first. 
(1) Place a comma only after φθόρον, 
when κείνα will serve merely to resume 
the subject Ὕβρις : ‘ Insolence, ...who 
enriches and then ruins men,—she too 
it was who destroyed the Giants.’ (2) A 
colon or full stop — stand after 
φθόρον. The δ᾽ after αὖτις would then 
bring in the apodosis. ‘ Insolence,... 
who enriches men,...then presently (αὖτις 
δὲ) ruins them. She too it was,’ etc. 
For this use of δέ, cp. 71. 5. 438 GAN 
ὅτε δὴ τὸ τέταρτον ἐπέσσυτο δαίμονι ἴσος, | 
δεινὰ δ᾽ ὁμοκλήσας προσέφη ἑκάεργος 
᾽᾿Απόλλων : and Thuc. I. 11 ὃ 1 ἐπειδὴ 
δὲ... ἐκράτησαν, φαίνονται δ᾽ κιτ.λ. 


57 £. αἰόλοις, ‘shifty’: Pind. Λ΄ vii. 
25 αἰόλῳ ψεύδει.---κέρδεσσι, ‘wiles’: 11. 
23. 709 κέρδεα εἰδώς : Pind. P. I. 912 
εὐτραπέλοις κέρδεσι.---ἐξαισίοις, exceed- 
ing αἶσα, breaking the bounds set for 
mortals : ‘illicit,’ ‘lawless’: Od. 4. 690 
ῥέξας ἐξαίσιον. In a ύναις ἑξαισίοις 
there is a reference to Paris, led by his 
mad passion to sin against Zeus Xenios. 
--αἀθαμβής, devoid_of awe, reverencing 
nothing: cp. ἀναιδής. Ibycus fr. 1 ("Epws) 
ἄσσων παρὰ Κύπριδος ἀζαλέαις μανίαισιν 
ἐρεμνὸς ἀθαμβής. Phrynichus fr. 2 σῶμα 
δ᾽ ἀθαμβὲς γυιοδόνητον. Plut. Lyc. 16 
βρέφη . . ἀθαμβῆ σκότου (‘unawed by’). 

61 δ᾽ és: for δέ as first word of 
the verse, cp. XVI. 13, Pind. P. Iv. 
180. 

62 ΣΦ. ὑπερφιάλους : here in the bad 
sense, ‘ overweening’: see on X. 78. Tas 
παῖδας... Γίγαντας. The Γίγαντες, who 
are unknown to the //ad, appear in the 
Odyssey as a ‘haughty’ race (ὑπερθύμοισι), 
ruled by Eurymedon (an ancestor of the 
Phaeacian king Alcinous): ‘he destroyed 
his infatuate folk (λαὸν ἀτάσθαλον), and 
was himself destroyed’ (Od. 7. 60),— 
how, we are not told. The Odyssey 
says nothing of a Giants’ War with gods. 
Neither does the Zeogony, though it 
describes the Giants as the fierce sons of 
Gaia, τεύχεσι λαμπομένους, δολέχ᾽ ἔγχεα 
χερσὶν ἔχοντας (185 f.). Here, however, 
B. must be alluding to their war against 
the Olympians. Xenophanes refers to 


an vow 


368 BAKXYMAOY [xv 
XV. [XVI] 
[HPAKAHC] Rh Pees 
στρ. I Πυθίου [en εἶμ᾽. ἐπεὶ ΤᾺ δι 3 ν ; ) w εἰ 


2 OAK Ἰάδ᾽ ἔπεμψεν ἐμοὶ χρυσέαν 2 


3 Πιερ |tadel v év6 |povos Οὐρανία, 
4 πολυφ dre γέμουσαν ὕμνων 
5 ἐς θεόν," εἴτ᾽ ap ἐπ᾽ ἀνθεμόεντι Ἕβρῳ 


>= ΥΡη, έν » 


παν. The title [HPAKAHC] is conjecturally supplied by K. The left margin 
of the papyrus, in which it may have stood, has been torn off. The rent begins 
at XIV. 61, and extends to the bottom of the column (xv. 8), being widest in 


Xv. 4—8. 


1 The letter before OT is either I, or a letter ending with an upright 


stroke, such as N. The space before OT would not suffice for more than 4 letters, 


even if one of them was thin. 


The space between ov and ἐπεὶ corresponds to 4 letters 


(AACQ) in the line above (Χιν. 63), and again to 4 (EIIEM) in v. 2: but there would 


be room for 5, if one or more were thin (as B, I). 
the third, which Blass makes Ὁ, a (as 


out: the second may have Leen II or I: 


Kenyon agrees) equally well be E. Hence Πυθίου & ἄγ᾽ οἵμ᾽ (Blass), or ἔπ᾽ εἶμ᾽ 
But Λαός μου ἄκον᾽ (Crusius) requires too much space before ov: 


possible. 


The first letter after OT is torn 


), is 
while πᾶς 


this, fr. 1. 21 μάχας διέπειν Τιτήνων οὐδὲ 
Γιγάντων : but the earliest source for a 
definite myth is Pindar J. 1. 67 f. ὅτάν 
θεοὶ ἐν πεδίῳ Φλέγρας Γιγάντεσσιν μάχαν | 
ἀντιάζωσιν : Heracles fought on the gods’ 
side. This Phlegra was identified with 
the isthmus of Pallene (Her. vil. 123). 
The ΤΓιγαντομαχία was a sequel to the 
Tiravouaxla: Earth brought forth the 
Giants to avenge the Titans (Claudian 
Gigantom. 2 Titanum...crebros miserata 
dolores). Zeus was Γιγαντολέτωρ (Lucian 
Timon 4), and Athena Τιγαντολέτειρα 
(Suidas s.v.). The Giant-saga was a 
product of local folk-lore rather than a 
poetic creation, being associated with 
places where volcanic forces were or had 
been active: eruptions and earthquakes 
were ascribed to δαίμονες imprisoned 
under ground. The Ivyavrouaxia often 
supplied motives to vase-painting and to 
sculpture, as on the pediment of the 
Megarian thesaurus at Olympia (Paus. 6. 
19. 3), the metopes of Selinus, and the 
metopes of the Parthenon. 

The ancients took γίγας as = ‘earth- 
born’ (Ztym. M., Eustath. on 71. 4. 159, 
Ρ- 1490. 19) ; a derivation which Lobeck 
sought to support by assuming yis ἃ5 Ξε γῆ. 
G. Curtius (I. p. 204) refers the word to rt 
γα (ye-ya-ws), yt-ya(v7)-s: and Schwenck 
(ap. Roscher p. 1653) regards γι as a re- 


duplication. The primary sense might 
then be merely, ‘of mighty growth’; as 
Hesych. explains γίγας by μέγας, ἰσχυρός, 
ὑπερφυής. At any rate no awkward tau- 
tology was felt in such a phrase as Tas 
παῖδες Viyayres, or γηγενὴς | στρατὸς 
Γιγάντων (Soph. 77. 1058 f.). 


νυ. 1—12 On the text of this 
passage see Appendix. 
1—4 [Πυθίου ἔπ᾽ εἶμ᾽. At Delphi 


during the three winter months, when 
Apollo was supposed to be absent, the 
cult of Dionysus was in the foreground, 
and dithyrambs took the place of paeans 
(Plut. περὶ rod E τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς, ς, 9). 
This ode seems to be ἃ dithyramb written 
for performance at Delphi, probably to- 
wards the end of winter. The πολύφατοι 
ὕμνοι which Urania has sent to the poet 
must be such as suited the Pythian cult. 
There is perhaps a special reference to 
hymns of the kind called κλητικοί, by 
which Apollo would be invited to return 
from the north to Delphi. Menander 
of Laodicea (c. 200 A.D. ὃ), in his Περὲ 
ἐπιδεικτικῶν c. 2 (Walz Rhet. 1X. p. 132), 
mentions Bacchylides as a writer of the 
kindred class called ἀποπεμπτικοί, hymns 
by which a god was sped on his journey. 
Thus the poet says, in effect :—‘I will 
repair to Apollo’s temple, for the Muse 


xv] AIOYPAMBOI 


369 


XV. [XVI.] 
HERACLES. 


I will go towards the temple of Pytho’s lord, since fair- str. 
throned Urania has sent me from Pieria a golden argosy 
freighted with songs of fame [concerning the god],—whether, 
on the flowery banks of Hebrus, 


μου τις ἄκον᾽ (Jurenka) inserts too much between ov and ἐπεί. 2 ὁλκάδ᾽ Sandys. 
8 Πιερίαθεν Blass: é0@povos J. (C/ass. R. ΧΙ. 132), and now Blass (who first proposed 
ἐπὶ dpévas). 4 The space before -άτων suffices for 5 letters. πολυφάτων K.: see 
comment. 5—8 For the conjectural supplements see Appendix. 5 At 
a distance of about six letters from the beginning of the verse, E is clear. The letter 
before it was probably N. The right-hand vertical stroke is traceable; also a spot of 
ink in a position which would correspond with the middle of the cross-stroke. A space 
of about 6 letters separates this E from ἀνθεμόεντι "EBpoft. The letters after E seem 
to have been IT (or IT). The next (4?) letters are uncertain. Blass gives εἴτ᾽ ἄρ᾽ 
ἐπ᾽, and there is nothing in the traces which excludes this.—Between ἀνθεμόεντι and 


Ἕβρωι Blass inserts που. 


has given me themes meet for this season 
at Delphi.’ Cp. fr. 11 (οὐχ ἕδρας κ.τ.λ.), 
the beginning of a ὑπόρχημα: ‘’Tis no 
time for sitting still or tarryihg; we must 
go to the rich temple of Itonia with 
golden aegis, and show forth some choice 
strain.’—IIv@iov, neut.: ἐπί with gen., 
‘towards’ (Her. Iv. 14 ἰόντι ἐπὶ Κυΐξ- 
κου). 

2 ὁλκάδ᾽. Poets not seldom compare 
themselves to voyagers (Pind. P. 11. 62, 
Verg. G. Iv. 116 ff., etc.) ; and Pindar says 
of an ode, τόδε μὲν κατὰ Φοίνισσαν ἐμπο- 
Adv | μέλος ὑπὲρ πολιᾶς ἁλὸς πέμπεται (P. 
1. 67). But the image used here,—that 
of an argosy sent by the Muse,—is novel. 
The word ὁλκάς is used by Pindar with 
reference to his song, but in a wholly 
different context: his work is not fixed 
in one place, like a statue, but is to 
go forth from Aegina ἐπὶ πάσας ὁλκάδος 
ἔν 7 ἀκάτῳ, ‘on every ship of burden 
and in every boat.’ ὁλκάς there is not 
figurative but literal— xpvoéav with v, 
as in Ix..6. 

8. Πιερίαθεν] Pieria, a narrow district 
in the s.w. corner of Macedonia on the 
w. coast of the Thermaic Gulf, between 
the Peneius and the Haliacmon. It was 
the cradle of a primitive poetry linked 
with a cult of the Muses (‘Pierides’), 
and was the legendary birthplace of 
Orpheus.—Ovpavia: see v. 176 n. 

4 πολυφάτων seems probable (Pind. 
O. τ. 8 ὁ πολύφατος ὕμνος : LV. VII. 81 


8: 


πολύφατον θρόον ὕμνων). After Οὐρανία, 
a word beginning with a consonant is 
wanted, since in the corresponding vv., 
15 and 16, the division of φῶθ᾽ between 
the two verses shows synaphea. 

δ About six letters, of which the last ~ 
was probably N, formed the dactyl lost 
before εἴτ᾽. I suggest és θεόν, to go with 
ὕμνων, hymns ‘relating to the god.’ Such 
would be (4...) ὕμνοι κλητικοί, praying 
him to return (see on 1—4). A reference 
to Apollo is not indispensable here, since 
the subject to ἀγάλλεται in v. 6 might be 
Πύθιος, supplied from Πυθίου (v. 1); but 
it is desirable. 

εἴτ᾽, followed by ἢ, as in Eur. 7. 7. 
272f. εἴτ᾽ οὖν ἐπ᾿ ἀκταῖς θάσσετον Διοσ- 
κόρω, | ἣ Νηρέως ἀγάλμαθ᾽ : conversely 
h...etre in Soph. Az. 177 f., Eur. Ale. 114. 
—"EBpw: now the Maritza. It rises in 
the N.w. of Thrace, s. of the Haemus 
range, and flows into the Aegean: the 
broad mountain wilds of Rhodope (Despot 
Planina) lie s.w. of its upper course, 
ἀνθεμόεντι: a purely conventional epithet 
(cp. 34 ῥοδόεντι, and XVIII. 39f.). Classical 
poets more often associate the Hebrus 
with wintry cold (Theocr. vil. 110, Verg. 
Aen. XU. 331, Hor. EZpist. τ. xvi- 13)- 
Alcaeus was our poet’s authority for 
naming the Hebrus in connexion with 
Apollo’snorthern ἀποδημία. Schol.Theocr. 
l.c., ᾿Αλκαῖός φησιν ὅτι “EBpos κάλλιστος 
ποταμῶν: this occurred no doubt in his 
hymn (of which Himerius or. XIV. 10 


25 


370 


font 


co nN 


Col. 32» ἄνθεα medouxvelr, 
τὸ Πύθι Λπολλον, 


Ir τόσα χοροὶ Δελφῶν 


ΒΑΚΧΥΛΙΔΟΥ 


[XV 


θηρσὶν ἀγάλλεται ἢ δολιχαύχενι κύκνῳ, 
ὀπὶ ἁ [Beig φρένα τερπόμενος, 
μέχρι vdava |S ἵκῃ παιηόνων 


τού veal ef +e 


Ν / > > ’ ’ὔ 
2 σὸν κελάδησαν παρ᾽ ἀγακλέα ναόν. 


ἀντ. : πρίν ye κλέομεν λιπεῖν 
2 Οἰχαλίαν πυρὶ δαπτομέναν 


15 


nn Φ ὦ 


᾿Αμφιτρυωνιάδαν θρασυμηδέα po- 
θ᾽, ἵκετο δ᾽ ἀμφικύμον᾽ axrav: 

ἔνθ᾽ ἀπὸ λαΐδος εὐρυνεφεῖ Κηναίῳ 

Ζηνὶ θύεν βαρναχέας ἐννέα ταύρους 


6 S Before AJTAAAETAT there is room for 6 letters, if at least two of them were thin 


(as B, E, ©, I, or C).—The letter after ἀγάλλεται is H (ἢ), not H (9 K.). 


7 After 


AEIA there has been an erasure. Blass thinks that the scribe wrote I, that a corrector 
cancelled it, and that finally it was made into N.—What now stands there looks like 


N with a line drawn through it. 


for more than four letters, of which one at least must have been thin. 


Before [AJAEIA(I) there cannot have been room 


8 παιηόνων 


gives a brief abstract in prose) describing 
Apollo’s visit to the Hyperboreans. Aris- 
tophanes, too, may have had Alcaeus in 
mind, Av. 772 ff.: τοιάδε κύκνοι... | ξυμ- 
mya βοὰν ὁμοῦ | πτεροῖς κρέκοντες: ἴακχον 
᾿Απόλλω,... | ὄχθῳ ἐφεζόμενοι παρ᾽ Ἕβρον 
ποταμόν. 

In ἀνθεμόεντι "EBpw (4~ - -2.--- -) the 
hiatus is excused by the aspirate. In 
εὐρυνεφεῖ Kynvalw (v. 17) --- -- -- is substi- 
tuted for +~--. 

6 I suggest Sind 3 as ἃ possible 
supplement. In the passage of the Aves 
just quoted, the φῦλα... ποικίλα θηρῶν are 
mentioned (777). Asto Apollo ¢he hunter, 
often associated with Artemis Agrotera, 
see Aesch. fr. 200 ἀγρεὺς δ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων 
ὀρθὸν ἰθύνοι βέλος: Soph. O. C. τορι 
Tov ἀγρευτὰν ᾿Απόλλω: the Xenophontic 
Cynegeticus I, §1 τὸ μὲν εὕρημα θεῶν, 
᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ Ἀρτέμιδος, ἄγραι καὶ κύνες: 
τό. 6. 13 (the hunter should pray) τῷ 
᾿Απόλλωνι καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδι τῇ Ayporépa μετα- 
δοῦναι τῆς θήρας. At Megara there was 
a temple dedicated to “Apremus ’ Ayporépa 
and ᾿Απόλλων ᾿Αγραῖος (Paus. I. 41. 3). 
—kixv : the swan was sacred to Apollo, 
being probably a symbol of the spring-god. 
A chariot drawn by swans was the gift of 
Zeus to him (Alcaeus fr. 2). 

7 ἁδεΐᾳ : there is no other example of 


diaeresis in this word; but it is certain 
here. 

8 f. The lacuna in the Ms. before δ᾽ 
ἵκῃ could not hold more than six letters. 
But the scansion required for the lost 
syllables is -~-—-~ (cp. v. 20). To find 
six letters which shall give that metre, 
and also fit the sense, seems impossible. 
The corresponding syllables in ν. 20 
contain thirteen letters. The hypothesis 
that syllables belonging to ν. 8 had been 
wrongly attached to v. 7 is excluded by 
the space in the Ms. after τερπόμενος. It 
seems, then, almost certain that the text 
of the papyrus was defective here. A 
defect may have existed in the Ms. which 
the scribe copied ; or, as is perhaps more 
likely, he inadvertently omitted something. 
He did so not infrequently ; thus in v. 12 
he left out the letters ya of ἀγακλέα, and 
in XIV. 55 the word ἀκόλουθον. I suggest 
μέχρι I[v0avdd ten. The last syllable 
(-vos) of v. 7 must be long, and therefore, 
as there is synaphea (cp. rg f.), v. 8 must 
begin with a consonant. For μέχρι with 
a simple subjunctive, cp. Her. Iv. 110, 
Thue. I. 137 §2: for the é, Ar. Vesp. Zoo. 
—See Ap ppendix. 

TIv@avas’ (Πυθόαδ᾽ Blass, see Ap- 
pendix) : cp. Pind. O. vi. 37 Πυθῶνάδ᾽.. 
ᾧχετ᾽ ἰών: IX. 12 ἵει γλυκὺν Πυθῶνάδ᾽ 


xv] AIOYPAMBO! 


371 
he is taking his joy [in the chase], or in swan with slender 
neck, charmed in soul by its sweet voice ;—{until,] O Pythian 
Apollo, thou returnest [to Pytho], to seek those flowers of 
song, those many paeans, which choruses of Delphians are 
wont to uplift at thy glorious shrine. 


Meanwhile, we sing how Amphitryon’s son, the adventurous 
hero, left Oechalia a prey to fire: then came he to the sea- 
washed cape, where he was to offer from his spoil nine bellowing 
bulls to Cenaean Zeus, lord of far-spread clouds, 

(Wilamowitz, Desrousseaux) is certain: in the Ms. the top of the II has been effaced. 


The letters before παιηόνων are IKHI (of H only 11 remains). The letter before 
IKHI must have been A or A. The space between A and the beginning of the verse 


may just have held 6 letters (if one at least was thin), but not more. 
12 ἀγακλέα] AKABA A: γα added above line by A’. 


TOCCA Ms. 
κλεέμεν (inf.) Blass. 


11 τόσα K.: 
18 κλέομεν] 


ὀϊστόν.---παιηόνων ἄνθεα : Pind. O. 1Χ. 48 
ἄνθεα δ᾽ ὕμνων νεωτέρων. --- πεδοιχνεῖν, 
infin. of purpose after ἵκῃ (cp. Thuc. νἹ. 
50 ὃ 4 δέκα τῶν νεῶν προὔπεμψαν... κατα- 
σκέψασθαι). The Aeolic πεδ- does not 
occur elsewhere in B.: was he influenced 
here by a reminiscence of Alcaeus? (See 
on Vv. 5.) 

11lf. τόσα, relative; a rare use (I. 
37 n.), admitted here, perhaps, to avoid 
a syllaba anceps at the end of v. τὸ (cp. 
vy. 22, ending with βοῦν).---κελάδησαν, 
gnomic aor. 

13 πρίν ye κλέομεν. The meaning of 
πρίν is shown by the preceding verses 
(8—12), which speak of Apollo’s return 
(in spring) to Delphi. πρίν is the adverb. 
‘Before (that moment)’—7.e. ‘Ere thou 
comest,’—while Delphi yet awaits thee, 
and it is still the season of dithyrambs,— 
‘we sing how Heracles left Oechalia,’ 
etc. The emphasis given by ye is thus 
appropriate.—For € before KA, cp. III. 3, 
Vil. 9 f., XVI. 127 f. 

14 Οἰχαλίαν, the city of Eurytus 
father of Iole. The Euboean Oechalia 
was placed by legend in the territory 
of Eretria (Hecataeus af. Paus. 4. 2. 3: 
Strabo. το, p. 448). After sacking 
Oechalia, Heracles marched some fifty 
miles N.W. to Κήναιον, the ἀμφικύμων 
ἀκτά οἵ v. 16. This promontory (now 
Cape» Lithada) forms the end of a 
peninsula which runs out westward, at 
the N.W. extremity of Euboea, towards 
the mouth of the Malian Gulf. Zeus 
Κήναιος was worshipped on the hill-tops 
near it: Aesch. fr. 29 EvSotéa κάμπτων 
ἀμφὶ Κηναίου Διὸς | ἀκτήν : Soph. 77 


238. Αἰ Cenaeum Heracles prepared sacri- 
fices to Zeus from the spoils of Oechalia. 
But meanwhile he had sent Iole, in 
charge of his herald Lichas, to his home 
at Trachis. Deianeira, seeing that she 
had a rival, then resolved to use the 
‘philtre’ given her by Nessus. The 
fatal χιτών, steeped in it, was brought 
by Lichas to Heracles at the moment 
when he was about to begin the sacrifice; 
and he put it on. As soon as the flames 
blazed up on the altar at which he stood, 
the tunic became glued to his flesh, and 
‘the venom began to devour him’ (Soph. 
Tr. 771): he was carried across the strait 
to Mount Oeta, and there, by his own 
command, burned on a pyre. 

15 2. ᾿Αμφιτρνυωνιάδαν : v. 156 n.— 
ἵκετο with ἵ (cp. v. 4), as in //. 13. 837, 
19. 115.---ὠὠΟἮῸἨΙἈμφικύμον᾽ ἀκτάν : Soph. 77. 
752 ἀκτή τις ἀμφίκλυστος : the only point 
which distinctly suggests that these verses 
were in the mind of Sophocles when he 
wrote 77. 750—762. The epithets were, 
however, obvious. The epic Οἰχαλίας 
ἅλωσις, attributed to Creophylus of Samos, 
must have been one of the sources from 
which Sophocles derived his material, 
and may have been also used by B. This 
would suffice to account for a general 
resemblance between our passage and 
that in the 7rachiniae. As to the details 
of the sacrifice, those given in vv. 18—20 
differ from 77. 760—762. It would be 
gratuitous to assume that μέλλοντι... 
τεύχειν in 77. 756 was imitated from 
θύεν... ε here, or λείας ἀπαρχὴν 7b. 
761 from ἀπὸ λαΐδος. 

17 1. Κηναίῳ: π. on 14. --ο-θύεν, 

25—2 


ant. 


372 


7 δύο τ᾽ ὀρσιάλῳ δαμασίχθονι μέλ- 
λε κόρᾳ τ᾽ ὀβριμοδερκεῖ alvya 


20 8 

9 παρθένῳ ᾿Αθάνᾳ 
ὑψικέραν βοῦν. 
τότ᾽ ἄμαχος 


I 


ο 


I 


" 


ΒΑΚΧΥΛΙΔΟΥ 


δαίμων 


[Xv 


1 Δαϊανείρᾳ πολύδακρυν ὕφανε 


Lal 


25 τ μῆτιν ἐπίφρον᾽, 


no wr WwW 


30 


on 


Ὁ 


ὕστερον ἐρχομένων, 


ἐπεὶ 

πύθετ᾽ ἀγγελίαν ταλαπενθέα, 

3τ 7 4 4 

Ιόλαν ὅτι λευκώλενον 

Διὸς υἱὸς ἀταρβομάχας 

+ Ν Ν / 4 

ἄλοχον λιπαρὸν moti δόμον πέμποι. 

ἃ δύσμορος, ἃ τάλαιν᾽, 
’ὔ 3 ’ 3 ’ 

φθόνος εὐρυβίας νιν ἀπώλεσεν, 

δνόφεόν τε κάλυμμα τῶν 


e > / 
οἷον ἐμήσατο" 


5 ᾿ ον ε /, / 
1 ὅτ᾽ ἐπὶ ῥοδόεντι Λυκόρμᾳ 
’ , , ’ ᾽ὔ 
351 δέξατο Νέσσου πάρα δαιμόνιον τέρ[ας. 


20 ΚΟΡΑΙΔ A: T written above A (by A??). 


24 AAIANEIPA A: I added by al. 


22 ὑψικέραν sic MS. 
29 λιπαρὸν] λιπαρὰν Platt (cp. Vv. 169). 


Doric inf.; cp. ἐρύκεν XVI. 41, ἔσχεν 88: 
φυλάσσεν XVIII. 25.— ε with pres.: 
Ill. 30n. 

19 Neither epithet for Poseidon oc- 
curs elsewhere. δαμασίχθονι, ‘earth- 
subduing,’ having earth in his power; 
as he is able to upheave it with his 
τρίαινα: the notion is the same, then, 
as in σεισίχθων, ἐννοσίγαιος. From 
another point of view he is γαιηόχος, 
‘earth-encircling’ (or perhaps ‘earth- 
upholding,’ as though it rested on his 
waters). 

20 ὀβριμοδερκεῖ (only here), ‘of fierce 
aspect’ (cp. ὀβριμοεργός, the notion of 
strong’ passing into that of ‘violent’). 
So it is said of her in //. 1. 199, dew 
δέ of ὄσσε φάανθεν: Soph. Az. 450 ἡ 
Διὸς yopy@ms ἀδάματος θεά (yopy. also 
in fr. 760. 2). The attribute of flashing 
eyes suits her as a war-goddess (περσέ- 
mods etc.), but really points to her older 
meaning as a weather-daimon, the Athena 
who springs armed from the head of Zeus 


(the lightning that splits the storm-cloud). 
—The hiatus is unobjectionable, since 
the syllable before ἄζυγα, though corre- 
sponding with one which is long in v. 8, 
might equally well be short. (The γ᾽ 
which Blass adds after ὀβριμοδερκεῖ is 
undesirable.) 

ἄζυγα: so, in the sacrifice to Athena 
prescribed by Helenus (7. 6. 94), the 
oxen are to be ἠκέστας, such as ‘have 
not felt the goad.’ 

22 ὑψικέραν (like καλλικέραν in XVIII. 
24), as if from a fem. nomin. ὑψικέρα. 
If it were contracted from -κεράαν, the 
accent should be -κερᾶν. Pindar fr. 325 
has ὑψικέρατα πέτραν, as if from a nomin. 
ὑψίκερας. 

ὩΣ τότ᾽ refers to the time denoted by 

. μέλλε, when Heracles, having 
cates Cenaeum, ‘was intending to 
sacrifice.’ It was from Cenaeum that 
he sent Lichas with Iole to Trachis, and 
then Deianeira made her plan. Thus 
τότε, though not clear, is correct. In 


xv] AlOYPAMBOI 373 
and twain to the god who rouses the sea and shakes the earth: 
also a high-horned ox, untouched by the yoke, to the maiden 
with the flashing eyes, the virgin Athena. 

Then it was that the God with whom none may strive wove 
for Detaneira 


a shrewd device, fraught with sorrow; when she learned the 
bitter tidings that the dauntless son of Zeus was sending to 
his goodly house the white-armed Iole, his bride. 

Il-fated, hapless one, what a plan did she conceive! Potent 
jealousy was her bane, and that dark veil which hid the future 
when, on the rose-clad banks of Lycormas, she received from 


Nessus his fateful gift of wondrous power. 


32 ANO®PEON Ms.: δνοφερόν K. 
corr. Ludwich and Wilamowitz. 


34 ἘΠῚ ΠΟΤΑΜΩ. POAOENTI ms.: 


35 ΠΑΡ A: a added above line by A‘. 


7 
Tr. 756 wéddovre (unlike μέλλε here) 
refers to the moment just before the 
sacrifice—when Lichas returned with 
Deianeira’s gift. 

ἄμαχος δαίμων, irresistible Destiny. 


(Jurenka, less well, I think, understands’ 


the φθόνος εὐρυβίας of v. 31, where he 
prints Φθόνος.) 

25 μῆτιν ἐπίφρον᾽, the ‘shrewd de- 
vice’ that was to work woe. ἐπίφρων ΞΞ 
fin possession of φρήν᾽ (cp. ἐπίτιμος) : 
in Od. 19. 325 f. Penelope says, εἴ τι 
γυναικῶν [ἀλλάων περίειμι voov καὶ ἐπί- 
gpova μῆτιν. Cp. 23. 12 (the gods have 
power) ἄφρονα ποιῆσαι καὶ ἐπίφρονά περ 
μάλ᾽ ἐόντα. In Soph. 77. 554 Deianeira 
speaks of her plan as λυτήριον, and the 
Chorus say (589) δοκεῖς map’ ἡμῖν οὐ 
βεβουλεῦσθαι κακῶς. 

26 ταλαπενθέα, here merely Ξε ‘griev- 
ous,’ ‘cruel’: but cp. Vv. 157. 

28 f. ἀταρβομάχας, a word peculiar 
to B., like ἀδεισιβόας (V. 155 etc.).— 
ἄλοχον... πέμποι, was sending her (to be) 
his bride. In Soph. 77. 365, where 
Lichas speaks with Deianeira, Heracles 
is described as sending Iole ‘in no care- 
less fashion,’—déuous ws τούσδε πέμπων 
οὐκ ἀφροντίστως, γύναι, οὐδ᾽ ὥστε δού- 
dnv.—lt is safer to keep the λιπαρὸν of 
the MS. as a conventional epithet of 
δόμον (‘opulent’ or ‘stately’). It may 
serve to suggest a contrast with Iole’s 


own home, a prey to sword and fire 
(v. 14). λιπαρὰν (cp. V. 169) would be 
unsuitable here. 

80 τάλαιν᾽ gives the more probable 
metre, and is confirmed by the space 
in the Ms. between A and N. (So far 
as the form is concerned, τάλαν could 
stand: it is fem. in Ar. Zec/. 124, etc.) 

32 Svddeov is supported by Hesych. 
δνοφέῃ" σκοτεινῇ. Nicander Alex, 501 
ζοφέη νύξ. 

84 ὅτ᾽ ὅτε is relative to the moment 
implied in κάλυμμα: ‘the veil which 
rested on the future’ at the time when 
she received the gift: ra ἐρχόμενα ἐκαλύπ- 
Tero ὅτε ἐδέξατο K.T.\.—Before 6 
the papyrus has ποταμῷ, which mars 


epode. 


the metre, and was evidently a gloss - 


on Λυκόρμᾳ. For the epithet cp. v. 5 
ἀνθεμόεντι. 

Avxéppaq, the older name of the Evenus 
(Fidhari), which rises in the Oeta-range, 
and flows through Aetolia tothe Corinthian 
Gulf. Strabo 7. 327: ὁ Εὔηνος, ὁ Λυκόρμας 
πρότερον καλούμενος. Tozer (Geo. of Greece, 
p- 96) describes it as ‘one of the fiercest 
and most treacherous torrents in Greece.’ 
Avxépuas expressed the ‘wolf-like rush’ 
of its waters. 

35 tépas: a term applied in //. 5. 742 
to the Τοργείη κεφαλή of Athena’s aegis, 
and in Pind. O. ΧΙ. 73 to the golden 
χαλινός given by Athena to Bellerophon. 


374 BAKXYAIAOY [XVI 


XVI. 


[XVIL.] 


HIOEOI 
H] @HCEYC 


΄ 
στρ. a, 


: Κυανόπρῳρα μὲν ναῦς μενέκτυπον 


, XN ε ’ > > Ν ¥ 
2 Θησέα Sis ἑπτά τ᾽ ἀγλαοὺς ἄγουσα 


a > ’ὕ 
3 κούρους Ἰαόνων 


+ Κρητικὸν τάμνε πέλαγος" 
5 τηλαυγέϊ γὰρ [ἐν] φάρεϊ 
6 βορήϊαι πίτνον αὖραι 
7 κλυτᾶς ἕκατι 7 οἸλεμαίγιδος ᾿Αθάνας: 


Col. 33 


8 κνίσεν τε Μίνωϊ κέαρ 
9 ἱμεράμπυκος θεᾶς 


10 Κύπριδος αἰνὰ Sapa: 
x χεῖρα δ᾽ οὐκέτι παρθενικᾶς 
τ ἄτερθ᾽ ἐράτυεν, θίγεν 


1.3 δὲ λευκᾶν παρηΐδων" 


4 Boaocé τ᾽ Ἔρίβοια χαλκο- 


νι. The title was added in the left margin, opposite v. 1, by A*: ἴθεοι 
remains, with @HCETC below it: the rest has been torn off. Before Θησεύς, 


ἢ is supplied by Blass: καὶ by K. 
4 τάμνε K.: TAMNEN Ms. 


1 KYANOIIPQPA A: KTANOIIPQIPA Al 
6 βορήϊαι] The ~ placed over A in the Ms. 
meant that the word was nom. plur., not dat. sing. 


7 πολεμαίγιδος] 


XVI. 1 κυανόπρῳρα, contracted from 
kvavompwerpa (spelt -πρώϊρα in Etym. M. 
5. Ὁ. πρῴρα, where the word is ascribed to 
Simonides). A different form is read in 
Od. 3. 299, νέας xvavompwpelous.—piv 
without a following δέϊ: cp. IX. 47, and 
n. on III. 15 f.—pevéxtutrov (only here), 
steadfast in the din of battle: cp. Orph. 
Argon. 541 μενέδουπος ᾿Αθήνη. So peve- 
δήϊος, μενεπτόλεμος, μενεχάρμας. 

2 2. ἀγλαούς, of youthful beauty: cp. 
103 f. ἀγλαῶν... «γυίων: V. 154 ἀγλαὰν 
ἥβαν.---κούρους, the seven youths and 
seven maidens: ἤθεοι is similarly col- 
lective in 43, 93, 128.—Iadvev, Athe- 
nians, as in XVII. 2. 

4 Κρητικὸν... πέλαγος, the part of the 
Aegean south of the Cyclades and north 
of Crete, often a stormy sea; Soph. 77. 
117 πολύπονον ὥσπερ πέλαγος Κρήσιον: 
Hor. C. 1. 26. 2 f.—The ship is sailing 
from Athens to Crete; and has left the 


Cyclades behind. It has the north wind 
astern, the course being now due south, 

5 τηλαυγές. According to Attic 
legend, the ship had a black sail; but 
Aegeus, confident that his son would 
triumph, gave a white one also to the 
κυβερνήτης, telling him to hoist it on his 
return, if all had gone well. Simonides 
varied the story by describing the sail 
of good omen as ved (φοινίκεον Plut. 
Thes. 17): τηλαυγέϊ here rather suggests 
a white sail.—dpei with a, as in Homer 
and Aesch. Ch. 11 (but ἅ in Soph. 77. 
916: cp. 2b. 662). 

7 πολεμαίγιδος, ‘with warlike aegis.’ 
A cup (now in the Louvre) by Euphro- 
nius, a painter of red-figured vases, 
shows Theseus received by Amphitrite 
beneath the sea (vv. 109 ff.): Athena, 
who stands in the background, has aegis, 
helmet and spear: see Introd., p. 225. 
For the compound with πόλεμος, cp. 


XVI] AlOY PAMBOI 


375 


XVI. [XVII.] 


THESEUS 
OR THE ATHENIAN YOUTHS AND MAIDENS. 


A dark-prowed ship was cleaving the Cretan sea, bearing str. 1. 
Theseus, steadfast in the battle din, with seven goodly youths 
and seven maidens of Athens; for northern breezes fell on 
the far-gleaming sail, by grace of glorious Athena with warlike 
aegis. 

And the heart of Minos was stung by the baneful gifts of 
the Cyprian goddess with lovely diadem; he could no longer 
restrain his hand from a maiden, but touched her fair cheeks. 


Then Eriboea cried aloud 


πελεμαίγιδος conj. Housman, Headlam, Wackernagel: and so Jurenka. 
10 αἰνὰ K. (Jurenka, Smyth): ἁγνὰ Blass? (ἁβρὰ Β].}). 


J. (K.): MINQ ms. 


8 Miwt 


The faint traces before NA are indecisive: but the letter was either I or a thin Γ. 
14 f. βόασέ τ᾿ Blass (who found the letters T’ EP on a small fragment): βόασε 5° K.— 


λινοϊθώρακα conj. Wilamowitz. 


(1) Batrachm. 475 Παλλάδα πέμψωμεν 
πολεμόκλονον : (2) Dionys. De comp. verb. 
17 Βρόμιε...πολεμοκέλαδε : (3) schol. Od. 
1. 48 πολεμόφρων. For the accent, cp. 
μελάναιγις in Litym. Magn. 518, 54 
(cited by Headlam). In fr. 23 (Bergk), 
where the MSS. give xpucavyldos (Ἰτωνίας), 
χρυσαίγιδος should be written.—The in- 
genious conjecture πελεμαίγιδος would 
mean ‘aegis-shaking’ (πελεμίζω as= 
πάλλω). The aegis of Athena, however, 
is usually depicted as a short cape or 
mantle, with Gorgon’s head and snaky 
ringes: she can spread it to the breezes 
as a sail (Aesch. Zum. 404), but is 
never described as shaking it like a 
shield. 

Sf. κνίσεν (i), ‘stung’: Her. vi. 62 
τὸν δὲ ᾿Αρίστωνα ἔκνιζε dpa τῆς γυναικὸς 
ταύτης ὁ ἔρως: Pind. P. xX. 60 ἔρως 
ὑπέκνιξε ppévas.— Miyai (——~) is required 
by metre (cp. 31, 74, 97). That form 
of the dative occurs in Diod. 5. 79, 
Aelian Nat. An. 5. 2, Nonnus 7. 361, 
etc.: but Μίνῳ in [Plat.] Minos 319 C.— 
B. follows the same account as Hellanicus 
(Plut. Zhes. 17): Minos came to Athens 
and himself chose the fourteen victims, 
whom he is now taking to Crete in an 
Athenian ship.—tpepdparvwos: cp. Vv. 
13 π.: Pind. V. ὙΠ. 15 Μναμοσύνας... 
λιπαράμπυκος. 

10 αἰνὰ δῶρα: she gives desires that 


work. woe. J/. 24. 30 (Paris) τὴν δ᾽ 
ἤνησ᾽ (Aphrodite) 7 of πόρε μαχλοσύνην 
ἀλεγεινήν. Soph. Ant. 791 (of “Epws), 
σὺ καὶ δικαίων ἀδίκους φρένας παρασπᾷς 
ἐπὶ λώβᾳ.---Εοτ αἰνὰ the only alternative 
seems to be ἁγνὰ, which is unsuitable 
here. (The traces in the Ms. exclude 
ἁβρὰ, which would otherwise be pos- 
sible.) In v. 40 the ὕβρις of Minos is 
πολύστονος. 

1lf. ἱκᾶς --παρθένου: as Hes. 
Op. 699 παρθενικήν. These are rare 
instances of the sing. used as a subst. 
(though παρθενικῇ...νεήνιδι occurs in Od. ᾿ 
7. 20): but the plural παρθενικαί is 
frequent (//. 18. 567, Od. 11. 39, Aleman 


fr. 21, Theocr. XVIII. 2). τυεν, epic 
(1. 2. 97 épyriov, but 8. 345 ἐρητύοντο 
with v). 


13 For δὲ as first word of the verse, 
cp. XIV. 61 π.---λευκᾶν, ‘fair,’ as probably 
in Eur. Med. 923 evxip...... παρηΐδα: 
though there it might be ‘pale,’ as it 
certainly is in Soph. Ant. 1239 λευκῇ 
mapeg (of the dead Antigone). The 
pallor of fear is expressed by χλωρός. 

14 f. ᾿Ἐρίβοια : so Hyginus, Astron. 
11. 5: the Frangois amphora (see p. 224) 
has Ἑρίβοια or ᾿Επίβοι. The wife 
of Telamon and mother of Ajax is 
called Eriboea by Pindar (7. v. 45) and 
Sophocles (4i. 569); but Periboea by 
Apollod. 3. 12. 7 and Paus. I. 42. I. 


376 


15 θώρακα Πανδίονος 

ἴδεν δὲ Θησεύς, 
μέλαν δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀφρύων 

δίνασεν ὄμμα, maps τέ (F)ou 


16 ἔκγονον τ 


I 


7 
on 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVI 


x9 σχέτλιον ἄμυξεν ἄλγος, 
20 εἶρέν τε: Διὸς υἱὲ φερτάτου, 


2r ὅσιον οὐκέτι τεᾶν 


: ἔσω κυβερνᾷς φρενῶν 
A ’ 
23 θυμόν: ἴσχε μεγαλοῦχον ἥρως βίαν. 
ἄντ. α΄. τ τι μὲν ἐκ θεῶν μοῖρα παγκρατὴς 
25 « ἄμμι κατένευσε καὶ Δίκας ῥέπει τά- 
λαντον, πεπρωμέναν 
αἶσαν ἐκπλήσομεν, ὅταν 
¥ ‘ Ν A , 
ἔλθῃ: σὺ δὲ βαρεῖαν κάτε- 


3 

4 

5 

oe μῆτιν. 
99 5 
8 


> ’ ‘ 
ει Και τῆν κεδνὰ 
τέκεν λέχει Διὸς ὑπὸ κρόταφον Ἴδας 


μιγεῖσα Φοίνικος ἐρα- 
9 τώνυμος κόρα βροτῶν 


30 εἴἶρεν] εἶπεν conj. Wilamowitz.—geprara’ Wilamowitz, Platt. 
25 f. τάϊλαντον. 


NAC a: «added after A (by A??). 


22 KYTBEP- 
The letters TA were repeated 


χαλκοθώρακα : B. thinks of the youth- 
ful Theseus as hero and warrior, wearing 
the usual armour. (Acc. to Hellanicus, 
Plut. Zhes. 17, Minos stipulated at 
Athens that the #@e should go on 
board wxarmed; but this detail, if it was 
known to B., is ignored.}—IlavStoves. 
Pandion, son of Cecrops, was father of 
Aegeus, the reputed father of Theseus. 
See on v. 36. 

7—19 μέλαν probably refers simply 
to colour. Smyth renders it ‘sombre,’ 
‘indignant,’ remarking that μέλας is 
seldom (as in Anacreont. 16. 12) an 
epithet of the eye. See, however, Arist. 
Anim. Gener. 5 ἃ 34 τὰ δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων 
ὄμματα πολύχροα συμβέβηκεν εἶναι" καὶ 
yap γλαυκοὶ καὶ χαροποὶ καὶ μελανό- 
φθαλμοί τινές. εἰσι. ---ὑπ᾽ ὀφρύων, lit., 
‘from under...’; cp. XII. 139 f. ὑπαὶ | χει- 
μῶνος.---δίνασεν, if sound, must be ass 
δινάω (cp. V. 191 n. on φώνησεν): 
should have expected δίνησεν, from 
δινέω: cp. 107 δίνηντο, and V. 2 ἱππο- 
δινήτων.---Ἔπγ. Or. 837 δινεύων βλεφάροις, 
‘wildl rolling his eyes’ (in madness), 
-σχέτλιον, ‘cruel’; the only instance 
of the word in B. 


20 εἶρεν, imperf. of elpw, as again 
in 74. This part of elpw occurs nowhere 
else. B. sought variety, having etwe(v) 
in 47, 52, 81. ov. As ν. 21: 
begins with a vowel, it is tempting to 
read φερτάτοι᾽ : cp. 43f., 86f., 109 f. 
But if there was no synaphea, φερτάτου 
could stand. Ἢ 

21 2. ὅσιον... κυβερνᾷς, keepest it 
within the moral law. —Cp. Aesch. Pers. 
767 a γὰρ. αὐτοῦ θυμὸν φακοστρόφουν. 

οὔχον (only here), if sound, 
means lit. ‘possessing great things’ (μὸ- 
γαλο + oxos), as a king of wide dominion 
might be so called; hence ‘lordly,’ and 
then, in a bad sense, ‘arrogant,’ ‘over- 
weening.—Kenyon suggested μεγάλ- 
avxov, which Blass and Jurenka adopt : 
cp. Pind. P. VIII. 15 Bia δὲ καὶ μεγάλαυχον 
ἔσφαλεν ἐν χρόνῳ. That word would be 
fitter if a vaunt had accompanied the 
act; but Minos has not yet spoken. 
Further, Hesych. has μεγαλουχία" 
μεγαλαυχία: ὑψηλοφροσύνη. Headlam, 
indeed, suggests that the true reading 
there may be meyadoyxia (a word used 
by Democritus, Stob. Flor. 103. 25): 
here, he would read μεγάλαυχον or 


XVI] ASIOYPAMBOI 


377 
to Pandion’s grandson with breastplate of bronze; Theseus saw, 
and wildly rolled his dark eyes beneath his brows, and cruel 
pain pricked his heart as he spake :— 

“Ὁ son of peerless Zeus, the spirit in thy breast no longer 
obeys righteous control ; withhold, hero, thy presumptuous force. 


‘Whatever the resistless doom given by the gods has decreed 
for us, and the scale of Justice inclines to ordain, that appointed 
fate we will fulfil when it comes. But do thou forbear thy 
grievous purpose. If the noble daughter of Phoenix, the maiden 
of gracious fame, taken to the bed of Zeus beneath the brow 


of Ida, bare thee, peerless among men; 


by mistake in 26 zwit.: corr. Al? Cp. 58. 
by K., Jurenka, Smyth; a comma by Blass. 


μιγεῖσα and πλαθεῖσα (35). 


29 After μῆτιν a full stop is placed 
31 Housman would transpose 


μεγάλογκον. But the MS. reading here and 
the traditional réading in Hesych. must 
be considered together. On the whole, 
I think it safer to retain μεγαλοῦχον. 
24—27 6 τι is governed by ῥέπει 
as well as by κατένευσε. Δίκας τάλαντον 
ῥέπει τι when one of the two scales, by 
sinking, shows that the doom which 
it carries is preponderant, and so decides 
that it shall be operative. This transitive 
sense of ῥέπω is implied in the use of the 
passive by Aesch. Suppl. 405 τῶνδ᾽ ἐξ 
ἴσου ῥεπομένων, ‘these alternatives being 
evenly balanced.’ Otherwise it occurs 
only in compounds; as Aesch. Zum. 
888 οὔ ray δικαίως τῇδ᾽ ἐπιρρέποις 
πόλει | μῆνίν τιν᾽ (cause wrath to descend 
on the city’): 4g. 250f. Δέκα δὲ τοῖς μὲν 
παθοῦϊσιν μαθεῖν ἐπιρρέπει: Soph. Ant. 
1158 f. τύχη καταρρέπει | τὸν εὐτυχοῦντα 
(‘depresses,’ ‘humbles’).—If ῥέπει were 
taken here as intransitive, it would be 
necessary (1) to supply ὅποι from 8 τι: or 
(2) to take καὶ Δίκας ῥέπει τάλαντον as 
a parenthesis (the so-called διὰ μέσου 
construction): ‘whatever fate has decreed 
(the scales of justice inclining thereto’). 
But either of these two would be harsh. 
—For the image, cp. //. 22. 210 ff.: 
Zeus puts δύο κῆρε...θανάτοιο in the 
scales, one for Achilles, and one for 
Hector; the latter proves the heavier 
(ῥέπε δ᾽ Ἕκτορος αἴσιμον ἦμαρ), and so 
Hector is doomed to die.—In Anth. 6. 
267. 4 it is said of a just man, (eins 
οἷδε τάλαντα δίκης.---ἐκ θεῶν μοῖρα: XIII. 
I π.-ἐκπλήσομεν, a frequent phrase, as 
with μοῖραν (Her. Ill. 142), μοχθήματα 
(Eur. Helen. 741), κίνδυνον (7.7. go). 
29f. βαρεῖαν... μῆτιν, ‘thy grievous 


purpose’ (in regard to Eriboea: vv. 8 ff.). 
A full stop (or at least a colon) should be 
placed after μῆτιν, and only a comma 
after φέρτατον in 33. By placing only 
a comma after μῆτιν, and a colon after 
φέρτατον (as Blass does), the spirit of the 
sentence beginning with εἰ καί σε is much 


impaired. 
80 ὑπὸ κρό v, ‘beneath the brow’ 
of Ida. ὑπό with acc. normally means, 


‘along under’: J/. 5. 27 ὅσσοι ἔασιν 
ὑπ᾿ ἠῶ 7 ἠέλιόν τε: Her. v. 10 τὰ 
ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρκτόν: id. VI. 137 τὴν χώρην... 
ὑπὸ Ὑμησσὸν ἐοῦσαν (but presently κατοι- 
κημένους.. ὑπὸ τῷ Ὑμησσῷ, with ref. to 
the fixed abode). Here the accus. (not 
elsewhere used by B. with ὑπό) seems 
to have been prompted by metrical 
convenience, and hardly differs in sense 
from the dative.—xpéragos is the side 
of the forehead, in plur. the temples: 
said of a hill, it denotes the cliffs just 
below the summit (cp. é¢pis). Aesch. 
P.V. 721 (ὄρους) κροτάφων ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν: 
Anthol. append. 94 ἔναιον ὑπὸ κροτάφοις 
Ἑλικῶνος. 

31£. Φοίνικος. The father of Europa 
was Phoenix, acc. to //. 14. 321 (Zeus 
speaks), Φοίνικος κούρης τηλεκλειτοῖο, | 7 
τέκε μοι Μίνω τε καὶ ἀντίθεον ‘Padd- 
μανθυν: and Hesiod gave the same 
account (schol. //. 12. 292). Apollo- 
dorus (3. 1. 3) makes Agenor the father 
of Europa, Phoenix, and Cadmus; but 
recognizes the other version. Sidon or 
Tyre was named as the place from 
which Europa was carried off by Zeus. 
The legend points to the blending of 
Phoenician with Hellenic elements in 
Crete. 


ant. I. 


378 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVI 


, 5 Ν. 5 Ν 
το φέρτατον, ἀλλὰ κἀμὲ 
x Πιτθέος θυγάτηρ ἀφνεοῦ 
3515 πλαθεῖσα ποντίῳ τέκεν 


13 Ποσειδᾶνι, χρύσεον 


4 Σ5;τέ (β)οι δόσαν ἰόπλοκοι 
5 κάλυμμα Νηρηΐδες. 
16 τῷ σε, πολέμαρχε Κνωσίων, 


40 τ7 


" 


Col. 34 19 


/ ’ 

κέλομαι πολύστονον 
ἃ Y > \ Δ 

8 ἐρύκεν VBpw* ov γὰρ ἂν θελοι- 
> > ’ > Ν > Len 

μ ἀμβρότου “ἐραννὸν ᾿Αοῦς 


20 ἰδεῖν φάος, ἐπεί τιν᾽ ἠϊθέων 
2 σὺ δαμάσειας ἀέκον- 


45 22 


τα" πρόσθε χειρῶν βίαν 


23 δείξομεν" τὰ δ᾽ ἐπιόντα δαίμων κρινεῖ. 


89 τῷ Platt: τῷ Κ.---Κνώσιε Blass. 


42 ἀμβρότου Wilamowitz: AMBPOTOI’ ms, 


40 πολύστονον κέλομαϊ Wilamowitz. 
43 ἐπεί] ἔτ᾽, εἰ conj. Herwerden. 


éparavupos, ‘of gracious fame’: cp. 
Hes. TZheog. 409 ᾿Αστερίην εὐώνυμον. 
This is the sense of the adj. in Stesich. 
fr. 44 (in his proem to the love-story 
of Rhadina and Leontichos) ἄρξον ἀοιδᾶς 
ἐρατωνύμου | Σαμίων περὶ παίδων. (Cp. 
1. 2f. χαριτώνυμον, n.) 

83 φέρτατον, ‘peerless’ (epithet of 
Zeus himself in v. 20),—here emphasized 
by its place.—dAAd introduces the apo- 
dosis after εἰ καί (29): Sappho fr. 1. 22 
ai δὲ δῶρα μὴ δέκετ᾽, ἀλλὰ δώσει : Soph. 
fr. 854 εἰ σῶμα δοῦλον, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ νοῦς ἐλεύ- 
θερος. This use οὗ ἀλλά after εἰ μή 
occurs in the //ad (τ. 181 f.), where 
αὐτὰρ also is so used (22. 389) 

34 Πιτθέος. Pittheus, son of Pelops, 
king of Troezen, was the father of 
Aethra (v. 59), the mother of Theseus. 
He was said to have founded Troezen by 
a συνοικισμός: hence his name has been 
explained as the ‘Persuader’ (rt πιθ-: 
Schneidewin De Pittheo Troezenio). A 
monument, near the Troezenian temple 
of Artemis Soteira, showed him sitting 
in judgment, with two assessors. At the 
Μουσεῖον there he ‘taught the art of 
words’ (Paus. 2. 30. 9, 31. 3: Plut. 
Thes. 3).--ἀφνεοῦ, ~~—: the same scan- 
sion is found in Pind. fr. 218. 4 ds μὲν 
ἀχρήμων, apveds τότε: Aesch. fr. 96. 3 
λιπεῖν ἀφνεοῖσι δόμοισιν. Cp. ἀρᾶχνᾶν in 
fr. 

‘gs haber: the first syllable is short 


in all the corresponding places, 12, 78, 
101; but as it might be azceps, there is 
no reason to suspect the reading. It is 
very improbable that this word should 
have changed places with μιγεῖσα in 
v. 31. (The syllable answering to the 
first of Jay is long in 74, but short in 


8 pers d 97) 

οσειδᾶνι. Isocr. or. 10 ὃ 18 
een ὁ λεγόμενος μὲν Αἰγέως (15 f. n.), 
γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος. The story 
was that Poseidon had been the lover of 
Aethra either before or just after her 
union with Aegeus (Paus. 2. 33. 1: 
Apollod. 4. 15. 7, Hyginus Fad. 37). 
The key to the confused legend is that 
Aegeus and Poseidon were originally 
identical. _ Aly-eds i is connected with αὖγ- 
es, ‘waves ” (Artemidorus 2.12 Τὰ μεγάλα 
κύματα aiyas ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ λέγομεν), 
aly-ls ‘storm-wind,’ αἰγι-αλό-ς ‘shore’: 
Curt. Ztym. §140. Poseidon has his 
deep-sea palace at the Euboean Alyai 
(7. 13. 21 ff.): he is Alyatos, Alyatwy. 
Then Αἰγεύς, from being a name for the 
Sea- “god, became an independent hero, 
with a ἧρῷον at Athens (Paus. 1. 22. 5), 
where he was the eponymus of the Alyyis 
φυλή. The legends of Aegeus embody 
the oldest traditions of an Attic and Ionic 
Poseidon-cult. Troezen, where Poseidon 
was peculiarly honoured (Plut. Zhes. 6), 
claimed Theseus as the son of her own 
Sea-god ; and Athens did likewise. 


XVI] 


ΔΙΘΥΡΑΛΛΒΟΙ 


379 


yet I, too, was borne by the daughter of wealthy Pittheus, in 
wedlock with the sea-god Poseidon, and the violet-crowned 


Nereids gave her a golden veil. 


‘Therefore, O war-lord of Cnosus, I bid thee restrain thy 
wantonness, fraught with woe; for I should not care to look 
on the fair light of divine Eos, after thou hadst done violence 
to one of this youthful company: before that, we will come 
to a trial of strength, and Destiny shall decide the sequel.’ 


--ἠϊθέων (with the Ms.) Crusius, Blass, Jurenka, assuming synizesis of éw: cp. 93, 


128. ἠθέων K. 


Hence the double paternity in the 
myth. 

37f. Verse 37, τέ (F)ot δόσαν ἰόπλο- 
κοι, lacks a short syllable at the end, as 
compared with each of the three corre- 
sponding verses, 14, 80, and 103. Verse 
38 begins with a short syll. (cad), where 
a long is found in 15, 81, 104. (1) These 
two facts might suggest ἰόπλοκοι κάϊλυμμ᾽ 
(2) If κάλυμμα belonged wholly to 
38, one short syllable might be supplied 
after ἰόπλοκοι. But no satisfactory emen- 
dation, on either plan, has yet been 
made. See Appendix. 

38 Νηρηΐδες here are the same as the 
Νηρέος κόραι of 102f. In his commentary 
on our poet’s ἐπίνικοι, Didymus mentioned 
a distinction drawn by some gramma- 
rians:—elol τοίνυν of φασι διαφέρειν τὰς 
Νηρεΐδας τῶν τοῦ Νηρέως θυγατέρων, καὶ 
τὰς μὲν ἐκ Δωρίδος [the wife of Nereus] 
γνησίας αὐτοῦ θυγατέρας νομίζεσθαι, τὰς 
δὲ ἐξ ἄλλων ἤδη κοινότερον (as ἃ more 
general term) Νηρεΐδας καλεῖσθαι. These 
words are quoted in the treatise περὶ 
ὁμοίων καὶ διαφόρων λέξεων, p. 79, which 
bears the name of the Alexandrian 
Ammonius (¢. 390 A.D.) ; Bergk, Bacchyl. 
fr. το. Nairn pointed out the neglect of 
the distinction here (Class. R. ΧΙ. 453). 

89 τῷ (//. 1. 418 etc.) is the spelling 
given by the codex Venetus (roth cent.) 
in all Homeric passages where the sense 
is ‘therefore.’ This was the Alexandrian 
tradition (cp. Lenz on Herodian 1. 492, 
10). Leaf regards this epic τῶ as ‘a 
genuine relic of the old instrumental.’ 
The Attic poets probably wrote τῷ 
(Soph. O. 7. 511 π.).- -πολέμαρχε : 
Aesch. Ch. 1071 f. ᾿Αχαιῶν | πολέμαρχος 
ἀνήρ.--- Κνωσίων, scanned ---- (see vv. 16, 
82, 105): for the synizesis, cp. Od. 14. 
263 Αἰγυπτίων (also 71. g. 382 -tas, Od. 
4. 83 -lovs, etc.): Z/. 2. 537 ἹἹστίαιαν: 
Pind. P. τν. 225 γενύων (~-).—For the 
spelling of Κνωσός, see I. 13 n. 


-_-~ 
. 


41f. ἐρύκεν: xv. 18 Ove η.--ἀμ- 
Bpérov. Keeping the Ms. ἀμβρότοι᾽, 
Blass supposes the last syllable to be short; 
he compares 92 and 129 (-ai in ’A@avalwy 
and παιάνιξαν). But a shortening of οἱ 
in the genitive-ending -o1o is unexampled. 
Others defend ἀμβρότοι᾽, holding that 
-—~- could replace the -~~ found in 
19, 85, and 108.—épavvdv (an epic 
epithet of places) is used by Simonides 
fr. 45 (ἐραννὸν ὕδωρ) : Pindar has only 
éparés and ἐρατεινός. 

43—45 ἰδεῖν. As the sense is, ‘I 
should not wish to /ve longer,’ we should 
have expected the present inf. ὁρᾶν. But 
the aor. infin. may perhaps be explained 
in connexion with the clause ἐπεὶ... 
δαμάσειας. ‘After any such deed of 
thine, I should not care to look again on 
the sunlight,’"—or ‘to live one moment 
longer.’ Cp. the Homeric θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι, 
expressing the way in which the object 
strikes the beholder; as contrasted (e.g.) 
with ἐπεὶ οὔπω τλήσομ᾽ ὁρᾶσθαι | μαρνά- 
μενον φίλον υἱόν (7. 3. 306). 

ἐπὲ... δαμάσειας : the optative in the 
relative clause corresponds to the hypo- 
thetical optative with ἄν in the principal 
clause: cp. Soph. 0, C. 560 δεινὴν γάρ 
τιν᾽ ἂν πρᾶξιν τύχοις | λέξας, ὁποίας 
ἐξαφισταίμην ἐγώ: Ll. 13. 343 μάλα κεν 
θρασυκάρδιος εἴη | ds τότε γηθήσειεν .---- 
ἠϊθέων here, as in 93 and 128, includes 
both youths and maidens. The word 
usually denotes unmarried youths only: 
Zl. 18. 593 ἠΐθεοι καὶ παρθένοι: Plut. 
Thes. 15 ἠθέους ἑπτὰ καὶ παρθένους 
τοσαύτας. ---ἀέκοντα : the masc. is used in 
the general statement, though the special 
reference is to Eriboea and the other 
maidens: Soph. £7. 771 δεινὸν τὸ τίκτειν 
ἐστίν: οὐδὲ yap κακῶς πάσχοντι μῖσος 
ὧν τέκῃ προσγίγνεται.---ϑαμάσειας: 7). 3. 
gor ἄλοχοι δ᾽ ἄλλοισι δαμεῖεν: Od. 6. 
109 παρθένος ἀδμής. 

45:1. χειρῶν βίαν (x. gt) δείξομεν, 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVI 


: τόσ᾽ εἶπεν ἀρέταιχμος ἥρως" 


2 τάφον δὲ ναυβάται 


3 φωτὸς] ὑπεράφανον 


5° 4 θάρσος" 


6 μῆτιν, εἶπέν τε: 


᾿Αλίου τε γαμβρῷ xoral oar ἦτορ, 
5 ὕφαινέ τε ποταινίαν 
μεγαλοσθενὲς 


a , ὟΝ ¥ 4, 
7 Zev πάτερ, akovoov: εἴπερ ple Kovp la 
8 Φοίνισσα λευκώλενος σοὶ τέκε, 


55 9 


νῦν πρόπεμπ᾽ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ θ] οὰν 


το πυριέθειραν ἀστραπὰν 


zt σᾶμ᾽ ἀρίγνωτον᾽ εἰ 


᾿ς. δὲ καὶ σὲ Τροιζηνία σεισίχθονι 
13. φύτευσεν Αἴθρα Ποσει- 


60 14 


15 χειρὸς ἀγλαὸν 


δᾶνι, τόνδε χρύσεον 


6 ἔνεγκε κόσμον «ἐκ» βαθείας ἁλός, 
17 δικὼν θράσει σῶμα πατρὸς ἐς δόμους. 
τὸ εἴσεαι δ᾽ αἴ κ᾽ ἐμᾶς κλύῃ 


49 φωτὸς Blass: 


ἀνδρὸς K. The only trace of the word in the MS. is a long stroke 


which goes below the line, decidedly suggesting P rather than T: on the other hand 
the space before it seems scarcely large enough for ANA.—TIIEPASNON A: after ® 


the letter a has been written above the line by A’. 
χόλῳ [ζέσ᾽ ἦτορ Jurenka: χολώ[θη κέαρ Blass: cp. 116. 


50 χολώϊσατ᾽ ἦτορ K.: 
51 ὕφαινε] ὕφανε Blass. 


ἦ.6. we two will come to a trial of 
strength. Od. 20. 180f. πάντως οὐκέτι 
νῶι διακρινέεσθαι ὀΐω | πρὶν χειρῶν γεύ- 
σασθαι. 

47 ἀρέταιχμος : probably a compound 
of the same class as πολέμαιγις : z.e. the 
notions of ἀρετή and αἰχμή were present 
to the poet’s mind, and he simply con- 
joined them, meaning, ‘ valiant with the 
spear.’ [The Homeric verb ἀρετᾶν, ‘to 
prosper’ (Od. 8. 329, 19. 114), might 
suggest the sense, ‘successful with the 
spear’; but this seems too artificial. ]— 
According to Wackernagel (cited by 
Blass) ἀρέταιχμος is=dpécarxmos, 7.0. 
ἀρεσκόμενος τῇ αἰχμῇ, ‘delighting in the 
spear.” He compares "Apécavdpos. [Add 
᾿Αρέ[η]σαιχμος, a proper name given by 
Pape-Benseler from an inscr. in Keil 
Analecta Epigraphica p- 108: also ’A- 
ρέσιππος, ‘delighting in horses.’] For 
the τ, Wackernagel compares Bwridverpa 
(Alcman fr.-40); but σ᾽ would there be 


impossible (cp. Bérys, Bodrns): and it is 
not likely that dpéracyuos was B.’s 
attempt to Doricize ἀρέσαιχμος. 
49f. φωτὸς is more probable than 
ἀνδρὸς, in view of the space (cr. n.): and 
a consonant is preferable after vavBdrac 
(cp. 114f.). φώς is a favourite word 
with B., who often pers it of heroes 
(v. 158, Meleager : 15, Heracles: 
XVII. 19 and 30, τ ἀπὼν --ὑπεράφανον, 
‘lofty’: Plat. Symp. 217 Σωκράτους 
ἔργον ὑπερήφανον : Phaedo 964 (αὕτη 
ἡ σοφία) ὑπερήφανος... ἐδόκει εἷναι, γνῶναι 
τὰς αἰτίας ἑκάστου. This good sense is 
much rarer than the bad; but the primary 
meaning of the word was merely = 
ὑπερφανής. Curtius Zzym. § 392 explains 
the form by supposing that ὑπερη contains 
the adj. stem ὑπερο with epic lengthen- 
ing Δ (cp. νεηγενής, ἐλαφηβόλο:). 
᾿Αλίου yap : the wife of Minos was 
Πασιφάη, daughter of Helios: Apoll. 
Rh. 3. 999: Paus. Vv. 25.9. (The name 


XVI] AlOYPAMBOI 


381 

Thus far the hero valiant with the spear: but the seafarers epode 1. 
were amazed at the youth’s lofty boldness ; and he whose bride 
was daughter of the Sun-god felt anger at his heart; he wove 
a new device in his mind, and said :-— 

“Ὁ Zeus, my sire of great might, hear me! If the white-armed 
daughter of Phoenix indeed bare me to thee, now send forth from 
heaven a swift flash of streaming fire, a sign for all to know. 
And thou, if Troezenian Aethra was thy mother by earth-shaking 
Poseidon,—cast thyself boldly down to the abode of thy sire, 
and bring from the deep this ring of gold that glitters on my 
hand.—But thou shalt see whether my prayer is heard 


Cp. xiv. 38. 53 εἴπερ [με κούρα] Festa, Blass: [με νύμφα] conj. Jurenka: [μ᾽ 
ἀλαθέως) Palmer, K. A vestige of the last letter remains in the left margin of 
col. XXXV: it cannot have been C, but may have been A. 55 θοὰν Palmer. 
58 EI was wrongly repeated ad inzt.: corr. A'? Cp. n. on 25 f.—Tpofyvia Blass. 
62 f. θράσει] θ written (by A*?) over another letter, perhaps I. After θράσει K. inserts 
τὸ, Jurenka σὸν (σὺ conj. J., Headlam, R. Ellis).—éixav θράσει σῶμα πατρὸς és δόμους | 
ἔνεγκε κόσμον βαθείας ἁλός MS.: Blass transposes 62 and 63, adding ἐκ before βαθείας. 


originally denoted a moon-goddess: Paus. 
Ill. 26. 1 Σελήνης ἐπίκλησις...ἐστὶν 7 
Πασιφάη.)---κχολώσατ᾽ ἦτορ is the most 
probable supplement, if in 116 ἐρεμνόν is 
sound: see ἢ. there. (Blass, reading 
εἰρμένον there, writes χολώθη κέαρ.) 7|. 
15. 155 ἐχολώσατο θυμῷ: Od. 9. 480 
χολώσατο κηρόθι μᾶλλον. Hes. Th. 568 
ἐχόλωσε δέ μιν φίλον ἦτορ (‘he angered 
him at his heart’). 

51 Ζ. ποταινίαν, ‘of a new kind,’ 
‘new and strange,’ as in Soph. Ant. 849 
τάφου moraviov (‘a strange tomb’): 
id. fr. 153. 4 ἡδονὰς ποταινίους.--- μῆτιν : 
he would invite Theseus to show his 
trust in Poseidon (v. 36) by jumping 
overboard. If Theseus should decline 
the challenge, he would be humiliated ; 
if he should accept it, he would be lost. 
Cp. 86. 

55f. πυριέθειραν : the ἔθειρα is the 
shimmer of the lightning. 

58 Τροιζηνία. I follow the Ms. in 
keeping the usual spelling. Blass writes 
Tpofyvia (referring to Kiihner- Blass, 
Gramm. 1. 13, 137). Tpogjveoe occurs in 
C. J. G. τ. 106, 1. 5. 10. (Pape-Benseler 
s. τ. cites no other evidence for that 
form.) In //. 2. 561 Τροιζῆν᾽, and 847 
Τροιζήνοιο, are traditional. 

62f. There are several reasons for 
transposing vv. 62 and 63, as Blass does, 
and adding ἐκ before βαθείας. (1) If 
the order of these two verses is correct 
in the Ms., then v. 62, δικὼν x.7.X., is 


shorter by a syllable than v. 128. It has 
been proposed to insert σὺ, τὸ, or σὸν 
before σῶμα. Some critics, however, 
hold that no such remedy is needed, and 
that -- -- -- (-Kav θράσει) here answers to 
—~-~ (ἐν δὲ πόντος) in 128. (2) A 
graver objection to the Ms. order is the 
well-nigh intolerable awkwardness of 
τόνδε χρύσεον | χειρὸς ἀγλαὸν | separ- 
ated by a whole verse (δικὼν... δόμους) 
from κόσμον : and this is made still worse 
by the fact that ἀγλαὸν (v. 2, n.) might 
equally well be the epithet of σῶμα. 
(3) ἔνεγκε...βαθείας ἁλός is in itself 
admissible: cp. Soph. Z/. 324 ff. δόμων... 
évragua...pépovoav: Ph. 613 &yowro νή- 
cov. But the addition of ἐκ is here a 
decided gain in clearness. (4) With 
the Ms. order, -elas ἁλός in 63 answers 
to éparg ([)οπί in 129: while, if v. 63 
ends with warpés és δόμους, the corre- 
spondence is exact. (5) Minos hints a 
doubt as to whether Theseus is Poseidon’s 
son; that is the sting. The ironical 
πατρὸς ἐς δόμους comes most forcibly at 
the end.—The MS. order may have arisen 
from the verse δικὼν. «δόμους (which is 
not necessary to the sense) having been 
accidentally omitted, and then inserted 
in the wrong place. 

64 εἴσεαι... αἵ κε...κλύῃ: 711. 4. 249 
ὄφρα ἴδητ᾽ αἴ x’ ὕμμιν ὑπερσχῇ χεῖρα 
Κρονίων: 10. 15. 32 ὄφρα ἴδῃς ἤν τοι 
χραίσμῃ φιλότης τε καὶ εὐνή. 


Κρόνιος εὐχᾶς 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVI 


> id c 4 ’ 
20 ἀναξιβρόντας ὁ πάντων μεδέων. 


, > > 5 A A 
στρ. B. + κλύε ὃ ἄμετρον εὐχὰν μεγασθενὴς 
4 ε 4 4 7 - 4 
2 Ζεύς, ὑπέροχόν τε Μίνωϊ φύτευσε 


Ν ’ 
3. τιμὰν φίλῳ θέλων 
Ν re / 

4 παιδὶ πανδερκέα θέμεν, 

3, » > ε ἈΝ 4 
5 ἄστραψέ θ᾽. ὁ δὲ θυμάρμενον 

, a 

6 


ἰδὼν τέρας πέτασε χεῖρας 
Ν 3 > ’ / 4 
7 κλυτὰν ἐς αἰθέρα μενεπτόλεμος ἥρως, 
8 εἶρέν Te’ Θησεῦ, «σὺ; τάδε 


75 9 


μὲν βλέπεις σαφῆ Διὸς 


το δῶρα: σὺ δ᾽ ὄρνυ᾽ ἐς βα- 
x ρύβρομον πέλαγος" Κρονίδας 
ΟΟἹ. 86... δέ τοι πατὴρ ἄναξ τελεῖ 


Ν J ’ὔ 
13 Ποσειδὰν ὑπέρτατον 
΄ὔ / > > fh 
κλέος χθόνα κατ᾽ ἠὔδενδρον. 


8ο 14 


a > ax > > , 
13 ὡς εἶπε' τῷ δ᾽ οὐ πάλιν 


16 θυμὸς ἀνεκάμπτετ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ev- / 


66 ἀναξιβρέντας MS.: corr. K. 


stroke has been drawn through the middle of I. 
So vew for vw in gt, ἐκείνησεν for ἐκίνησεν in IX. το.---ἄμετρον K.—Blass, 


not T.) 


Δ ΑἹ γπτ >A 


67 The papyrus has AMEITPON, but a short 


(The sixth letter is clearly P, 


who thinks that the Ms. has ἄμεπτον, writes ἄμεμπτον, with Herwerden; so also 


Jurenka. 


68 Μίνωϊ K., Wilamowitz, Jurenka: Mivw (= Μίνῳ) Blass, Housman. 


66 ἀναξιβρόντας (only here): cp. VI. 
10 ἀναξίμολπος, XX. 8 ἀναξίαλος. B. has 
t before Bp only here and in v. 109 μῆλᾶ 

ροτῶν. 

67 ἄμετρον εὐχάν. To ask Zeus for 
the sign of the lightning was to pray 
for a very extraordinary mark of favour ; 
the εὐχή was ἄμετρος as exceeding the 
ordinary limit of a mortal’s prayer. 
There is a similar phrase in //. 15. 598, 
where the prayer of Thetis, that the 
Greeks might suffer defeat until they had 
made amends to Achilles (1. 508 ff.), is 
called ἐξαίσιον ἀρήν, an ‘exorbitant’ or 
‘immoderate’ prayer. The τιμή which 
Zeus gave to Minos was, as the poet 
says, a ‘surpassing’ one: thus ὑπέροχον 
confirms ἄμετρον .--- he conjecture ἄμεμπτ- 
τον is against the Ms., and gives a weak 
sense; Zeus heard the ‘ d/ameless’ prayer; 
z.é. heard it without disapproval. 

68—70 The Miver of the Ms. has 
been scanned in three different ways. 


(1) As -~-, which corresponds with 
vv. 2 (dyAaods), 25 (καὶ δίκας), and gr 
(-ιν πνέουσ᾽). This is supported by Wila- 
mowitz, who remarks that the lengthening 
of t may be partly compensatory for the 
shortening of a. For the tcp. //. 1. 283 
λίσσομ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλῆϊ μεθέμεν χόλον (in thesis) : 
for ὦ before another vowel, Od. 6. 303 
npwos. (2) As —— (= Μίνῳ) : so Housman, 
and (in his 2nd ed.) Blass. The syllables 
-6v τε Μιν-, -~-, then answer to —~-~ 
in the other places. (3) As —-~: so 
Blass (1st ed.), assuming that --~~ 
(Mivwi gur-) could answer to -~-—~ 
elsewhere. The first of these three views 
seems to me the most probable, though 
the t can be justified only by a metrical 
stress on that syllable (assisted, perhaps, 
by the shortening of w).—A transposition, 
φύτευσε Μίνῳ, is unsatisfactory, because 
the last syllable is short in 2 and 25, and 
probably in gt also (see ἢ. there). It is 
possible that Μίνωι is a gloss; but it 


XVI] 


AIOYPAMBOI 


383 


by the son of Cronus, the all-ruling lord of thunder,’ 


Mighty Zeus heard the unmeasured prayer, and ordained a 
surpassing honour for Minos, willing to make it seen of all men, 


for the sake of his well-loved son. 


He sent the lightning. But 


the steadfast warrior, when he saw that welcome portent, stretched 
his hands towards the glorious ether, and said :— 

‘Theseus, there thou beholdest the clear sign given by Zeus. 
And now do thou spring into the deep-sounding sea; and the 
son of Cronus, king Poseidon, thy sire, will assure thee supreme 
renown throughout the well-wooded earth.’ 

So spake he: and the spirit of Theseus recoiled not; 


69 f. φίλῳ... παιδὶ] φίλον... παῖδα Housman, Blass”. 


72 πέτασε χεῖρας Wilamowitz, 


Christ, Richards (who suggests also χέρα πέτασσε), Ludwich: πέτασσε χεῖρας Blass?: 


χεῖρας πέτασσε MS. (χεῖρε πέτασε K.). 


742. <ol> τάδε | μὲν βλέπεις J. (K.), 


and so Jurenka, Smyth: τάδ᾽ «ἐμὰ-- | μὲν βλέπεις conj. Platt: τάδε. μὲν | ἔβλεπες 


Richards, Blass?. 


80 ETAENAPON Ms.: ἠὔδενδρον K., Blass? (εὐρύεδρον 


Herwerden formerly, but he now accepts ἠὔδενδρον). 


does not seem likely. The obvious /@ 
γόνῳ would be too near φίλῳ.. παιδί: 
fot κλέος would be scarcely compatible 
with τιμάν. Verses 39 and 120 might 
suggest Kvwoiw: but this also is im- 
probable. 

φύτευσε τιμάν: remark the early re- 
currence of the verb used in 59. Pind. 
P.1V. 69 θεὀόπομποί σφισιν τιμαὶ pirevder: 
7. ν. 12 σύν τέ οἱ δαίμων φυτεύει dbEav.—- 
φίλῳ.. παιδί, ‘for (the sake of) his dear 
son,’ to be taken with θέλων... θέμεν. ---- 
πανδερκέα, ‘seen by all.’ Elsewhere, 
‘all-seeing’ (Anth. 9. 525. 17, Quint. 
Smyrn. 2. 443). ' ἢ 

72 f. τέρας: the lightning had come 
from a clear sky (αἰθέρα, 73). So in 
Od. 20. 114, Zeus having thundered, at 
the prayer of Odysseus, from a cloudless 
sky, the hero says, οὐδέ ποθι νέφος ἐστί" 
τέρας νύ τεῳ τόδε φαίνεις.---πέτασε χεῖρας 
answers metrically to πίτνον αὖραι in v. 6, 
καί σε κεδνά in 29, and ὀμμάτων δα- in 95. 
The ms. has χεῖρας πέτασσε: cp. 1X. 10}. 

74 f. A short syllable is wanting after 
Θησεῦ:- cp. 8, 31, 97- (1),The best remedy 
would be to read τάδ᾽ -ἐμὰ >, and that 
may be what the poet wrote. In our Ms., 
however, nothing has been lost after 
ΤΑΔΕ, with which this v. ends. If 
TAA’ EMA was the original reading, the 
letters MA must have dropped out at 
some earlier stage in the transmission of 
the text. (2) Another resource is to 
insert od after Θησεῦ, where it might so 
easily have dropped out. The od δ᾽ 


ὄρνυ᾽ in 76 is not a decisive objection. 
When σὺ δὲ precedes an imperative, the 
stress on the verb is much stronger than 
that on the pronoun, as is seen when it 
follows a protasis with the same person 
as subject: ¢.g. Her. vil. 159 εἰ δ᾽ dpa 
μὴ δικαιοῖς ἄρχεσθαι, σὺ δὲ μηδὲ βοήθεε 
(where σὺ δὲ is merely ‘¢hen’): cp. Her. 
Il. 68, 77. 9. 301 f., Aesch. Ag. 1061, 
Xen. Cyr. 5. 5. 21. (3) Others read 
τάδε μὲν ἔβλεπες (see cr. n.). An 
aorist, referring to the moment just past, 
might be substituted for the present: thus 
εἴσιδες would be analogous to ἐπήνεσα 
(Soph. Az. 536), ἔφριξα (7b. 693), etc. 
But the imperfect ἔβλεπες is surely im- 
possible. 

76 ΣΦ. Spvv’, ὄρνυο, -- ὄρνυσο, pres. im- 
perat. midd. of ὄρνυμι. Neither the act. 
nor the midd. present imperat. of that 
verb seems to occur elsewhere, though 
the aor. imperat. is not rare (ὄρσο, ὄρσεο, 
ὄρσευ). For the dropping of o in 2nd 
pers. sing. pres. imperat. middle, cp. 
il. το. 201 παρίσταο, τό. 497 μάρναο, 
Od. τ8. 171 φάο (᾿Ξρεακ᾽).---βαρύ͵ ν: 
Eur. Helen. 1305 βαρύβρομον...κῦμ᾽ ἅλιον. 
—When Kopovidas or Κρόνιος is said of 
Poseidon, he is always named (as here 
and in Corinna fr. 1, Pind. O. VI. 29), 
or indicated, as in XVII. 21 by Avratov | 
σεισίχθονος. 

BO ἠΐδενδρον: Pind. P. Iv. 74 εὐ- 
δένδροιο... ματέρος (Earth). 

82 ἀνεκάμπτετ᾽, like a bending sword 
(XII. 52 ff. ἐγνάμφθη δ᾽ ὀπίσσω φάσγανον). 


Str. 2. 


384 


, 2 > 
17 TWAKT@V €7T 


BAKXYAIAOY 


> , 
ικ βιων 


[XVI 


Ἀ ΕΣ ’ 4 7 
3% σταθεὶς ὄρουσε, πόντιόν τέ νιν 


85 19 


δέξατο θελημὸν ἄλσος. 


20 tal o lev δὲ Διὸς vids ἔνδοθεν 
21 κέαρ, κέλευσέ τε KAT οὖ- 
:: pov ἴσχεν εὐδαίδαλον 


a a Binet tf 5...» 2 ¢Qs 
23 Vaa* μοιρα ὃ ετέραν εἐπορσυν ὁδόν. 


Ἂ ψ ἀπε ina ΄, ΄ 
ἀντ. β΄.90 τ ἵετο δ᾽ ὠκύπομπον δόρυ" OOEL 
2 vw Bopeas ἐξόπιν πνέουσ᾽ anra: 
ta > 5 ’ 
8. τρέσσαν δ᾽ ᾿Αθαναίων 
4 ἠϊθέων «πάν; γένος, ἐπεὶ 
5 ἥρως θόρεν πόντονδε, κα- 


95 6 


’ 
τὰ λειρίων τ᾽ ὀμμάτων δά- 


’ ”~ > ’ὔ 3 ’ 
7 κρυ χϑον, βαρεῖαν ἐπιδέγμενοι αναγκαν" 


86 τάφεν Pearson, Weil, Blass? (υἱὸς δὲ Διὸς ἔνδοθεν κέαρ τάφε conj. Richards): 


τᾶξεν K.: τᾶκεν Β].} 
κάτουρον Housman.—icyxev K.: 


(‘ Remis navis cohibenda erat ; hinc epitheton’). 


87 £. xaroi[pjov MS.: 
ἴσχειν Μ5.---ἑκατοντόρον (Pollux 1. 82) σχὲν Blass? 


κατ᾽ οὖρον K., Jurenka, Smyth: 


91. νιν Housman and others: 


83—85 ἰκρίων, a raised half-deck at 
the stern, on which, in the Homeric ship, 
the chiefs have their place (Od. 13. 72; 
15. 282, 557): beneath it there was room 
for storage (75. 15. 206). An equivalent 
term was ἐδώλια (Soph. Az. 1277n.): 
Her. 1. 21 describes Arion as στάντα ἐν 
τοῖσι ἑδωλίοισι when he sang, before 
springing into the sea.—ora@els is here 
a poetical substitute for ords, as in Pind. 
Iv. 84 ἐστάθη = ἔστη. [In Od. 17. 463 
ὁ “δ᾽ ἐστάθη hire πέτρη | ἔμπεδον, the 
pass. perhaps emphasizes the idea of 
fixity.]}—OeAnpov (the accent prescribed 
by the s.), from @eAnuds: Hes. Of. 118 
ἐθελημοί: Callim. Dzan. 31 ἐθελημός. 
Arcadius 61. 3 τὸ δὲ θελεμὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ 
θελημὸς ὀξύνεται. [Aesch. Suppl. 1027 
θελεμὸν πῶμα (of the Nile) 15 usually 
explained with Hesych. 65: ἥσυχον. J— 
πόντιον... ἄλσος: the phrase of Aesch. 
Pers. 111, suggesting the sacredness of 
the sea as the domain of Poseidon 
(Neptunia prata): it is thus peculiarly 


fitting here. 

86 f. τάφεν (cp. v. 48)... ἔνδοθεν κέαρ, 
‘felt a secret awe in his heart.’ Minos 
had expected that Theseus would decline 
his challenge. The prompt and dauntless 
manner in which Theseus had accepted 


it filled him with amazement; though he 


seemed to have got rid of his foe, he felt an 
inward misgiving. But he did not allow 
his feeling to appear.—[raxev (or Tagev) 
...xéap would mean, ‘he wasted his heart 
within him’; z.e. ‘he felt his soul melt 
within him,’—the emotion being one of 
surprise and fear. Cp. Od. ΧΙΧ. 263 μηδ᾽ 
ἔτι θυμὸν | rHKe πόσιν γοάουσα. But the 
word is more suitable there than it would 
be here.] 

87—89 κατ᾽ οὖρον tryxev...vaa, ‘to 
keep the ship before the wind.” When 
Theseus sprang overboard, the impulse 
of the κυβερνήτης (an Athenian, cp. Plut. 
Thes. 17) would naturally be to bring up 
the ship, which was running before the 
north wind (vy. 6): but Minos ordered 
him to keep on his course. Secretly 
disquieted by the confidence of Theseus, 
Minos did not care to wait at that spot. 
If he went on, at any rate—so he thought 
(v. 121n.)—he should see Theseus no 
more. ‘Fate,’ however, ‘ was preparing 
a different issue.’ The ship sped on 
its way; but Theseus reappeared at a 
later moment (119).—For ἴσχεν (Dor. 
inf., 41 n.)=éxeuw, said of steering a ship 
on a certain course, cp. Od. 10. 91 ἔνθ᾽ 
oly’ εἴσω πάντες ἔχον νέας: Her. VI. 95 
οὐ παρὰ τὴν ἤπειρον εἶχον Tas νέας. 

Reading κάτουρον, Housman under- 


XVI] AIOYPAMBOI 


385 
he took his place on the well-built stern, and sprang thence, 
and the domain of the deep received him in kindness. 

The son of Zeus felt a secret awe in his heart, and gave 
command to keep the cunningly-wrought ship before the wind; 
but Fate was preparing a different issue. 


So the bark sped fast on its journey, and the northern breeze, 
blowing astern, urged it forward. But all the Athenian youths and 
maidens shuddered when the hero sprang into the deep; and 
tears fell from their bright young eyes, in prospect of their 
grievous doom. 


νειν MS.—BOPEOTC A: a written above OT by A*.— ἐξόπιν K.: ἐξόπιθε Wilamowitz, 
Blass: εξοπιθεν MS.—dajra] dnra Housman, Smyth (ἀῆτα Wilamowitz). 98 ἠθέων 
-“-πᾶν:- Κ.: <yds> Weil. 94 f. θόρεν] ope Purser, Christ-—Richards conj. 
πόντονδε θόρεν ἥρως, κατά | τε λειρίων ὀμμάτων. 95 f. δάϊκρυ χέον J., and so Blass, 


Jurenka, Smyth: δάκρυ | xéov Μ5.---ἐπιδέγμενοι Jurenka, Smyth: ἐπιδεγμένοι Blass. 


stands, ‘he ordered them to s¢op the 
ship which was running before the wind.” 
But, even with κάτουρον, the sense would 
be, ‘to keep the ship before the wind’: 
κάτουρον could not stand for τὴν κατ᾽ 
οὖρον πλέουσαν. Blass, also, supposes 
that ἔσχεν means ‘stop’; but of κάτουρον 
he says, ‘non sufficit,’ and has recourse 
to a much bolder emendation :---κέλευσέ 
θ᾽ ἑκατόντορον σχὲν...νᾶα, ‘to stop the 
hundred-oared ship.’ ᾿ 

90 ὠκύπομπον: Eur. 7. 7. 1136 ναὸς 
ὠκυπόμπου. --- δόρυ, ‘ship’ (like ¢rads, 
Hor. C. I. i. 13 etc.): Aesch. Pers. 411 
ἐπ᾽ ἄλλην (sc. ναῦν) δ᾽ ἄλλος ηὔθυνεν δόρυ 
(cp. Ag. 1618). Pind. P. τν. 27 εἰνάλιον 
δόρυ, and 38 ἐκ dovparos.—The v is 
lengthened before ode as v before oo 
in δορυσσόος. Cp. also 77]. 17. 463 ὅτε 
σεύαιτο διώκειν (and 23. 198). σόει is 
imperf. of coéw: with the augment it 
would be ἐσσόει (cp. ἔσσευα, ἔσσυμαι, 
ἐσσύθην). The only other part of σοέω 
extant is preserved by Hesych., ἐσσοη- 
μένον τεθορυβημένον, ὡρμημένον. 

91 ἐξόπιν occurs only in Aesch. Ag. 
115 (though κατόπιν τε κατόπισθεν is fre- 
quent): and its rarity would account for 
the ἐξόπιθεν of the ms. It is decidedly 
preferable on metrical grounds to ἐξόπιθε, 
which would weaken the rhythm ; nor is 
the long syllable answering to -e re- 
solved in 2, 25, or 68.--ἀήτα is the 
accent in the Ms., indicating the Doric 
form of ἀήτη (Hes. Of. 643, etc.). ἄητα 
(with Aeolic accent) would be preferable, 
since in all the corresponding verses (2, 
25, 68) the last syllable is short. The 
Aeolic form is probable (if not certain) 


jJ. B. 


in Simonides fr. 41, οὐδὲ yap ἐννοσίφυλλος 
ἄητα τότ᾽ ὥρτ᾽ ἀνέμων (ἀήτα Bergk’, 
though formerly ἄητα). But ἄητα (or 
ἀῆτα) would be masc. (=dayrns): and 
the fem. Bopeds (attested by the accents 
in the Ms.) is certain. No such form as 
Bopeos (for Bépetos) was in use. Cp. 
Aesch. frag. 195. 2 Bopeddas ἥξεις πρὸς 
mvods. For this reason alone I refrain 
from altering the MS. accent on ἀήτα. 

92 ᾿Αθαναίων with at: so 128 παιά- 
viav: Ar. Vesp. 282 φιλαθήναιος, Ἐφ. 139 
δείλαιος: Eur. 27. F. 115 γεραιέ: Anth. 
9. 281. 3 παλαιός: Orph. fr. 2. 2 δικαίων. 

93 The corresponding verses (4, 27, 
70) begin with -~-. A long syllable is 
therefore wanting between ἠϊθέων and 
yévos. Kenyon inserts wav, and nothing 
better has been proposed. 

94—96 The iambus θόρεν answers to 
~~~ in 5, 28, 71. This discrepancy would 
be removed by the transposition which 
Richards suggests, wévrovde θόρεν ἥρως, 
κατά | τε λειρίων : and the emphatic 
place given to πόντονδε would also be 
fitting. I hesitate to adopt it only be- 
cause it presupposes that te had either 
(1) been shifted to its place after λειρίων, 
which seems improbable: or (2) lost, and 
then wrongly inserted there; which we 
are not entitled to assume, since the Ms. 
text is metrically possible, ~- (θόρεν) 
being an admissible substitute for ~~~. 

λειρίων.... ὀμμάτων, eyes of delicate 
beauty,—the bright eyes of youth. Cp. 
Shakespeare’s ‘young-eyed cherubins’ 
(Merchant of Venice, ν. i. 62). In 7. 
13. 830 χρόα λειριόεντα is ‘delicate’ skin : 
and in //. 3. 152 the chirping sound 


26 


ant. 2. 


386 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVI 


8 φέρον δὲ δελφῖνες ἁλι- 


9 ναιέται μέγαν θοῶς 


4 Ν ε ’ 
το Θησέα πατρὸς ἱππί- 
δόμον, μέγαρόν τε θεῶν 
/, Ν > Ν 
τόθι κλυτὰς ἰδὼν 


ΙΟΟ τι ου 
’ 

το μόλεν᾽" 

13 ἔδεισ᾽ ὀλβίοιο Ny- 


τᾷ ρέος κόρας" ἀπὸ γὰρ ἀγλα- 
ι5.. ὧν λάμπε γυίων σέλας 
10516 ὦτε πυρός, ἀμφὶ χαίταις 


7 δὲ χρυσεόπλοκοι 


18 δίνηντο ταινίαι" χορῷ δ᾽ ἔτερ- 
τ Tov κέαρ ὑγροῖσι ποσσίν' 

’, Ν ¥ ’, 
20 σεμνάν τε πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν 


1102 ἴδε βοῶπιν ἐρατοῖ- 


2 σιν ᾿Αμφιτρίταν δόμοις" 


97 £. ἁλιναιέται K. (deleting ev before αλι-), Jurenka, Smyth; ἐναλιϊναιέται MS., 
.¥6\ev Housman, Wilamowitz, Blass, Richards, Smyth, 
«μέγαρον Jurenka: 
102 f. ἔδεισ᾽ ὀλβίοιο Νηϊρέος Richards, Ludwich, Blass? : 


100f. δόμον, μέγαρόν τε.. 
and others: δομόνδ᾽ ἔμολέν τε.. 


Blass. 


ἔμολέν τε...μέγαρον MS. 
ἔδεισεν Νηρῆος ὁλ βίου K. 


δόμον" 


(ἔδεισε Νηρῆος ὀλ᾽βίου Bl.1, Smyth): ἔδεισε, Νηρέος ὀλβίου Μ5., the diastole marking 


the division of the words. 


105 ore] The Ms. seems to have had QITE.—ore K. 


107 δίνηντο Blass: δινεῦντο K.: AEINHNTO A, but the E has been cancelled (by 


made by the cicada is called ὄπα λειριόεσ- 
σαν, a ‘delicate’ voice. Pind. WV. vit. 
79 calls the white coral λείριον ἄνθεμον 
ποντίας... ἐέρσας (where the notion of 
delicate beauty is joined to that of the 
colour). —Suidas gives λειρόὀφθαλμος 
[λειρ()ὀφθαλμος}, ὁ προσηνεῖς ἔχων 
τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, ‘with gentle eyes.’ The 
idea of ‘gentle’ may have been first 
associated with λειριόεις, λείριος as an 
epithet of the vozce: thus Ap. Rh. 4. 903 
calls the chant of the Seirens ὄπα λείριον. 
Here, in reference to the youths and 
maidens collectively, Aeplwy can hardly 
mean ‘gentle’; a more general sense is 
needed. 

δάκρυ xéov. The division of the verses 
given above (and suggested by me in 
Kenyon’s edition, p. 169) is required 
by the metre: see 6, 29, 72.—émBéypevor, 
“expecting.” In //. 9. 191 δέγμενος 
Αἰακίδην, where the sense is ‘awaiting’ 
(as in 18. 524), the word is accented as 
the partic. of 2nd aor. ἐδέγμην, while its 
meaning indicates the perfect partic. (Z/. 
4. 107 δεδεγμένος ἐν προδοκῇσιν). B. 
would probably have kept the irregular 
Homeric accent of δέγμενος, and it is 
therefore better not to write ἐπιδεγμέν o1.— 


ἀνάγκαν, the ‘doom’ of becoming victims 
to the Minotaur. 

972. δελφῖνες, the usual agents in 
the miraculous conveyance of mortals 
through or beneath the sea: pseudo- 
Arion (Bergk* ΠΙ. Ρ- 80) 11f. οἵ μ᾽ εἰς 
Πέλοπος γᾶν...ἐπορεύσατε: Plut. Mor. 
p- 163A (Enalos of Lesbos and the 
maiden whom he rescued from drowning) 
ἐπὶ δελφίνων φορητοὶ διὰ θαλάττης. Some 
of the vase-painters, however, depicted 
Theseus as borne up in the arms of a 
Triton. (See Introd.)—dAwatérat (only 
here): pseudo-Arion 9 f. δελφῖνες, ἔναλα 
θρέμματα | κουρᾶν Νηρεΐδων Oedv.—The 
MS. has ἐναλιναιέται, which Blass retains, 
comparing ἐμπυριβήτης (11. 23. 702) and 
ἐγχειρίθετος (Her. v. 108). But it seems 
scarcely doubtful that, as metre indicates 
(cp. 8f. and grf.), ev was written by 
error. 

99—101 ἱππίου, Poseidon, as creator 
of the horse, and as horse-tamer (δαμαῖος, 
ἴμψιος) ; Soph. O. C. 711 ff. He is ἵππων 
πρύτανις (Stesich. fr. 49), ἵππαρχος (Pind. 
P. Iv. 45). Poseidon ἵππιος had an 
altar at Colonus Hippius near Athens 
(O. C. 55). Greek poets use constant 
epithets without regard to their fitness in 


XVI] AIOYPAMBOI 


387 

Meanwhile dolphins, dwellers in the sea, were swiftly bearing 
mighty Theseus to the abode of his sire, lord of steeds; and he 
came unto the hall of the gods. There beheld he the glorious 
daughters of blest Nereus, and was awe-struck; for a splendour 
as of fire shone from their radiant forms; fillets inwoven with 
gold encircled their hair; and they were delighting their hearts 


by dancing with lissom feet. 


And in that beautiful abode he saw his father’s well-loved 
wife, the stately, ox-eyed Amphitrite ; 


A??).—Wilamowitz conj. δονεῦντο. 
ὑγροῖσιν ἐν ποσίν MS., Blass. 


108 ὑγροῖσι ποσσίν K., Jurenka, Smyth: 
109f. IA.N A: 


εἶδεν A®>,—BOQIII A: 


v written above I (by A*?).—ceuvdy re πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν | ἴδε conj. Housman: 


σεμνὰν τότ᾽ ἄλοχον πατρὸς φίλαν | ἴδε Richards. 


σεμνὰν MS. 


εἶδέν τε πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν | 


the particular context ; sleeping birds are 
called ravurrépvyes by Alcman (fr. 60. 
7), and ships drawn up on shore can 
still have the epithet @oat (Soph. 4z. 
710).—86pov, the palace of Poseidon in 
the depths of the sea: 21. 13. 21 f. ἔνθα 
δέ (near Aegae) of κλυτὰ δώματα βένθεσι 
λίμνης χρύσεα μαρμαίροντα τετεύχαται, 
ἄφθιτα αἰεί. The second syllable of 
δόμον should be long (see 11, 34, 77)- 
Two remedies are possible. (1) To 
write δομόνδ᾽ with Jurenka, keeping the 
MS. ἔμολεν... μέγαρον. (2) Keeping 86- 
pov, to write μέγαρον... μόλεν. This seems 
best. Of the three verses corresponding 
to ror, two (12 and 78) begin with ~-, 
and the third (35) with --—: hence μόλεν 
is more probable than μέγαρον as the 
first word of 101.—péyapov is the great 
hall in Poseidon’s δόμος. The plur. θεῶν 
refers to Poseidon and Amphitrite: per- 
haps it is meant to include the ‘ bright- 
throned Nereids’ also. On the cup of 
Euphronius Athena too is present (see 


p- 225). 

102f. ὀλβίοιο Nnpéos. The trans- 
position (see cr. n.) brings the metre into 
agreement with that of 13, 36, and 79. 
It may be regarded as certain.—xépas : 
cp. ἢ. on 38 Νηρηΐδες. 

105 dre: Awpixds ἀντὶ τοῦ ὥστε, schol. 
Pind. WV. vi. 47. Pindar has it frequently 
(P. Iv. 64, Χ. 54, etc.): cp. XII. 124 n. 
—trupés : 19. 306 (the eyes of 
Achilles) λαμπέσθην ws εἴ τε πυρὸς σέλα-.--- 
ἀμφὶ χαίταις : for the dat., cp. 124, 
XVII. 53: Pind. O. XIII. 39 ἀμφὶ κόμαις. 

106 f. . ταινίαι, ‘fillets inwoven 
with gold,’ 2.5. with gold thread. The 
ταινία was a ribband worn by maidens 
(and matrons) round the head, to confine 


the hair (crinales vittas Verg. Aen. 7. 
352).—Slvynvro. (1) This must be (I 
think) for ἐδεδίνηντο, pluperf. of dwéw, 
‘had been twirled’ round the hair, 
‘encircled’ it: cp. //. 23. 562 (a θώρηξ) 
ᾧ περὶ χεῦμα φαεινοῦ κασσιτέροιο | ἀμφι- 
δεδίνηται, around which a casting of 
bright tin has been carried (2.4. which 
has been overlaid with tin-plate). (2) If 
δίνηντο were taken (with Blass) as imperf. 
of an Aeolic δίνημι (=divéw), the sense 
must be, ‘ were being twirled.’ But the 
close-fitting head-band, ταινία, would not 
be shaken by the movements of the 
dance. Cp. 18 δίνασεν, n. 

108 ὑγροῖσι, supple, ‘lissom.’ ὑγρός 
in this sense is opposed to σκληρός (‘stiff’), 
Plat. Theaet. p. 162B. So of horses, 
ὑγρὰ ἔχειν τὰ σκέλη (Xen. Eg. 1. 6). 
Arist. H. Anim. 6. 35 (6 θὼξ) ταχυτῆτι 
διαφέρει...διὰ τὸ ὑγρὸς εἶναι. Pollux 4. 
96 ὑγρὸς ὀρχηστής.---ΤῊε use of the word 
in reference to Nymphs of the sea is not 
very felicitous. 

109 2. The scansion of the syllables 
before Boamw in tro ought to be either 
~~ (as in 21, 44), or else — (as in 87, 
κέαρ with synizesis). The —- given by 
σεμνὰν seems metrically impossible. 
Sitzler (quoted by Jurenka p. 128) regards 
σεμνὰν as a gloss on βοῶπιν, and would 
substitute τάν. But then the words 
éparotow...d6uors, which go with the verb, 
would be locked into the clause rav... 
᾿Αμφιτρίταν. In 10g the first hand wrote 
IA.N, not εἶδεν. The transposition 
σεμνάν.. ἴδε (Housman) is the only satis- 
factory remedy. Verse 10g still differs 
from 20, 43, and 86 in so far as -~~~ 
(πατρὸς ἄλοχ-) here aim ~~-~ in 
these verses. This difference would be 


26—2 


tov ποτέ (F)ou ἐν 


aon ἄς Ww 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVI 


a vw ἀμφέβαλεν αἰόλαν πορφύραν, 


’ ’, δι ον aA 
κόμαισί τ᾽ ἐπέθηκεν οὔλαις 
ἀμεμφέα πλόκον, 


άμῳ 


δῶκε δόλιος ᾿Αφροδίτα ῥόδοις ἐρεμνόν. 
ἄπιστον ὅ τι δαίμονες 
θέωσιν οὐδὲν φρενοάραις βροτοῖς: 


7 νᾶα παρὰ λεπτόπρυμνον φάνη" φεῦ, 


120 8 


οἵαισιν ἐν φροντίσι Κνώσιον 


9 ἔσχασεν στραταγέταν, ἐπεὶ 
ΤᾺ» 9 ,’ > ε x 

το μόλ᾽ ἀδίαντος ἐξ ἁλὸς 

τς θαῦμα πάντεσσι, dp 


2 πε δ᾽ ἀμφὶ γυίοις θεῶν Sap’, ayhao- 


125 13 
4 Ovpia νεοκτίτῳ 
5 ’ , » ν: 

1 ὠλόλυξαν, €- 


112 dudéBare K.: 
Appendix. 116 δόλιος] ΔΟΛΙΣ A: 
Weil : elpuévor Blass : 


ἀμφέβαλλεν MS.—diéva πορφυρέαν MS. 
o written above I (by A??).—é€peuvdv] éepuévov 
ἐραννόν Piccolomini. 


θρονοί τε κοῦραι σὺν εὐ- 


For conjectures see 


118 θέωσιν Crusius, Richards, 


removed by reading, with Richards, 
σεμνὰν τότ᾽ ἄλοχον πατρὸς φίλαν (πὰτρὸς 
as in v. 63). τότε is fitting, since the 
approach of Theseus to Amphitrite is the 
crowning moment of the scene. And the 
placing of πατρὸς before ἄλοχον might 
easily have caused the shrinkage of τότε 
into Te. 

βοῶπιν. This epithet of Hera is given 
to mortal women in //. 3. 144, 7. το, 18. 


40. 

111 ᾿Αμφιτρίταν. The wife of Posei- 
don (Pind. O. νι. 105) is the Sea that 
‘moans around the shores of earth’ 
(rpifw, τρύζω) : cp. Od. 12. 97 ἀγάστονος 
᾿Αμφιτρίτη. She is unknown to the //ad, 
and in the Odyssey is scarcely more than 
a symbol for the sea (as in the phrase 
pera κύμασιν ᾿Αμφιτρίτης, 3. 91). Hes. 
Th. 243 makes her a daughter of Nereus, 
and her connexion with the Nereids was 
always close. In art Poseidon and Am- 
phitrite were often associated with Hestia, 
the goddess of ¢erra firma (cp. Paus. v. 
26. 2). 

112 ἀϊόνα in the MS., if sound, is an 
otherwise unknown name for some kind 
of garment. It is possible that ἠϊών, 
ἠών, ‘sea-bank,’ ‘ margin,’ may have been 
used to mean the ‘border’ of a robe, and 
that ‘purple border’ here may have 


meant a robe with such a border. But 
there is no evidence for this; and it 
seems very improbable. Far the best 
emendation is that which Tyrrell was the 
first to propose, αἰόλαν πορφύραν, ‘gleam- 
ing purple.’ The corruption of αἰόλαν 
into diéva can be explained in either of 
two ways. (1) In AIOAAN the AA 
may have become NA, when the final N 
would be deleted. Or (2) the similarity 
of A to A may have led to the loss of 
A, leaving AIOAN: then N would be 
transposed, so as to make AIONA. 
Housman illustrates this process from 
Vv. 117, where ’AyéAaov became ἄγγελον : 
z.é. A was lost after A, leaving ATEAON, 
and then this was made into a Greek 
word by adding a second I’.—The change 
of πορφύραν into πορφυρέαν would follow 
the change of αἰόλαν into diéva.—For 
other conjectures μεν Bes’ endix. 

113 ovdats: 6. 230 (Athena 
changing the ee of Odysseus) κὰδ 
δὲ κάρητος | οὔλας ἧκε κόμας (‘thick, curly 
locks’). 

114—116 ἀμεμφέα πλόκον. ‘a choice 
wreath.’ Pausanias (I. 17. 3) describes 
it as στέφανον χρυσοῦν : Hyginus (Astron. 
Il. 5) as coronam...compluribus lucentem 
gemmis. B., too, doubtless conceived it 
as a wreath of gold; the word Adprre in 


XVI] 


AIOYPAMBOI 


who clad him in gleaming purple, 


389 


and set on his thick hair a choice wreath, dark with roses, given epode 2. 
to her of yore at her marriage by wily Aphrodite. 


Nothing that the gods may ordain is past belief to men of a 


sound mind. Theseus appeared by the ship with slender stern. 
Ah, in what thoughts did he check the war-lord of Cnosus, 
when he came unwetted from the sea, a wonder to all, his form 


resplendent with the gifts of the gods! 


The bright-throned 


Nereids cried aloud with new-born gladness; 


Weil: θέλωσιν MS.: AGow Palmer, K. 
(by A??). 
TYTOLs...ATAO ms. 


120 φροντίσι] φόντισσι A: corr. Al? 


119 vada] AAA A: ν written above A 
124 γ᾽υίοις...ἀγλαό- K. : 


123 refers to wreath as well as robe. 
ῥόδοις ἐρεμνόν, the reading of the Ms., is 
right: the golden wreath was ‘ dark with 
roses,’ z.2. thickly entwined with dark- 
red roses,—the flowers of Aphrodite,— 
when she gave it to Poseidon’s bride as a 
wedding-gift. When Amphitrite gave it 
to Theseus, the roses may still have been 
there; but the words do not require us to 
assume that.—Modifying Weil’s emenda- 
tion éeppévov, Blass reads elppévov, ‘strung 
with roses.’ (Cp. Od. 18. 296 (ὅρμον) 
χρύσεον, ἠλέκτροισιν €epuévov, ‘strung 
with amber beads.’) The phrase πλόκον... 
ῥόδοις εἱρμένον, however, would suggest, 
not a golden wreath ‘twined’ with roses, 
but simply a chaplet formed by ‘string- 
ing’ roses together; and the gift can 
scarcely have been such. [épuévor, it 
may be added, would be closer to the 
Ms. than elpuévov. In Her. Iv. 190, 
évepuévwv has good warrant (ἐνειρμένων 
Stein) : cp. id. 1. 154 ἀπεργμένος, 11. 121 
épyacrat.| 

δόλιος, fem., as in Eur. A/c. 35, Tro. 
530, Cycl. 449, Helen. 20, 242, 1605. 
Sappho addresses Aphrodite as δολόπλοκε 
(fr. 1. 2): Simonides fr. 43 δολόμητις 
᾿Αφροδίτα: Eur. 7. A. 1301 δολιόφρων 
Κύπρις. 

1172. ἄπιστον κ.τ.λ.: in Ill. 57 ἃ 
like phrase comes between two miracles. 
After relating the deeds of Perseus, 
Pindar’s comment is,—éuol δὲ θαυμάσαι 
θεῶν τελεσάντων οὐδέν ποτε φαίνεται 
ἔμμεν ἄπιστον (P. Χ. 48 ff.).—Oéwow, 
‘ordain’: Od. 8. 465 οὕτω νῦν Ζεὺς θείη. 
This is a certain correction of the Ms. 
θέλωσιν. With regard to Palmer’s λῶσιν, 
the verb λὴῆν was in common use in 
Laconian (Ar. Zys. 1162 f.) as in other 
Doric dialects ; and, in the Alexandrian 


age at least, it was not confined to Doric 
poetry (thus Callim. Diaz. 19 has djs). 
But it is not likely to have been used 
by an Ionian of the classical period.— 
φρενοάραις, ‘of sound mind’: so φρενήρης 
is opposed to ἐμμανής (Her. 111. 25). For 
the form cp. Pind. ΔΛ Iv. 41 Μέμνονα 
χαλκοάραν : P. V. 35 χεριαρᾶν τεκτόνων. 

119 λεπτόπρυμνον: the conjecture 
λεπτόπρῳρον is improbable. The sterz 
is mentioned, because Minos would be 
there. (Cp. n. on ἐκρίων in 83.) 

120f£. οἵαισιν.. ἔσχασεν κ.τ.λ.: ‘In 
what (exultant) thoughts did he check’ 
Minos. σχάζω, ‘to let loose,’ means 


(1) ‘to split open,’ (2) ‘to let drop,’ . 


(3) then ‘to stop’ by relaxing a tension : 
Pind. P. X. 51 κώπαν σχάσον, ‘ease the 
oar,’ ‘stop rowing’: Eur. Ph. 454 σχάσον 
δὲ δεινὸν ὄμμα καὶ θυμοῦ mvods, ‘remit 
thy frown and thy blustering wrath.’ In 
Pind. V. Iv. 64 the victory of Heracles 
over monsters is described by σχάσαις : 
he ‘stayed’ their violence. So here the 
apparition of Theseus ‘gave pause’ to 
Minos in his secret exultation. 

122 adiavros, ‘unwetted.’ Simonides 
fr. 37. 3 οὐκ ἀδιάντοισιν παρειαῖς : Pind. 
N. vit. 73 σθένος ἀδίαντον (schol. ἄνευ 
idparos). 

124 2. θεῶν δῶρα: the mantle and 
wreath bestowed by Amphitrite are re- 
garded as coming also from Poseidon.— 
According to Pausanias and Hyginus 
(n. on 114), Theseus brought back also 
the ring of Minos: it was given to him, 
says Hyginus, by the Nereids. B. ignores 
the ring. The ‘gifts of the gods’ suffice 
to prove the origin of Theseus. “ἢ 
légitime sa naissance divine sans se faire 
le serviteur du roi de Créte’ (Weil). 

ἀγλαόθρονοι ... κοῦραι: ‘the bright- 


390 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVI, XVII 


% κλαγεν δὲ πόντος" ἠΐθεοι δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν 
7 νέοι παιάνιξαν ἐρατᾷ (F)omi. 
13018 Δάλιε, χοροῖσι Κηΐων 


1 φρένα ἰανθεὶς 


2 ὄπαζε θεόπομπον ἐσθλῶν τύχαν. 


XVII. 


[XVIIL.] 


OHCEYC 


στρ. α΄. XO. 


: Βασιλεῦ τᾶν ἱερᾶν ᾿Αθανᾶν, 


2 τῶν ἁβροβίων ἄναξ ᾿Ιώνων, 
, 4 » , 

3 τί νέον ἔκλαγε χαλκοκώδων 

4 σάλπιγξ πολεμηΐαν ἀοιδάν; 


191 φρένα MS.: φρένας conj. J. 
xVII. 


The title added in the left margin by 443, 


2 ABPOBIKON 


...1EPQNON A: corr. A??—The words τῶν ἁβροβίων ᾿Ιώνων ἄναξ are quoted from 
Bacchylides in that order (which Wilamowitz had already corrected, /syllos p. 143) by 
(1) Maximus Planudes (14th cent.) in his scholia to Hermogenes περὶ ἰδεῶν a, Walz 


throned maidens’ are the Nereids : Pind. 
NV. iv. 65 (Peleus) ἔγαμεν ὑψιθρόνων μίαν 
Νηρεΐδων. The epithet dyAad@povos is 
given by Pindar to the Muses (0. ΧΠΙ. 
96), and to the Danaides (4. X. 1). The 
Horae, and the semi-divine daughters of 
Cadmus, are εὔθρονοι (P. 1X. 60, O. 11. 22). 

126—129 νεοκτίτῳ, the form used 
by Nonnus 18. 294, while Pindar and 
classical prose have vedxrioros. Cp. the 
Homeric ἐὔΐκτιτος (111. 46). The glorifi- 
cation of Theseus gave the Nereids a 
sudden emotion of delight.—#AsAvgav : 
the word usually denoted a cry of women, 
and especially a joyous cry (Od. 22. 408, 
Eur. £Z/. 6ρ1).---ἔκλαγεν... πόντος. The 
sympathy of the sea with Poseidon is 
more than once marked in the “αι: 
as when it joyously makes way for his 
chariot (13. 29 γηθοσύνη δὲ θάλασσα 
διίΐστατο), or is stirred by his champion- 
ship of the Greeks (14. 392 ἐκλύσθη δὲ 
θάλασσα x.T.d.). For € before KA, cp. 
XV.13 2; 

ἠΐθεοι, both youths and maidens, as 
in 43, 93- Here νέοι is probably adj., 
not subst.; cp. κοῦροι νέοι (Z7. 13. 95). 
But we find other phrases in which ἤθεος 
is clearly adj., as Eupolis fr. incert. 


40 κόρη... ἤθεος, Plut. Zhes. 17 ἤθεοι 
matdes.—éyyvOev, ‘hard by,’ 2.5. near 
Theseus, who was now beside the ship ; 
while the cry of the Nereids was heard 
from the depths. 

129 παιάνιξαν: for the al, see n. on 
g2.—éparg (οπί: xv. 7. The hiatus 
is excused by the tradition of F (77. 3. 
221 ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ ὄπα τε μεγάλην, Od. 14. 
492 ὀλιγῇ ὀπί, εἰς. 

180 Δάλιε: this paean to the Delian 
Apollo may have been sung in Delos. 
χοροῖσι: the reference is peculiarly fitting 
here. Theseus, returning with his com- 
panions from Crete to Athens, touched 
at Delos, and there ἐχόρευσε μετὰ τῶν 
ἠθέων χορείαν (Plut. Zhes. 21), — the 
dance called γέρανος. (See Introd.) 

131 φρένα ἰανθείς. There is a strong 
case for writing φρένας, since the similar 
Homeric phrases are so frequent that 
it is difficult to understand how B. could 
have assumed Ff before the verb:—//. 19. 
174 φρεσὶ σῇσιν ἰανθῇς, 23. 600 θυμὸς 
ἰάνθη, Od. 4. 840 ἧτορ ἰάνθη, 23. 47 
θυμὸν ἰάνθης, etc. [In 24. 382, φρένας 
ἔνδον ἐγήθεις, Eustath. read ἰάνθης.] But 
on the other hand B. could write εἵλετο 
fiév (V. 75), in face of 72 4. 116 ἐκ 


XVI, XVII] 


AIOYPAMBO! 


391 


the deep resounded ; while the youths and maidens hard by 
raised a paean with their lovely voices. 

God of Delos, may the choruses of the Ceans be pleasing to 
thy soul; and mayest thou give us blessings for our portion, 


wafted by thy power divine! 


XVII. 


[XVIIL.] 


THESEUS. 


CHORUS. 


King of sacred Athens, lord of the delicately- str. 1. 


living Ionians, why has the trumpet lately sounded a war-note 


from its bell of bronze ? 


Rhet. Graect V. 4933 and (2) by an anonymous scholiast on the same work, ἐδ. viI- 
982. (3) A third commentator, Joannes Siceliota (gth cent.), 7. VI. 241, quotes from: 


B. ἁβρότητι ξυνέασιν Ἴωνες βασιλῆες. 


Bergk (fr. 42) took this last to be the original 


source of the citation τῶν ἁβροβίων ᾿Ιώνων ἄναξ, but used the latter in changing “Iwves- 


into ᾿Ιώνων. 
above the first A (by A*?). 


8 τί A: o added above by A*.—XAAKOAQAQN A: « written 


δ᾽ ἕλετ᾽ ἰόν, the very passage which was 
his model. [In 111. 68, where A wrote 
φθόνῳ ἰαίνεται, A®s πιαίνεται is clearly 
right.] This warning instance is my 
sole reason for leaving φρένα in the 
text. 

132 ὄπαζε: so the Homeric hymn 
to Demeter ends (v. 494) with the prayer 
βίον θυμήρε᾽ ὀπάζειν : as does also Hymn 
ΧΧΧ.--θεόπομπον, ‘sent to us by divine 
power.’ Pindar’s θεόπομποί σφισιν τιμαὶ 
φύτευθεν (P. IV. 69), which perhaps 
suggested φύτευσε τιμάν in 68 f., may have 
prompted this word also.—érOAwv τύ- 
Xav: cp. IV. 20 μοῖραν ἐσθλῶν. The 
genitive with τύχα in Pindar usually 
denotes the giver (as in MV. Iv. 7 σὺν 
Χαρίτων τύχᾳ), but can also denote the 
gift, O. XIII. 115 τύχαν τερπνῶν γλυ- 
κειαν. 

Invocation of a god at the close of the 
ode occurs in Pind. Οὐ v1. 176 (Poseidon), 
xu. 115 (Zeus), 7. vi. 49 (Apollo). 
Sometimes, again, there is a prayer 
without invocation (O. vill. 84: δ V. 


114). 


VII. 1 15 A Chorus of Athe- 
nians, addressing Aegeus, ask why a call 
to arms has just been sounded. (See 
Introd.) 

1 tepav, a frequent epithet of Athens: 
Soph. Az, 1221 (n.), Ar. Ἐφ. 1319, Pind. 
fr. 75. 4, etc. 


2 τῶν ἁβροβίων. The epithet means. 
that from early days the Athenians had 
prided themselves on their union of 
refinement with valour (cp. v. 13)- 
Thucydides (I. 6, ὃ 3) speaks of τὸ 
ἁβροδίαιτον as a trait of the wealthier 
Athenians down to a time not long 
before his own; instancing the long 
linen tunic, from which Ionians were 
called ἑλκεχίτωνες (71. 13. 685 etc.), and 
the use by men of golden τέττιγες as 
brooches to fasten up the hair. Cratinus 
(Χείρωνες fr. 239) adds some touches, 
such as the wearing of a flower ‘at the | 
ear,’ and the carrying of an apple in 
the hand. Heracleides Ponticus (in 
Athenaeus p. 5124) insists that Athens 
had been greatest when most luxurious :— 
Καὶ ἡ ᾿Αθηναίων πόλις, ἕως ἐτρύφα, meyl- 
στη τε ἦν καὶ μεγαλοψυχοτάτους ἔτρεφεν 
ἄνδρας.--- ώνων, Athenians: cp. XVI. 3. 

Sf. νέον, ‘lately,’ as in 16. (Not 
‘afresh.’)—xadkoxwdov: Soph. “42. 17 
χαλκοστόμου κώδωνος ws ἘΤυρσηνικῆς.--- 
ἀοιδάν: an unexampled use of the 
term in reference to such a sound as 
that of the trumpet. The meaning of 
the verb is wider than that of the 
subst., so that ἄεισε σάλπιγξ would seem 
less strange. It was perhaps some reason 
of euphony that restrained B. from using 
the fitter word employed by Aesch. » Pers. 
395 σάλπιγξ δ᾽ ἀντῇ πάντ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽ ἐπέ- 
φλεγεν. 


392 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVII 


5 ἢ τις ἁμετέρας χθονὸς 
6 δυσμενὴς ὅ ope ἀμφιβάλλει 
7 στραταγέτας ἀνήρ; ; 
8. ἢ λῃσταὶ κακομάχανοι 
9 ποιμένων. ἀέκατι μήλων 
10 σεύοντ᾽ ἀγέλας Bia; 
τ ἢ τί τοι κραδίαν ἀμύσσει; 


12 φθέγγευ᾽ 


δοκέω γὰρ εἴ τινι βροτῶν 


13 ἀλκίμων ἐπικουρίαν 
1% Σ᾿καὶ τὶν ἔμμεναι νέων, 
ἊΨ ε Ν , 
15 ὦ Πανδίονος υἱὲ καὶ Kpeovoas. 


τῷ 
Γι 
Ne 

» 


φωτός" 
20 


aA un δ ὦ 


N 


: Nélov ἦλθεν δολιχὰν ἀμείψας 
lal Ἁ 3 ’ / 

Kapv€ ποσὶν ᾿Ισθμίαν κέλευθον" 
ἄφατα δ᾽ ἔργα λέγει κραταιοῦ 
Ἅ ε ’ ’ > » 
τὸν ὑπέρβιόν τ᾽ ἔπεφνεν 
Σίνιν, ὃς ἰσχύϊ φέρτατος 

θνατῶν ἦν, Κρονίδα Λυταίου 

σεισίχθονος τέκος" 


8 σῦν T ἀνδροκτόνον ἐν νάπαις 
9 Κρεμμνῶνος, ἀτάσθαλόν τε 


25 τὸ 


6 ὅρι OPEI A: corr. A®? 
A’ EKATI Ms.: 
12 φθέγγευ Blass, Wackernagel : 


corr. Palmer, van Branteghem. 
φθέγγου MS. 


Σκίρωνα κατέκτανεν" 
8 λῃσταὶ] AHTAI A, AHCTAI a!? 


9 ἀέκατι] 
10 CETONTI A: corr. Al. 
13 ἀλκίμων] AAKIMOT A: 


5 The interrogative 4 is followed 
by ἢ (8)... (11), as in Pind. Z vu. 
3—12, Soph. dz. 172—182. 

6 ἀμφιβάλλει, ‘besets,’ with the 
στρατός implied by orparayéras. Eur. 
Andr. 706f. ᾿Ιλιάδα τε πόλιν...ὁ Διὸς tus 
ἀμφέβαλε φόνῳ (‘encompassed’). 

8 λῃσταί, not the Doric λᾳσταί, to 
avoid double a; yet in Xv. 17 λαΐδος : 
so V. 194 φήμα, but VIII. 3 mpoparas: 
v. 167 ἀδμήτα, but Χ. 84 ἄδματοι. 

10 σεύοντ᾽, ‘drive off.’ For the 
elision of t in Doric 3rd plur., cp. fr. 3. 12: 
Pind. O. vil. to xaréxovr’: ἢ. IV. 241 
ἀγαπάζοντ᾽.-- ἀγέλας, distinguished from 


ποίμνας in Hes. 7h. 445 f. as ‘herds’ from 


‘flocks,’ but here a substitute for it. 
11 dptooe, ‘gnaws’: 71. τ. 243 σὺ 
δ᾽ ἔνδοθι θυμὸν ἀμύξεις: Aesch. fers. 
161 καί με καρδίαν ἀμύσσει φροντίς. 
12 δοκέω, -“--- (cp. 27), as καλέω 
is scanned in Aesch. Ag. 147. Smyth 


observes that disyllabic ἕω in the rst 
pers. sing. of contracted verbs is nowhere 
else proved by metre in Ionic verse 
(Zonzc Dialect, ὃ 638. 2). 

18 f. ἐπικουρίαν, ‘aid’: Aesch. Pers. 
731 ὦ πόποι κεδνῆς ἀρωγῆς κἀπικουρίας 
orparov.—In καὶ τὶν, after εἴ τινι, the 
καί is normal according to Greek idiom, 
though redundant for ours: ‘if any man 
has, thou a/so hast.’ Antiphon or. 5 ὃ 23 
ἐζητεῖτο οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων 
ἢ καὶ br’ ἐμοῦ. (Cp. Soph. 0.6. 53 n.) 
—tppevar is used by B. only here: 
ἔμμεν in 31, 56, and V. 144: εἶμεν only 
in IX. 48. 

15 Kpeotcas. It is only here that 
Creusa figures as wife of Pandion and 
mother of Aegeus. In the ordinary 
Attic legend (as old at least as Euripides) 
she is daughter of Erechtheus, wife of 
Xuthus, and mother by Apollo of Ion. 
The mother of Aegeus is elsewhere Πυλία, 


XVII] AIOYPAMBOI 


393 

Is the leader of a hostile army besetting the borders of our 
land? Or are robbers, devisers of evil, driving off our flocks of 
sheep perforce, in despite of the shepherds? Or what is the 
care that gnaws thy heart? Speak; for thou, methinks, if any 
mortal, hast the aid of valiant youth at hand, O son of Pandion 


and Creusa. 


AEGEUS. A herald has lately come, whose feet have traversed 
the long road from the Isthmus; and he tells of prodigious deeds 


by a man of might. 


That man has slain the tremendous Sinis, who was foremost 
of mortals in strength, offspring of the Earth-shaker, the Lytaean 


son of Cronus. 


He has laid low the man-killing sow in Crem- 


myon’s woods, and the wicked Sciron. 


corr. Δ, 


16 This verse, the last in col. xxxvi, has been added by another 


hand, the same which supplied the latter part of X. 23.—véov Palmer: ..ON Ms.— 


ἦλθεν K.: HAOE Ms. 


18 AETEIN A: corr. Al. 


24 KPEMYONOS ms.: corr. K. 


daughter of Πύλας, king of Megara, 
Apollod. 3. 15. 5 (where Πελία was a 
false reading): Paus. 1. 5. 3, where she is 
described as ‘daughter of Pylas,’ but not 
named. The mention of Creusa by B. 
suggests that there was as yet no fixed 
tradition. 

16f. ἀμείψας, ‘having traversed’; 
Aesch. Pers. 69 πορθμὸν ἀμείψας (having 
‘crossed’ the Hellespont): so Eur. Or. 
1295 ἀμείβω κέλευθον.--Ἰσθμίαν κέ- 
λευθον: the road along the coast from 
the Isthmus of Corinth to Athens, a 
distance of about 45 miles. 

18 épya. The five feats here ascribed 
to Theseus on his journey from the 
Isthmus to Athens are given in the same 
order by Diodorus Iv. 59 and Plutarch 
Thes. 8—11. Those writers, however, 
relate another ἄθλος, which was the 
first, —the slaying of the robber Περιφή- 
της, called Κορυνήτης from his club, 
at Epidaurus. This feat may have been 
a later addition (C. Robert, Hermes 1898, 
p- 149). At any rate it is only the journey 
from the Isthmus (v. 17) that falls within 
the scope of the poem.—In enumerating 
the feats, re is five times repeated (19, 
23, 24, 26, 27). 

20—22 Xivv: he dwelt at the Isth- 
mus, and was called πιτυοκάμπτης from 
the manner in which he rent his victims, 
Diod. ἢ c. :---δύο πίτυς κάμπτων, καὶ πρὸς 
ἑκατέραν τὸν ἕνα βραχίονα προσδεσμεύων, 
ἄφνω τὰς πίτυς ἠφίει. Ovid 27εἰ. VII. 
441 f. gut poterat curvare trabes, et agebat 
ab alto | ad terram late sparsuras corpora 


pinus.—KpoviSa, of Poseidon: XvI. 77 ἢ. 
—<Avratov, a Thessalian title of Poseidon, 
popularly explained as the ‘looser’ or 
‘ opener,’ because he had cleft a passage 
for the Peneius through the vale of 
Tempe: Steph. Byz. s.v. Λυταί (the 
name of a place in Thessaly), διὰ τὸ λῦσαι 
τὰ Τέμπη Ἰ]οσειδῶνα. See XIII. 20, n. on 
Ilerpaiov. Λυταίη is cited as a name of 
Thessaly by Hesychius. —cewly@ovos 
τέκος. Hofer observes in Roscher’s 
Lexicon (p. 1973) that all the robbers 
slain by Theseus on his way to Athens 
are somewhere connected with Poseidon 
as father. 

23—25 civ τ᾽ ἀνδροκτόνον : Plut. 
Thes. 9 ἡ Κρομμυωνία σῦς, ἣν Φαιὰν προσ- 
ὠνόμαζον. In some vase-paintings which 
depict this feat, a woman is seen, horror- 
stricken at the creature’s fate: this is 
explained by a passage in the Vatican 
epitome of Apollod. 11. 54 (published by 
R. Wagner, and cited by Hofer s.v. 
Krommyon in Roscher 11. p. 1450) σῦν 
τὴν καλουμένην Pasay ὑπὸ τῆς θρεψάσης 
γραὸς αὐτήν.---Κρεμμνῶνος : Crommyon, 
on the Saronic gulf, about 12 miles Ε. of 
Corinth, and about 14 W.s.W. of Megara. 
Strabo (p. 380) reckons it to the Corin- 
thian territory (as Paus. does, 3. 1. 3), 
but says that it formerly belonged to the 
Megarid. The form is Κρομμυών in 
Thuc., Κρομυών in Paus.; but Steph. 
Byz. attests Κρεμμυών : Cremmyon in 
Plin. MW. H. 4. 7. τι, Hyginus Fad. 38. 

ἀτάσθαλον denotes reckless evil-doing ; 
in //. 22. 418 it is joined with ὀβριμοεργόν, 


str. 2. 


394 BAKXYAIAOY [XVII 
τς τάν Te Κερκυόνος παλαίστραν 
1. ἔσχεν, Πολυπήμονός τε καρτερὰν 
.3 σφῦραν ἐξέβαλεν Προκό- 
Ὁ πτας, ἀρείονος τυχὼν 
301 φωτός. ταῦτα δέδοιχ᾽ ὅπᾳ τελεῖται. 
στρ.γ. ΧΟ. - Τίνα δ᾽ ἔμμεν πόθεν ἄνδρα τοῦτον 
- λέγει, τίνα τε στολὰν ἔχοντα; 
3 πότερα σὺν πολεμηΐοις ὅ- 
+ πλοισι στρατιὰν ἄγοντα πολλάν; 
35 5ἢ μοῦνον σὺν ὀπάοσιν 
6 στείχειν ἔμπορον ot ἀλάταν 
7 ἐπὶ ἀλλοδαμίαν, 
8 ἰσχυρόν τε καὶ ἄλκιμον 
9 ὧδε καὶ θρασύν, ὅς τε τούτων 
40 10 ἀνδρῶν κρατερὸν σθένος 
x ἔσχεν; ἢ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὁρμᾷ, 
12 δίκας ἀδίκοισιν. ὄφρα μήσεται" 
13 οὐ γὰρ ῥᾷδιον αἰὲν ἔρ- 
> 
4 δοντα μὴ ᾿ντυχεῖν κακῷ. 
26 Κερκυόνος] KEPKYTNOC A: corr. 45. 28 EZEBAAAEN ms.: corr. K. 


34 CTPATAN A: corr. A®. 


35 σὺν érdocw Weil, Festa, Goligher: so Blass, 


Smyth. CTNOILAOICIN ms.: συνόπλοιό vw Ludwich: μόνον τ᾽ ἄνοπλόν τέ νιν K. (So 


and in Her. VIII. 109 with ἀνόσιον .---Σκί- 
ρωνα, arobber who used to throw travellers 
from the ‘ Scironian rocks’ into the sea. 
The coast-road from Megara to Corinth 
was called ἡ Σκιρωνικὴ ὁδός (Her. ν ΠΙ. 71), 
because, according to a Megarian legend, 
Sciron had first made it practicable (Paus. 
1. 44. 6). A few miles w. of Megara, 
this road passed along the cliffs known as 
Σκιρωνίδες (or Σκιράδες) πέτραι, formed 
by the end of a rocky spur which runs 
down from Mount Geraneia to the coast. 
While in Ionic legend Sciron was a 
malefactor, in the Megarian he was a 
warlike hero, father of Endeis the wife 
of Aeacus (Plut. 7hes. 10): cp. XII. 96 n. 

26 Κερκυόνος : Diod. Iv. 59 τὸν δια- 
παλαίοντα Tots παριοῦσι, καὶ τὸν ἡττηθέντα 
διαφθείροντα. He dwelt near Eleusis. 
Theseus ‘closed his wrestling-school’ 
(παλαίστραν). Ov. Met. vil. 439 Cer- 
cyonts letum vidit Cerealis Eleusin. Pau- 
sanias (1. 39. 3), speaking of a place on 
the road from Megara to Eleusis, says, 


ὁ τόπος οὗτος παλαίστρα καὶ és ἐμὲ 
ἐκαλεῖτο Κερκυόνος. 

21. 80 ἸΙ]ολυπήμονος. Procoptes 
(or Procrustes) is here his successor, 
perhaps his son. Ovid /éis 409 Ut 
Sins et Sciron et cum Polypemone natus : 
where the ‘son’ is almost certainly 
Procrustes, whom Ovid associates with 
the others in Me¢. vu. 436 ff. and Heroid. 
11. 69 ff. According to Paus. 1. 38. 5 
Procrustes was merely a surname of 
Polypemon. But there may have been 
different versions. B. supposes that Pro- 
crustes had received the odipa, and 
learned the use of it, from Polypemon. 
For other views of the passage, see 
Appendix. 

: 7. 14. 419 (Hector falling) 
χειρὸς δ᾽ ἔκβαλεν ἔγχος : Eur. Andr. 629 
ἐκβαλὼν ξίφος.---ΠΠροκόπτας (only here) 
is ‘he who cuts short’ (though zpo- 
κόπτειν regularly means ‘to make pro- 
gress’), while Προκρούστης is ‘he who 
éeats out’ (as on an anvil). This brigand 


XVII] AIOYPAMBOI 


395 
He has closed the wrestling-school of Cercyon. The mighty 
hammer of Polypemon has dropped from the hand of the 
Maimer, who has met with a stronger than himself. I fear how 
these things are to end. 


Cu. And who and whence is this man said to be, and how str. 3. 
equipped? Is he leading a great host in warlike array? Or 
travelling with his servants only, like a wayfarer who wanders 
forth to a strange folk,—this man so vigorous, so valiant, and so 
bold, who has quelled the stubborn strength of such foes? Verily 
a god is speeding him, so that he shall bring a rightful doom on 
the unrighteous; for it is not easy to achieve deed after deed 
without chancing upon evil. 


Jurenka, but with μοῦνον.) 836 CTIXEIN ms.: corr. K. ' 39 ὅς τε τούτων 
Palmer, K. (ὃς τὸ τούτων Blass"): ὃς τοσούτων Platt, Blass? (ὃς τοιούτων conj. K.). 


Oc ΤΟΥΤΩΝ ms. 
EXEN A: corr. A®? 


40 κρατερὸν] KAPTEPON Ms.: corr. K. 


41 ἔσχεν] 


adjusted the length of his victims to his 
κλίνη: Diod. Iv. 59 τῶν μὲν μακροτέρων 
τὰ προέχοντα μέρη τοῦ σώματος ἀπέ- 
κοπτε, τῶν δ᾽ ἐλαττόνων τοὺς πόδας 
προέκρουεν. Β. may have used the new 
word because he did not wish to shorten 
the first o of Προκρούστης. 

The scene of this feat, the last on the 
hero’s journey, was always placed in 
Attica; either at Hermos, an Attic deme 
in the part of Aegaleos called Ποικίλον, 
now the pass of Daphne (ἐν "Epyer Plut. 
Thes. 11); or in Corydallos, the region 
of Aegaleos nearest the sea (Diod. Iv. 
59); or close to Athens, on the banks 
of the Cephisus (Ovid JZe7¢. v11. 438, Paus. 
I, 38. 5). 

80 ὅπᾳ τελεῖται, ‘How all this will 
end’ (‘where’ would be ὅποι). Aegeus 
.fears that this hero may reach Athens, 
and prove no less invincible there.—For 
the fut. midd. of τελέω used as passive, 
see //. 2. 36, Od. 23. 254. In Aesch. 
Ag. 68 τελεῖται is better taken as a 
present ; cp. 45n. 

81 τίνα... πόθεν : see on V. 86 ff. τίς... 
ἐν ποίᾳ χθονί; 

883°. πότερα x.7.A.: a question like 
that asked in Soph. O. 7. 750f. con- 
cerning Laius: πότερον ἐχώρει βαιός (‘in 
small force’), ἢ πολλοὺς ἔχων | ἄνδρας 
λοχίτας, of” ἀνὴρ ἀρχηγέτης ;---ὅπλοισι, 
the arms borne by the στρατιά, not merely 
by the leader. 

85 μοῦνον σὺν ὀπάοσιν, ‘alone with 
his attendants’; 2.6. not leading a host, 
but merely followed by one or two 
servants, such as even a private traveller 


might have with him. The relative sense 
of μοῦνον is illustrated by Aesch. Pers. 
734 μονάδα δὲ Ξέρξην ἔρημόν φασιν οὐ 
πολλῶν wéra.—The emendation σὺν ὀπά- 
οσιν (σὺν ὅπλοισιν MS.) is palaeogra- 
phically easy: for others, see Appendix. 

36 ἔμπορον, vialorem (as in Soph. 
O. C. 25, 303, gor): not ‘merchant.’— 
ἀλάταν -- ἀλώμενον : in tragedy often said 
of a roaming exile (Aesch. Ag. 1282 φυγὰς 
δ᾽ ὀλήτης, τῆσδε γῆς ἀπόξενοΞ). 

37 ἀλλοδαμίαν, properly ‘ residence 
abroad’: Plat. Legg. 954 Ε ἐν ἀλλοδημίᾳ, 
as opposed to living in Attica. Here the 
word denotes the foreign place: cp. 77. 
24. 480 f. ἐνὶ warpy φῶτα κατακτείνας 
ἄλλων ἐξίκετο δῆμον. For ἐπί, cp. Od. τ. 
183 πλέων ἐπὶ οἴνοπα πόντον ἐπ᾽ ἀλλο- - 
θρόους ἀνθρώπους. 

89 ὅς τε, as in XII. 105.---τούτων ΞΞ- 
τοιούτων : Pind. O. IV.-26 οὗτος ἐγὼ 
ταχυτᾶτι: talis ego pernicitate. The 
conjecture ὃς τοιούτων (which would be 
slightly preferable here to τοσούτων) 
deserves to be weighed; but it seems 
rather more likely that re dropped out 
between és and τούτων. 

42 ὄφρα μήσεται: for the fut. indic. 
in the final clause, cp. 2. 16. 242f. 
θάρσυνον δέ οἱ ἦτορ ἐνὶ φρεσίν, ὄφρα καὶ 
Ἕκτωρ | εἴσεται. Od. 1. 57 θέλγει, ὅπως 
᾿Ιθάκην ἐπιλήσεται. 

43 f£. αἰὲν ἕρδοντα: the unbroken 
series of his victories argues that Theseus 
is under divine protection.—This is better 
than to refer pdovra (as= ‘doing evil’) to 
each of the vanquished. 


396 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVII 


Σ ’ > > Lal ὃ λ “ ’ 4 A 
4515 TWavT ἐν τῳ OOALK@ χρονῳ TEAELTAL. 


στρ. δ΄. AIT. : Avo (F)ou φῶτε μόνους ἁμαρτεῖν 
2 λέγει, περὶ φαιδίμοισι δ᾽ ὦμοις 
3 ξίφος ἔχειν «ἐλεφαντόκωπον:-" 
Ἁ \ 7? > ? 3 ¥ 
+ €eatovs δὲ δύ᾽ ἐν χέρεσσ᾽ ἄκοντας 


Ο01.38 5° 


¥ / ΄ 
5 KNUTUKTOV κυνέαν Λαάκαι- 


6 ναν κρατὸς πέρι πυρσοχαίτου" 
7 στέρνοις τε πορφύρεον 
8 χιτῶν ἄμφι, καὶ οὔλιον 


9 Θεσσαλὰν χλαμύδ᾽- 


55 το 


ὀμμάτων δὲ 


» 
στίλβειν amo Λαμνίαν 


n φοίνισσαν φλόγα: παῖδα δ᾽ ἔμμεν 


46 ἁμαρτεῖν] ὁμαρτεῖν K. 


48 ξίφος ἔχειν] Nothing has been lost in the Ms.: the 
rest of the verse was probably wanting in the archetype. 


ἐλεφαντόκωπον, supplied by 


Desrousseaux, is read by Blass, Jurenka, Smyth.—K. conj. κορύναν τε πυκνάν. 
50 Σ. κηὔτυκτον] κηὔτυκον ἸΚ.---πέρι J. (Class. RX. X11. 155, Apr. 1898), Blass, Sitzler: 


45 τῷ δολιχῷ χρόνῳ: for the art., 
cp. Her. v. 9 γένοιτο δ᾽ av πᾶν ἐν τῷ 
μακρῷ χρόνῳ : Soph. Az. 646 ὁ μακρὸς... 
χρόνος.---τελεῖται (ρτε5.): δὴ inten- 
tional echo of τελεῖται (fut.) at the close 
of the preceding strophe (30). 

46 δύο... φῶτε. Are these merely 
attendants of Theseus ; or does the poet 
indicate two heroes as his comrades ? 
The latter is the view of C. Robert 
(Hermes, 1898, p. 150),. who thinks that 
Peirithous and Phorbas are meant. As 
to Phorbas, son of Triopas, a famous 
boxer, see Hom. hymn. Ap. Pyth. 33: 
Paus. VII. 26. 12: schol. //. 23. 660. 
These two heroes are sometimes associ- 
ated with Theseus, as in the carrying off 
of the Amazon Antiope (Weizsicker, art. 
Peirithoos in Roscher’s Zex., p. 1783). 
According to the usual legend, Theseus 
journeyed alone from Troezen to Athens: 
and in the sculptures of the Theseion, 
depicting his feats on the way, he has 
no companion (see Baumeister, Denk. 
vol. 111. pp. 1779 ff.). But on a vase at 
Munich (Arch. eit 23, fig. 195) Theseus 
has two comrades with him in his slaying 
of Sinis and of Procrustes. Such an 
addition is foreign to the spirit of the 
original legend, the very point of which 
is that Theseus braves the perils of the 
road without support. It seems pro- 
bable that the innovation may have 
been due in the first instance to vase- 


painters (p. 233).—As to the word 
φῶτε, cp. n, on XVI. 49. μόνους, plur. 
adj. with dual subst.: Plat. Authyd. 
P- 273 Ὁ ἐγελασάτην... ἄμφω βλέψαντες 
εἰς ἀλλήλους.---ἁμαρτεῖν = ὁμαρτεῖν : n. on 
VIII. 103 f. 

48 ἐλεφαντόκωπον is aptly supplied 
by Desrousseaux. According to Ovid 
(Met. Vil. 421 ff.) Theseus, after reaching 
Athens, was about to drink the poisoned 
chalice prepared for him by Medea, when 
the zvory hilt of his sword revealed him 
to Aegeus, who dashed the cup from his 
lips :—Cum pater in capulo οὐ αι cognovit 
eburno Signa sui generis, facinusque ex- 
cussit ab ore. 

49 δύ᾽ ἄκοντας: the δύο δοῦρε of the 
Homeric warrior (//. 3. 18 etc.), the 
αἰχμαὶ δίδυμαι of Pindar’s Jason (/. Iv. 
79).—xépeoo”: epic elision of ¢ in the 
dative: J/. be 5 ἀστέρ᾽ ὀπωρινῷ. 

50 f. κηὔτυκτον :: for the crasis cp. III. 
81 xwre: also XVI. 33. The syllable 
answering to the second of εὔτυκτον is 
long in 35 (μοῦνον), though short in 5 
and 20. It is unnecessary to write κηῦ- 
τυκον.---κυνέαν Λάκαιναν. The word 
κυνέη, κυνῆ (‘dog-skin’) denoted (1) a 
helmet, made either wholly of skin 
(which might be ox-hide, marten-skin, 
goat-skin, etc.), or of skin strengthened 
with metal; hence χαλκήρης (//. 3. 316). 
In Od. 18. 378 κυνέη πάγχαλκος is one of 
which leather forms merely the lining. 


ΧΥΠ] ΔΙΘΥΡΑΛΛΒΟΙ 307 
In the long course of time all things find their end. 
AEG. Only two men attend him, says the herald. Hester. 4. 


has a sword, with ivory hilt, slung from his bright shoulders: he 
carries in his hands a couple of polished javelins; a well-wrought 
Laconian bonnet covers his ruddy locks; around his breast he 
wears a purple tunic and a thick Thessalian mantle. A fiery 
light, as of the Lemnian flame, flashes from his eyes: a youth 


he is 


so Jurenka, Smyth. ὙΠΕΡ ms. 


corr. K. 


52 f. στέρνοις τε... χιτῶνα transposed by Wilamo- 
witz and Platt: so also Smyth.—orépvors (rightly) A: στέρνοισι A). 
by A, and added by A? in the upper margin of col. ΧΧΧΥ ΤΠ. 


55—57 omitted 
56 ἔμμεν] EMEN Ms.: 


(2) But κυνῇ meant also a broad-brimmed 
travelling hat (ἡλξδστερής, Soph. O. C. 
313), such as was called ‘Thessalian’ or 
‘Arcadian’ (¢d. fr. 251). Here the epithet 
Λάκαινα probably denotes some kind of 
κυνῇ worn by warriors. 

κρατὸς πέρι. The MS. κρατὸς ὕπερ 
gives ~~ - (-os ὕπερ) where in 6, 21 and 
36 we find -~~. Crusius (PAz/ol. τιν τι. 
NV. F. Xi. p. 175) defends the variation 
as a case of anaclasis, permissible in 
Ionics: but it seems far more probable, 
if not certain, that ὕπερ should be cor- 
rected to πέρι. When περί denotes 
‘position around,’ the case is usually the 
dative; but the genitive also occurs: 
Od. 5. 130 περὶ τρόπιος βεβαῶτα, ‘be- 
striding the keel’ (cp. 76. 371 ἀμφ᾽ ἑνὶ 
δούρατι Baive): also 5. 68 τετάνυστο περὶ 
σπείους γλαφυροῖο | ἡμερίς (‘about the 
cave trailed a garden-vine’). — Smyth 
suggests that κρατὸς πέρι here= ‘above 
the head.’ For this old use of περί 
as=trép, cp. Alcaeus fr. 93 κεῖσθαι περ 
᾿κεφάλας...λίθος, Sappho fr. 1. 10 f. περὶ 
γᾶς μελαίνας | πύκνα δίννεντες πτέρ᾽ ἀπ᾽ 
ὠράνω αἴθεϊρος διὰ μέσσω, and fr. 92 
πέρροχος = ὑπέροχος : also περίειμι, περι- 
γίγνομαι as = ‘to excel.’ But, in re- 
ference to a helmet, the sense ‘around’ 
is fitter. —mvproxatrov: of a golden red 
tint, which the Greeks admired: the 
Daphnis and Menalcas of Theocritus (Za. 
VIII. 3) are πυρροτρίχω. 

52 f. In the reading of the MS., χιτῶνα 
πορφύρεον | στέρνοις τ᾽ ἄμφι, the place of 
re, as 4th instead of 2nd word, is im- 
possible. [Jurenka defends it by referring 
to Pind. O. m1. 18 (φύτευμα) ξυνὸν ἀνθρώ- 
ποις στέφανόν τ᾽ ἀρετᾶν: but ξυνὸν there 
belongs to φύτευμα, which he omits to 
quote, and not to στέφανον.) The trans- 


position στέρνοις τε.. χιτῶν᾽ is certain. 
The error in the Ms. was due, I suspect, 
to some one who had noticed that two of 
the three verses corresponding with 52, 
viz. 7 and 37, begin with an zambus, 
which he wished to obtain here by 
shifting χιτῶν᾽ from 53 to 52: though 
the third, verse 22, might have shown 
him that a spondee was equally ad- 
missible. All the three verses (8, 23, 38) 
answering to 53 begin with a spondee; 
but there, as at the beginning of v. 52, 
an iambus was also correct. 

53 f£. οὔλιον here=otddv, ‘woolly,’ 
‘thick.’ Everywhere else in classical 
Greek οὔλιος means ‘destructive.’—Oec- 
σαλὰν χλαμύδ᾽. The χλαμύς, a short 
mantle, was especially Thessalian (Pollux 
vil. 46, X. 124),—a fact connected with 
its fitness for riders on horseback. It 
was often worn by soldiers: thus, in a 
story told by Aelian (V. H. Χιν. το), 
Demades asks Phocion for the chlamys 
which he was wont to wear παρὰ τὴν 
στρατηγίαν. The mention of it is the 
more suitable here, in connexion with. 
πρώθηβον, as it was worn by the 
Athenian ἔφηβοι: cp. Antidotus (of the 
Middle Comedy) Πρωτόχορος fr. 1. 2 
πρὶν ἐγγραφῆναι καὶ λαβεῖν τὸ χλαμύδιον, 
—where the ‘enrolment’ is that of the 
ephebus in the register of his deme 
(ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον). 

55 f. apviav, 2.2. fierce. The 
volcano Μόσυχλος in Lemnos (Soph. 
Phil. 800) gave rise to the proverbial 
Λήμνιον πῦρ (Ar. Lys. 299): cp. Hesych. 
Λήμνιον Brérew. — φοίνισσαν, fulvam, 
the tawny-red hue of fire: Pind. P. 1. 24 


.(of Aetna) φοίνισσα κυλιδομένα φλόξ: 


Eur. 77. 815 πυρὸς φοίνικι πνοᾷ. --- 
ἔμμεν: cp. r4n. 


398 BAKXYAIAOY [XVII, XVIII 

2 πρώθηβον, ἀρηΐων δ᾽ ἀθυρμάτων 

5 μεμνᾶσθαι πολέμου τε καὶ 

4 χαλκεοκτύπου μάχας" 

6015 δίζησθαι δὲ φιλαγλάους ᾿Αθάνας. 
XVIII. [XIX.] 
1Q 
AOHNAIOIC 

στρ. : Πάρεστι μυρία κέλευθος 


5 ’ , 
2 ἀμβροσίων μελέων, 
a x» ‘ ’ 4 
3 ὃς ἂν παρὰ Πιερίδων λά- 
4 χῇσι δῶρα Μουσᾶν, 
5 ἰοβλέφαροί τε καὶ 
6 φερεστέφανοι Χάριτες 
΄ dl ‘ 
7 Baroow ἄμφι τιμὰν 
8 ὕμνοισιν᾽ ὕφαινέ νυν ἐν 
9 ταῖς πολυηράτοις τι κλεινὸν 
10 ὀλβίαις ᾿Αθάναις, 
evaivere Κηΐα μέριμνα. 
2 πρέπει σε φερτάταν ἴμεν 
ε Ν Ν 4 
13 ὁδὸν Tapa Καλλιόπας λα- 
τὰ χοῖσαν ἔξοχον γέρας. 
15 ἦεν Ἄργος ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον λιποῦσα 


" 
»" 


59 χαλκεοκτύπου] ΧΑΛΚΕΝΤΎΠΟΥ A: corr. 4.3, 60 δίζησθαι δὲ] Blass thinks 
that all the letters after A were written by A® in a space left vacant by A. Θ has been 
made from A. 

VIII. The title added in the left margin by A?.—AOHNAIOIC] ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
K.: but his final I may (as Ludwich and Blass think) have been part of a coronis 


57 πρώθηβον: the Homeric form is 59 χαλκεοκτύπου : n. on XIII. 15 f. 
πρωθήβης (71. 8. 518 etc.): but a fem. 60 φιλαγλάους, ‘splendour-loving,’ 
πρωθήβη occurs once (Od. 1. 431).— ‘brilliant.’ Pindar, who perhaps in- 
ἀρηΐων ἀθυρμάτων: cp. Hor. C. 1. 2. vented the word, applies it (P. X11. 1) 


37 f. (of Mars) Hew nimis longo satiate 
ludo, Quem iuvat clamor galeaeque leves. 
See n. on VIII. 87 Μουσᾶν.. «ἄθυρμα. 

58 μεμνᾶσθαι, “" gives heed to,’ ‘is 
intent upon’: Pind. fr. 94 μεμναίατ᾽ 
ἀοιδᾶς, “(παι they might) be mindful 
of song.’ — The use of the perfect μέμνη- 


μαι in such phrases is distinct from that . 


of the aorist in the Homeric μνήσασθε δὲ 
θούριδος ἀλκῆς (77.6. 112, ‘bethink you...’). 


to the tutelary nymph of Acragas,—xa)- 
Mora βροτεᾶν πολίων. 


ἸΚΎΤΙΙ. 1 f. μυρία κέλευθος: v. 31. 
π-ἀμβροσίων: Pind. P. Iv. 299 παγὰν 
ἀμβροσίων ἑπέων. 

92. ὃς dv: the antecedent to be 
supplied is τούτῳ, as in Soph. Ant. 35 f. 
ὃς ἂν τούτων τι δρᾷ, | φόνον προκεῖσθαι. -- 
Πιερίδων : cp. 35: XV. 3 Πιερίαθεν. 


XVII, XVIII] 


AlOYPAMBOI 


399 


in earliest manhood, intent on the pastimes of Ares,—on warfare 
and the clangour of battle ; and he seeks brilliant Athens. 


XVITI, 


[XIX.] 


(FOR THE ATHENIANS.) 


A thousand paths of poesy divine are open to him who has str. 


received gifts from the Muses of Pieria, and whose songs have 
been clothed with worship by the dark-eyed Graces who bring 


the wreath. 


Weave, then, some glorious lay in Athens, the lovely and the 


blest, thou Cean fantasy of fair renown. 


A choice strain should 


be thine, since Calliope has given thee a meed of signal honour. 
There was a time when, by the counsels of wide-ruling Zeus 


marking the end of ode xvilI. 


3 ILEIEPIAQN ms. 


9 κλεινὸν K., 


Blass, Jurenka.—KAINON A: but A® has written ε above AI, though without 


changing A into A. 
ἵππιον] ἹΠΠΈΙΟΝ A: corr. A*? 


15 TIHN Μ8.: see Appendix.—é@’] OT A: corr. A*.— 


--λάχῃσι, epic for λάχῃ: so fr. 16. 3 
θάλπῃσι. 

5—8 From ὃς ἄν we supply ᾧ ἄν for 
this second clause (‘and for whom’).— 
ἰοβλέφαροι, epithet of the Muses in 
VIII. 3.—eperrépavor, here with re- 
ference to victory in poetical contests: 
epigr. 1. 2 f. πολέας δ᾽ ἐν ἀθύρμασι 
Μουσᾶν ! Kyiv ἀμφιτίθει Βακχυλίδῃ στε- 
φάνους.---Χάριτες inspire song; Vv. 9n.— 
βάλωσιν ἄμφι--ἀμφιβάλωσιν: cp. IV. 
20 n.—vvv with v (cp. 21), the only 
instance of the enclitic in B. 

9 It is not easy to decide between 
καινὸν, the scribe’s reading, and κλεινὸν, 
the corrector’s. (1) καινόν is illustrated 
by Pindar’s frequent claim of ‘newness’ 
for his song (O. 111. 4, 1X. 48: /. Iv. 63, 
etc.). But the ear of Bacchylides, pe- 
culiarly sensitive to recurrent vowel- 
sounds, might have disliked καινόν so 
soon after ὕφαινε. (2) For κλεινόν it 
may be said that it is in good keeping 
with the lofty tone of this proem; cp. 
ἀμβροσίων μελέων---τιμάν---φερτάταν ὁδόν 
-ἔξοχον γέρας. In v. 13f. the poet is 
Οὐρανίας κλεινὸς θεράπων. On the whole, 
I accept κλεινόν, though without feeling 
certain that it is right. 

11 evatvere: cp. Ill. 64 μεγαίνητε: 


Pind. 2. Iv. 177 evalynros ᾿Ορφεύς. But 
aiverés was used by Alcaeus and Anti- 
machus (Steph. Zhesaur.); as also by 
Arist. Rhet. 11. 25. 7. Pindar has αἰ- 
vnrés.— Kya: cp. 111. 98.--- μέριμνα is 
the musing, the fantasy, of the poet,— 
here half-personified. (This is somewhat 
different from Pindar’s use of the word to 
denote a ‘pursuit,’ studium,—e.g. in O. 
VIII. 92 κρέσσονα πλούτου μέριμναν, ‘an 
ambition above wealth.’) 

18 f£. ὁδόν, the course, or flight, of 
poetry; cp. 1: IX. 51 ἢ. ἐλαύνω | ἐκτὸς 
ὁδοῦ. --- Καλλιόπας: v. 176 n.— γέρας, 
the ‘meed of honour,’ is the glorious 
theme (Io), which the Muse has assigned 
to the poet. 

15 The ms. TIHN, if sound, must be 
τί ἦν...; ‘How was it ??—‘ What befell?’ 
—when Io was fleeing from Argos ;—and 
must be explained as an old formula for 
beginning a story. There is, however, 
no other trace of such a formula, though 
a question to the Muse is, of course, a 
common exordium, as in XIV. 47 Μοῦσα, 
τίς πρῶτος λόγων dpxev δικαίων; Neither 
the hiatus nor the metre (~- instead of 
the -~ found in 33) need in itself cause 
doubt. Yet I find it very difficult to 
believe that τί ἦν is right. The easiest 


400 


" 
oO 


" 
μ 


BAKXYAIAOY 


φεῦγε χρυσέα βοῦς, 


εὐρυσθενέος φραδαῖσι φερτάτου Διός, 


[XVIII 


18 Ἰνάχου ῥοδοδάκτυλος κόρα" 


rs ¥ 
ἀντ. : ὅτ᾽ “Apyov ὄμμασιν βλέποντα 
’ 


20 2 


πάντοθεν ἀκαμάτοις 


μεγιστοάνασσα κέλευσε 


3 
,’ ν 
4 χρυσόπεπλος Hpa 
Y ve 
5s ἄκοιτον ἀὔΐπνον ἐόν- 
6 


τα καλλικέραν δάμαλιν 


25 7 


φυλάσσεν" οὐδὲ Μαίας 


en 7 > ¥ > > 
8 υἱὸς δύνατ᾽ οὔτε κατ᾽ εὐ- 
9 φεγγέας apépas λαθεῖν νιν 
¥ , ε ΄ 


Col. 39 10 οὔτε νύκτας @ 


el 


21 κέλευσε Platt: κέλευσεν MS. 
by 43. 


28 οὔτε] ΟΥ̓ΔῈ A: corr. A*?—dyvds J., Sandys. 


as. 

ΕἸΣῚ > ,ὕ 3 > ’ ᾽ - 

€lT οὖν YEVET Εν μαχαᾶς ἀγῶνι 

22 Omitted by A, but added in the lower margin 


29 εἴτ᾽ οὖν J. 


correction τίεν (G. E. Marindin), Doric 
inf., would go with γέρας, ‘a choice 
theme for thee to celebrate’; but there 
is a point after yépas in the Ms. The 
most probable emendation (I think) is 
ἦεν (W. Headlam), ‘There was a time 
when,’ ‘Once upon a time.’ As Kenyon 
observes (p. 187), TI is very like H in the 
Ms. A mis-reading of H as TI (τί) would 
naturally have led to EN being changed 
to HN (jv). See Appendix. 

ἵππιον : the epic ἱππόβοτον (//. 2. 287 
etc.) : cp. X. 80 f. κλυτὸν ἱππόβοτον" Apyos. 
The ‘hill-girt’ plain (τὸ κοῖλον “Apyos, 
Soph. 0.6. 378) afforded excellent pasture. 
Strabo 8, p. 388 ἔστι δὲ καὶ τὸ γένος τῶν 
ἵππων ἄριστον τὸ ᾿Αρκαδικόν, καθάπερ καὶ 
τὸ ᾿Αργολικὸν καὶ τὸ ᾿Επιδαύριον. 

16 φεῦγε refers to the moment after 
the slaying of Argus by Hermes, when 
the gad-fly (oferpos) sent by Hera was 
driving Io forth from Argolis on her 
wanderings. <Aesch. Swpfl. 540 ff. λει- 
μῶνα βούχιλον (the meadow where the 
cow was pastured), ἔνθεν ᾿Ιὼ  οἴστρῳ 
ἐρεσσομένα | pevyer ἁμαρτίνοος. 

υσέα, ‘precious’ or ‘peerless’ (in 
the sight of Zeus); as the word so often 
denotes the beauty and charm of a goddess 
(v. 174 Aphrodite; x. 117 Artemis ; 
Pindar 7. vil. 5f. the Muse). It seems 
probable that, like Aeschylus, Bacchylides 
imagined Io as a maiden with cow’s horns 
(βούκερως παρθένος, Aesch. P. V. 588), and 


not as completely transformed into a 
heifer. The word δάμαλις (24), like 
βοῦς, could be applied to the horned 
maiden. Such a conception gives greater 
fitness to xpvcéa. See Appendix. 

17 εὐρυσθενέος: his power protects 
her in her wanderings far and wide.— 
φραδαῖσι, ‘counsels,’ a sense derived 
from the active φράζω : the god indicated 
the path of her wanderings. Cp. Aesch. 
941 (of Orestes) θεόθεν εὖ φραδαῖσιν 
ὡρμημένος (as in Zum. 245 φραδαῖς are 
the ‘hints’ given to hounds by the 
scent): Eur. Phoen. 667 φραδαῖσι Παλ- 
Addos. On the other hand in Pind. O. 
XII. 9 τῶν.... μελλόντων ... φραδαί (‘per- 
ceptions,’ γνώσεις schol.), the sense comes 
from the midd. φράζομαι. ----φερτάτου, 
though φερτάταν occurs in v. 12: cp. 
XVI. 59 and 68, φύτευσε(ν). 

18 Ἰνάχου. The Inachus (now the 
Bonitza), rising in the highlands on the 
Arcadian border, flows through the Argive 
plain into the Gulf. This river-god, son 
of Oceanus, figured as the earliest king 
of the land,—péya πρεσβεύων |” Apyous τε 
γύαις Ἥρας τε πάγοις (Soph. Jrachus, 
fr. 248). 

19f. ” ov, son of Earth; Aesch. 
P.V. 678 ff. βουκόλος δὲ γηγενὴς | ἄκρατος 
ὀργὴν “Apyos ὡμάρτει, πυκνοῖς | ὄσσοις 
δεδορκώς: 10. 567f. φοβοῦμαι | τὸν μυ- 
ριωπὸν εἰσορῶσα βούταν. The poets and 
vase-painters of the fifth century imagined 


XVII] AIOYPAMBOI 401 
most high, the heifer precious in his sight,—the rosy-fingered 


maid born to Inachus,—was flying from Argos nurse of steeds: 


when Argus, looking every way with tireless eyes, had been 
charged by the great queen, Hera of golden robe, to keep 
unresting, sleepless ward o’er that creature with the goodly horns. 
Nor could Maia’s son elude him in the sun-lit days or in the holy 
nights. 

Did it befall then that the 


(Class. R. x11. 136), Blass, Jurenka: εἶτ᾽ οὖν K.—The letter of which a vestige remains 


after yéver’ is taken by Blass for E, by K. for A. 


seems slightly more probable. 


It might be either; but the former 


(Bl. supplies εἴτε μῦθος ἄλλως.) 


him as having eyes all over his body: 
Eur. Phoen. 1115 στικτοῖς πανόπτην 
ὄμμασιν δεδορκότα (schol. κύκλῳ τὸ σῶμα 
ὅλον ὠμματῶσθαι): Ovid Met. 1. 664 
stellatus...Argus, It has generally been 
assumed that Argus is the starry sky, 
as Io is the moon. Cp. Plato epzgr. 14 
(Bergk II. p. 303) εἴθε γενοίμην | οὐρα- 
vos, ὡς πολλοῖς ὄμμασιν és σὲ βλέπω. 

21 f. μεγιστοάνασσα (like ὑμνοά- 
νασσα ΧΙ. 1, n.),=peylorn ἄνασσα: V. 
199 μεγιστοπάτωρ, τ. --- χρυσόπεπλος:: 
here, a general epithet for a goddess. 
In Pind. 7. ν. 75, χρυσοπέπλου Μναμο- 
σύνας, it has a special fitness: Memory is 
robed in golden hues. 

23 ἄνπνον. In the older and simpler 
myth all the eyes of Argus were sleepless: 
the notion that they watched by relays 
appears first in Euripides (Pioen. 1116 f.), 
who is followed by Ovid (AZet. τ. 686 f.), 
and by Quintus Smyrnaeus 10. 101: 
Apyov, ὃς ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἀμοιβαδὸν ὑπνώ- 
εσκεν.--- Τῆς first two syllables of ἐόντα 
must have been scanned as one (cp. V. 5): 
unless, indeed, B. wrote evvita, as in 
11. 78. 

24 καλλικέραν: 
ὑψικέραν. 

25 φυλάσσεν: cp. Xv. 18 θύεν (n.). 
Aeschylus imagines Argus as closely 
following Io’s steps, wherever she moves 
(P.V. 678 6. This is the conception 
seen'in some vase-paintings of Io, Argus, 
and Hermes: Roscher’s Lexicon 11. p. 271: 
Baumeister, Denkm. 1. p. 752. The story 
that Argus tied her to an olive-tree in a 
grove (Apollod. 11. 1. 3, Plin. WV. 27. τό. 
239) was suited to Io the complete heifer, 
but not to the horned maiden. 

Matas: Hes. Zheog. 938 Ζηνὶ δ᾽ ἄρ 
᾽᾿Ατλαντὶξ Main τέκε κύδιμον Ἑρμῆν. 
Ovid Fast. v. 663 Clare nepos Atlantis, 


see ἢ. On XV. 22 


j. 8 


ades, quem montibus olim Edidit Arcadtis 
Pleias una Iovi. Cp. Hor. C.1. το. 1. 

28 ἁγνάς, ‘holy’; the word expresses 
a religious feeling for the beauty and 
majesty of night, like the Homeric κνέφας 
ἱερόν (77. 11. 194), νὺξ ἀμβροσίη (2. 57 
etc.). The epithet ἁγνός is applied by 
Aesch. P. V. 28 to αἰθήρ: by Pindar to 
the sun (0. VII. 60), to water (/. ν. 74), 
and to fire (P. I. 21). 

29—36 εἴτ᾽ οὖν--ἤ ῥα (33)--ἤ (35). 
For εἴτε followed by ἤ (instead of a 
second εἴτε), see Eur. Z/. 896 f., Plato 
Phaedr. “77 Ὁ. Conversely ἤ fa...etre, 
Soph. Az. 177f. 

Argus was slain by Hermes: about 
that there was no doubt. But accounts 
varied as to the manner of the slaying. 
Some said that Hermes attacked him 
openly: others, that Argus was first sent 
to sleep, and then slain. Our poet sub- 
divides this second alternative; Argus 
may have been sent to sleep (1) by sheer 
exhaustion, or (2) by the lulling sounds 
of music. The sense of the whole passage 
is, in effect, as follows :—‘ Now (οὖν) 
whether Hermes slew Argus [in open 
fight];—or whether Argus was exhausted 
by his anxieties, or lulled to sleep by 
music,—for me, at any rate (37 ἐμοὶ μὲν 
οὖν), it is safest [to pass on to the end 
of the story, }—Io’s arrival in Egypt.’ 

The hesitation of B. between different 
forms of the story makes it likely that he 
knew some authority, poetical or artistic, 
for each. It is noteworthy that Aeschylus 
also, while recognizing that Argus was 
slain by Hermes (Suppl. 305), avoids 
committing himself as to the manner of 
the deed. Io says mysteriously (of Argus), 
ἀπροσδόκητος δ᾽ αὐτὸν αἰφνίδιος μόρος | τοῦ 
ζῆν ἀπεστέρησεν (P. V. 680f.). 

29 yéver’, impers. (like συνέβη), with 


ay, 


ant. 


402 


30 12 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVIII 


ποδαρκέ᾽ ayyeholy Διὸς 


lal ’ὔ “A ε ΄ 
1.3 κτανεῖν τότε [ Γᾶς ὑπέροπλον 


τῇ ὀβριμοσπόρου λίόχον 


15 “Apyov" H pa καὶ 
τό ἄσπετοι μὐρυταν 


ὄμματ᾽ αἰνὰ λῦσαν 


35177) Πιερίδες φύτευϊ σαν ἁδύμῳ μέλει 
8 καδέων ἀνάπαυσζιν ἐμπέδων" 


> Ν 
ἐπ. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν 


ε 
ἀσφαλέστατον a πρὶ ὃς ἔσχατ᾽ οἴμα, 
4 


5 >| 5 5 
ἐπεὶ παρ᾽ ἀνθεμ 


εα 


40 Νεῖλον ἀφίκετ᾽ of ἰστροπλὰξ 


31 Tas ὑπέροπλον J.: Tas ἀναφύντ᾽ ἐξ Jurenka. 


32 ὀβριμοσπόρου] μ᾽ has been 


written above, between ὁ and 8, by A*.—Jurenka finds after this word a trace of A, 


and supplies λέχευς : λόχον Blass. 


the conjectural supplements in these vv., see Appendix. 


(γόνον conj. K. : τέκος formerly J.) 


33—51 For 
33 7 pa J., Herwerden, 


inf. κτανεῖν, ‘it came to pass that...’: a 
constr. used by. Xen. H. V. 3. 10, ἘΣ 
however, adds Gore before the inf. (οὐδ᾽ 
ἂν γενέσθαι ὥστε ἅμα ἀμφοτέρους... ἔξω 
Σπάρτης εἷναι). The Homeric epithet of 
Hermes, ἀργεϊφόντης, was traditionally 
explained as ‘ Argus-slayer,’ though its 
real sense may have been ‘swiftly ap- 
pearing’ (gav).—The words lost after 
γένετ᾽ probably expressed the idea, ‘dy az 
open attack, —as distinguished from an 
assault on the sleeping Argus. The first 
letter after yéver’ seems to have been Εἰ 
rather than A. Perhaps, then, ἐν μάχας 
ἀγῶνι (or és χέρας μολόντα). If the first 
letter were A, ἀμφαδὸν βαλόντα would be 
possible. —The ofen attack is shown on a 
vase figured in Roscher 11. 279: Argus is 
prostrate; Hermes slays him with a sword. 
According to Apollod. 11. 1, ὃ 4, Hermes 
killed him λίθῳ βαλών. 

31 Tas: Argus is called ‘the son of 
Earth’ by Aesch. P. V. 678 (n. on το f.); 
Suppl. 305; also by Acusilaus (c. 500 B.C.), 
fr. 17 (Miiller I. p. 102), whose source may 
have been Hesiod. Others made him a 
son of Agenor, of Arestor (Ov. AZet. 1. 
624), or even of Inachus: Apollod. 11. 1. 
§§ 2, 3.--ἙἼἅτέροπλον: cp. VIII. 13: Argus 
is described by by Apollodoris Zc. as ὑπερ- 
βάλλων... «δυνάμει, and by Quintus Smyrn. 
IO. 100 as μέγας. 

32 The letter after ὀβριμοσπόρου seems 
to have been A; hence Blass supplies 
λόχον. That word occurs only in the 
sense of ‘parturition’ (Aesch. Supp/. 676 


λόχοι γυναικῶν, Ag. 137 πρὸ λόχου), but 
doubtless might be used (like Lat. parts) 
in the sense of ‘offspring,’ as λοχεία is in 
Anth. Planud. 132. 3, δυοκαιδεκάπαιδα 
λοχείην (Niobe’s children). If synaphea 
could be assumed, λόχευμ᾽ would also be 
possible. 

ssf. ἤ pa: as to the accent of ἤ, see 
Appendix.—dorerot μέριμναι are ‘the 
immense cares,’ ‘anxieties,’ of Argus 
This is the normal sense of the plural 
μέριμναι: cp. V. 7: Theognis 343: Pind. 
1. Vil. 13, fr. 218, fr. 248: Aesch. Zhed. 
270, 831; Hum. 340: Eur. Heracl. 594, 
Bacch. 380: Diphilus zzcert. 5 λύπας, 
μερίμνας. (In another, but rarer, use 
μέριμναι refers to objects of pursuit or 


study: see I. 69: Emped. 113 δολιχό- 
φρονες... μέριμναι, ‘penetrating thoughts’; 
Ar. ub. 1404.) It seems improbable, 


then, that μέριμναι here can mean either 
(1) ‘the unceasing efforts,’ or ‘devices,’ 
used byHermes against Argus—as Kenyon 
takes it: or (2) ‘the ineffable counsels’ of 
Zeus,as Wilamowitz suggests. The general 
sense of the words which followed ἤ pa 
καὶ in 33 must have been, ‘exhausted 
him,’ ‘made him succumb to sleep.’ We 
might conjecture (¢.g.) ἄνδρ᾽ ὕπνῳ δά- 
μασσαν, or ὄμματ᾽ αἰνὰ λῦσαν (‘re- 
laxed,’ ‘caused to close,’ Soph. “4112. 1302 
λύει κελαινὰ βλέφαρα). 

85 ΣΦ. ἢ Πιερίδες κιτιλ. It seems 
hardly doubtful that καδέων are the 
troubles of Argus, not those of Io. The 
death of Argus brought no ἀνάπαυσις to 


XVIII] 


AIOYPAMBOI 


403 


swift messenger of Zeus slew huge Argus, Earth’s fierce offspring, 
[in combat]? Or did the watcher’s unending cares [close his dread 
eyes ;] or was he lulled to rest from weary troubles by the sweet 


melody of the Pierian sisters ? 


For me, at least, the surest path of song [is that which leads 
me to the end]; when Io, driven by the gadfly, reached the flowery 


banks of Nile, 


Jurenka: 7 ῥα K., Blass: H PA Ms. 


94 μέριμναι J., and so K., Jurenka, Blass?. 


{In his 1st ed., Bl., with K., read an accent on the I of MEPIM, which would be 


against the nomin, ; but he now recognizes that there is no such accent.] 


38 The 


letters AII are certain. A faint trace after II points, I think, to P. So Blass also 
holds; and Kenyon (who formerly suggested E) now inclines to this. 


her: then came the οἷστρος.---ἁδύμῳ: a 
word used by the poet’s uncle Simonides 
(Eustath. 1. p. 163. 28).---ἐμπέδων : cp. 
Zl. 8. 521 φυλακὴ...ἔμπεδος: Soph. O. C. 
1674 πόνον ἔμπεδον. I had thought also 
of ὑστάταν (since he was to wake no 
more); but a simple epithet for καδέων is 
perhaps more in this poet’s manner. 

The story was that Hermes disguised 
himself as a shepherd, and lulled Argus 
to sleep by playing on the σθριγξ. Ac- 
cording to Ovid 272. τ. 673—719, while 
some of the watcher’s eyes were closed 
by the music, others remained open; but 
these finally yielded to a discourse by 
Hermes on the invention of the instru- 
ment :—TZalia dicturus vidit Cyllenius 
omnes Succubuisse oculos, adopertaque 
lumina somno. Hermes then deepens 
the slumber by waving his charmed wand 
above the sleeper’s face. Mec mora, 
Jalcato nutantem vulnerat ense Qua collo 
confine caput, 1.6. he decapitates Argus 
with a sickle (ἅρπη). Valerius Flaccus 
Arg. IV. 384—390 tells the tale more 
briefly, but with a similar ending ;— 
languentia somno Lumina cuncta videt, 
dulcesque seguentia somnos, Et celerem 
medits tn cantibus exigit harper. Lucan 
also arms Hermes with the arfe (Phars. 
g- 663). Until this ode was recovered, 
the story was known only from the 
Latin sources. It is the subject of a 
wall-painting at Herculaneum (Baumeister 
I. p. 752, fig. 802), suggested by Ovid 
Met. τ. 687 f.: Hermes, who has just 
been playing the syrinx, is holding it out 
to Argus, who looks at it in wonder. 

37 ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν, ‘for me, at any rate’ 
(1.6. whatever may be the truth as to 
the slaying of Argus). μέν emphasizes 
ἐμοί: οὖν marks the return to the main 


thread of the discourse (after vv. 2g—36); 
a sense which it often has in the formula 
δ᾽ οὖν (Aesch. P.V. 226, Ag. 224, εἰς.). 
—These three words always formed a 
complete verse in the Ms. 

38 ἀσφαλέστατον. The general 
sense is clear from the context. ‘For 
me, at any rate, it is safest to pass (from 
disputed points) to the end of the story, 
which is certain.’ The first two letters 
after ἀσφαλέστατον were at. The third 
letter, of which only a slight trace 
remains, was, according to Blass, p: 
Kenyon read it as ε. If it was ρ, 
then ἃ was certainly the definite article: 
and this affords the easiest line of 
restoration. As to metre, verses 15 and 
33 might lead us to suppose that the 
measure of the lost words was -~-~-*~; 
and this would at least be metrically 
fitting. (It cannot, however, be deemed 
certain: -~ -~—~-— is another possibility.) 
Such being the data, we might con- 
jecture (e.g.), ἃ πρὸς ἔσχατ᾽ οἴμα, ‘the 
strain that brings me to the close.’ Or 
ἁ πρόσω κέλευθος ‘the onward course 
(of song, v. 1), (telling of the time) 
when,’ etc.—For other suggestions, see 
Appendix. 

39 ἀνθεμώδεα: cp. Xv. 5 (Hebrus), 
34 (Lycormas). 

“40 The letter after ἀφίκετ᾽ was οἱ 
οἰστροπλὰξ (Blass) is fairly certain. 
Aesch. P.V. 681 οἱστροπλὴξ δ᾽ ἐγὼ i μά- 
στιγι θείᾳ γῆν πρὸ γῆς ἐλαύνομαι: cp. 
Soph. Z/. 5.—A Pompeian wall-paintin: 
(figured in Roscher’s Lexicon, 11. 275 
depicts Io’s arrival in Egypt. She has 
been carried by Nilus to the bank of his 
stream. The goddess of the country 
(Aegyptus) greets Io with outstretched 
right hand, while the left holds the 


27—2 


epode. 


404 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XVIII 


Ia φέρουσα παῖδ α γαστρὶ τὸν Διός, 


Ἔπαφον᾽ 


ἔνθα viv τέκ᾽ εὐκλέα 


λινοστόλων πρύϊτανιν πολιτᾶν, 
ὑπερόχῳ βρύοντί α τιμᾷ, 

45 μεγίσταν te Oval τῶν ἔφανεν γενέθλαν, 
ὅθεν καὶ ᾿Αγανορί δας 
ἐν ἑπταπύλοισι Θήβαις 
Κάδμος Σεμέλ[αν φύτευσεν, 


ἃ τὸν ὀρσιβάκχαν 


50 τίκτεν Διόνυσον, [εὐφρόνων τε κώμων 
καὶ χορῶν στεφαϊνοφόρων ἄνακτα. 


42 ἔνθα vw] ENOENI A: corr. 4.3} 


46 Αγανορίδας Crusius, Wilamowitz. 


47 Κάδμος] KAAOC A: corr. 4.5,---Σεμέλαν] Between CE and MEA there is a space 


Uraeus snake; beside her is the child ~ 


Harpocrates, giving the sign of silence 
with finger on lip. In the background 
stand two women with rattles (σεῖστρα), 
symbolizing the association of Io with 
Isis. Io is described by Valerius Flaccus 
4. 418 as Aspide cincta comas et ovanti 
persona sistro. 

41 ᾿Ιὼ φέρουσα παῖδα. To complete 
the verse I suggest γαστρὶ τὸν Διός, 
because: (1) φέρουσα alone could not 
well mean ‘carrying in the womb’; on 
the other hand cp. 71. 6. 58f. μηδ᾽ ὅντινα 
γαστέρι pyrnp...pépo: Plat. Legg. 792 E 
τὰς φερούσας ἐν γαστρί. (2) A mention 
of Zeus as the father is here indis- 
pensable. 

42 "Emadgov. Aeschylus derives the 
name from ἐπαφή. When Io reached 
the Canopic mouth of the Nile (P.V. 
846), Zeus by the ‘ouch of his hand 
restored her natural form and her reason: 
ἐνταῦθα δή σε Leds τίθησιν ἔμφρονα, | ἐπα- 
φῶν ἀταρβεῖ χειρὶ καὶ θιγὼν μόνον (id. 
848f.). Hence Epaphus is ῥυσίων ἐκώ. 
νυμος (Suppl. 314) because the ἐπαφή 
was Io’s ‘deliverance.’ Aeschylus further 


“Eradgor. 


conceived that the child was engendered 
by this touch: Suppl. 312 καὶ Ζεύς γ᾽ 
ἐφάπτωρ χειρὶ φιτεύει γόνον, and P.V. 
850 f. ἐπώνυμον δὲ τῶν Διὸς γεννημάτων 
(the fatherhood of Zeus) | τέξεις κελαινὸν 
Bacchylides, on the other 
hand, imagines Io as already great 
with child when she reaches Egypt.— 
Herodotus (II. 153) says, ὁ δὲ “Ames 
κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν ἐστὶ "Ἑ παῴφος 
(cp. II. 27, 28). But the Greeks who 
thus connected the ames would never 
have identified the Epaphus of their 
myth with the sacred calf of Egypt. 
ἔνθα νιν τέκ᾽ : Apollod. I. 1. 4 
(Io) τελευταῖον ἧκεν εἰς Αὔγυπτον" ὅπου 
τὴν ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν ἀπολαβοῦσα γεννᾷ 
παρὰ τῷ Νείλῳ ποταμῷ ᾿Ἔπαφον παῖδα. 
For τέκ᾽....πρύτανιν, cp. 1. 15 ff. δεκάτῳ 
δ᾽ Εὐξάντιον | μηνὶ τέκ᾽ εὐπλόκαμος | νύμ- 
ga φερεκυδέϊ νάσῳ | ...πρύτανιν.---εοὐκλέα 
would be scanned —-, as in Vv. 196. 
43 λινοστόλων, epithet of the 
Egyptians: Her. 11. 37 εἵματα δὲ Nivea 
φορέουσι αἰεὶ νεόπλυτα. Kaibel Zpigr. 
Gr. 1028 (an Egyptian hymn to Isis, 
of ¢. 350 A.D.), Αὐγύπτου βασίλεια λινό- 


XVIII] 405 


AIOYPAMBOI 
bearing in her womb Epaphus, child of Zeus. 

There she brought him forth, to be glorious lord of the linen- 
robed folk, a prince flourishing in transcendent honour; and 
there she founded the mightiest race among men. From that 
race sprang Cadmus, son of Agenor, who in Thebes of the seven 
gates became father of Semele. And her son was Dionysus, 
inspirer of Bacchants, [king of joyous revels] and of choruses 
that wear the wreath... 


of about half an inch, through which a horizontal line was drawn: cp. XII. 136. 


50 f£. See Appendix. 


στολε.---πολιτᾶν seems a fitting supple- 
ment, since Epaphos was the legendary 
founder of Memphis: Apollod. 11. 1. 4 
Ἔπαφος δὲ βασιλεύων Αἰγυπτίων γαμεῖ 
Μέμφιν τὴν Νείλου θυγατέρα, καὶ ἀπὸ 
ταύτης κτίζει Μέμφιν πόλιν, (Note that 
Aeschylus, though he deemed Canopus 
to be the scene of Io’s healing, is careful 
to bring in Memphis also: καὶ μὴν Ka- 
νωβον κἀπὶ Μέμφιν ἵκετο : Suppl. 311.) 

44 τιμᾷ is better here than πλούτῳ..--- 
Aesch. Suppl. 581 f. describes Epaphus 
as παῖδ᾽ ἀμεμφῆ, | .δι᾿ αἰῶνος μακροῦ πάν- 
ολβον. 

45 μεγίσταν τε θνατῶν, ‘the mightiest 
(race) among men’ (cp. III. ὅτ μέγιστα 
θνατῶν). These two bacchii suggest that 
the form of the complete verse may 
have been ~--,~-—- | ~--,~-™, like 
τίς ἀχώ, τίς ddua προσέπτα μ᾽ ἀφεγγής ; 
(Aesch. P. V. 115): see W. Christ, 
Metrik p. 415. If so, we might supply 
ἔφανεν (or κτίσ᾽ αὐτοῦ) yevébAav.— 
Epaphus was the father of Λιβύη (Aesch. 
Suppl. 317), from whose union with 
Poseidon sprang Agenor (father of 
Cadmus), and Belus (father of Aegyptus 
and Danaus): see the stemma in Introd. 
to this Ode. 

46 ᾿Αγανορίδας: Agenor was king 
of Phoenicia. Eur. Phrixus (fr. 819) 
Σιδώνιόν wor’ ἄστυ Κάδμος ἐκλιπών, | ᾿Αγή- 
vopos παῖς, ἦλθε Θηβαίων χθόνα | Φοῖνιξ 
πεφυκώς, ἐκ δ᾽ ἀμείβεται γένος | ᾿Ελληνικόν, 


Διρκαῖον οἰκήσας πέδον. Cp. Roscher 
Lex. 11. p. 833. Hence to the Euripidean 
chorus of Phoenician women Io is προμά- 
twp (Phoen. 676), as she is also to the 
Argive Danaidae (ἁ πρόγονος βοῦς, Aesch. 
Suppl. 43f., παλαιομάτωρ Eur. Suppl. 
628). 

48f. Zepédav, daughter of Cadmus 
and Harmonia (Hes. Zheog. 975 f.).— 
τὸν ὀρσιβάκχαν (only here): cp. the poet 
cited by Plut. De exsilio p. 607 C, Εὔϊον 
ὀρσιγύναικα Διόνυσον μαινομέναις θύοντα 
τιμαῖς : Soph. O. 7. 211 ff. οἰνρῶπα Βάκχον 
εὔϊον, | Μαινάδων ὁμόστολον. 

50f. Διόνυσον in the Ms. is pre- 
sumably sound: Blass changes it to Avov 
υἱὸν, but this seems unwarrantable. The 
MS. τίκτε should probably be τίκτεν : no 
verse in this ode begins with -~~~. 
After τίκτεν Διόνυσον Jurenka supplies 
ἀγλαῶν τε κώμων. <A possible substitute 
for ἀγλαῶν would be εὐφρόνων : cp. X. 12 
κῶμοί τε καὶ εὐφροσύναι. In 51 στεφανά- 
φόρων ἄνακτα (Wilamowitz) gives a fitting 
sense. As this is a dithyramb for Athens, 
χορῶν probably refers to the contests of 
dithyrambic choruses at the Dionysia. 
Wreaths of ivy were worn by the mem- 
bers of a κύκλιος χορός : cp. Simonides 
fr. 148 (which some ascribed to Bacchy- 
lides, Bergk* 111. 496), πολλάκι δὴ φυλῆς 
᾿Ακαμαντίδος ἐν χοροῖσιν Ὧραι | ἀνωλόλυξαν 
κισσοφόροις ἐπὶ διθυράμβοις. 


406 


XIX. 


BAKXYAIAOY 


[XIX 


rex] 


IAAC 
AAKEAAIMONIOIC 


Σπάρτᾳ mor ἐν εἰ ὑρυχόρῳ 
ξανθαὶ Λακεδαιμονΐ tov 
τοιόνδε μέλος K| Opar ὕμνευν, 
. 3 » / 
ὅτ᾽ ἄγετο καλλιπαΐ paov 
, ΄ ¥ 
5 κόραν OpacuKdp| dios Ἴδας 
Μάρπησσαν ἰότ[ pix’ és οἴκους, 
φυγὼν θανάτου τί αχὺν οἶτον, 
3 ᾿᾿ λ Ul δὰ A 4 eae 
ἀναξίαλος Ioced dav ὅτε δίφρον ὀπάσσας 
ἵππους τέ (F Jou ioav| ἐμους 
το Πλευρών᾽ ἐς ἐὐκτί ἱμέναν ἐπόρευσε παραὶ 
χρυσάσπιδος υἱὸν “Apyos 


[The rest is lost.] 


Ire. The title added in the left margin by A’. 
6 After I are seen the remains of O. The third 


supplements see Appendix. 


1—11 For the conjectural 


letter must have been T: there are slight traces of the left part of the cross-stroke.— 


Ix. 1 = Idas. son of Aphareus, 
carried off Marpessa, daughter of Evenus, 
from Pleuron in Aetolia, Poseidon having 
given him a chariot with winged horses. 
See Introduction to this Ode.—evpux dpa, 
epithet of Argos in IX. 31. See Appendix. 
εὐρυαγυίᾳ is also possible.—Cp. the be- 
ginning of the ὑμέναιος for Peithetaerus 
and Basileia in Ar. Av. 1731, Ἥρᾳ mor’ 
’Odup ria, x.7.A.: also that of Theocr. 
xviit. (the Epithalamion of Helen), ἔν 
ποκ᾽ dpa Σπάρτᾳ ξανθότριχι πὰρ Μενελάῳ, 
κιτ.λ. 

2£. Λακεδαιμονίων... «κόραι ὕμνευν. I 
prefer ὕμνευν to the ᾷδον οἵ Wilamowitz : 


B. would have written ἄειδον. The fact 
that κόραν occurs in v. 5 is scarcely an 
objection to κόραι. But a possible ser 
native is Λακεδαιμόνιαι.. κελάδησαν : i 
XV. 12 that verb refers to choral singing. 

4 ἄγετο: cp. Her. τ. 50 γυναῖκα... ἄγε- 
σθαι...ἐς τὰ οἰκία. The home to which 
Idas brought Marpessa was, according to 
Simonides (schol. Z/. 9. 556), ᾿Αρήνη in 
Messenia (//. 2. 591, 11. 723: Ap. Rhod. 
1.152); Apollodorus also (1. 7. 8) says εἰς 
Μεσσήνην. But B., as these verses indicate, 
must have placed ‘that home at Sparta. 

6 ἰότριχ᾽. The letter after to was 
certainly τ. ἰόθριξ, though not extant, is 


XIx] AIOYPAMBOI 407 


XIX. [XX.] 
IDAS. 


(FOR THE LACEDAEMONIANS.) 


In spacious Sparta of yore the golden-haired maidens of 
Lacedaemon chanted such a song as this, when bold-hearted 
Idas was bringing home the fair maiden, Marpessa of the violet 
locks, after escaping the swift doom of death; when Poseidon, 
lord of the sea, had given him a chariot, with steeds swift as 
the wind, and had sped him on his way to well-built Pleuron, to 


the son of Ares with golden shield... 


ἰότριχ᾽ és οἴκους J. 
otrov Jurenka. 
ὀπάσσας conj. J. 


7 The letter after θανάτου seems to have been T.—raxbv 
8 Ποσειδὰν] ΠΑΟῚ A: O written above A.(by A®?).—ére δίφρον 
10 ἐπόρευσε παραὶ conj. J. 


- fully warranted by εὔθριξ, λεπτόθριξ (v.28), 
λευκόθριξ, μελανόθριξ, ξανθόθριξ (V. 37), 
τανύθριξ, χρυσόθριξ. 

7 φυγὼν θανάτου.. οἶτον. As we learn 
from the schol. on Pind. Z. 111. 72 (ΞΞ1ν. 
54), Bacchylides said, doubtless in this 
poem, that Evenus roofed a temple of 
Poseidon with the skulls of competitors 
for the hand of Marpessa whom he had 
defeated in a contest. (The skulls of 
Hippodameia’s vanquished suitors were 
put to the same use by her father, ac- 
cording to Sophocles in his Oenomaus.) 
φυγών refers, then, to the escape of Idas 
from this doom at Pleuron ; not (as Blass 
takes it) to his escape from pursuit after 
crossing the river Lycormas. Having once 
started from Pleuron with Marpessa in 
his magic chariot, Idas had nothing more 
to fear. 

8 ἀναξίαλος (only here): cp. VI. 1on.— 
The ποσι- of the MS. was doubtless 
Ποσί(ε)ιδᾶν : as to the inconstant spelling 
of that name, see crit. n. on Ix. 19.—The 
metre of ἀναξίαλος Ποσειδᾶν, (~) -~~-~-— 7 
was a permissible variation on (~)-~~- 
~~-—(=) in the prosodiacus (p. 120). No 


supplement is metrically necessary. But, in 
view of the whole context, it seems pro- 
bable that some words followed, with the 
rhythm, perhaps,. of ~~-~~-(-): δι. 
ὅτε δίφρον ὀπάσσας, or ἐπεὶ ἅρμα πορών. 
—Apollod. 1. 7. 8 Μάρπησσαν.. Ἴδας... 
ἥρπασε, λαβὼν παρὰ Ποσειδῶνος ἅρμα 
ὑπόπτερον. Poseidon gave like aid to 
Pelops, in view of his contest with 
Oenomaus, Pind. O. 1. 86 f. τὸν μὲν 
ἀγάλλων θεὸς ἔδωκεν δίφρον τε χρύσεον 
πτεροῖσίν τ᾽ ἀκάμαντας ἵππους. B. may 
similarly have imagined the ἵππους ἰσανέ- 
μους (0) as winged. 

10 Πλευρών᾽ : see v. 151 n.—The 
context indicates that a verb meaning 
‘sent,’ to which Poseidon was subject, 
stood in this verse (or in 9). ἐπόρευσε 
παραὶ would serve. Cp. Pind. O. I. 77 
(Pelops to Poseidon) ἐμὲ δ᾽ ἐπὶ raxu- 
τάτων πόρευσον ἁρμάτων | és"Adw. Or 
πέμψεν παραὶ, which would give a verse 
like that in Ar. Ran. 220. For παραί, 
cp. XII. 150. 

11 υἱὸν Ἄρηος: Evenus, son of Ares 
by Demonice, daughter of Agenor of 
Pleuron (Apollod. 1. 7. 7). 


FRAGMENTS OF BACCHYLIDES, 
AND NOTICES OF HIS POEMS, 
FOUND IN ANCIENT WRITERS. 


In Bergk’s Poetae Lyrici Graeci, vol. 111. pp. 569—588 (4th ed. 1882), 
69 passages are collected, which contain either fragments of Bacchylides 
or references to his works. Of the fragments, the following occur in the 
lately-recovered poems :— 

Bergk’s fr. 1 =v. 50—55, ὄλβιος... ἔφυ. 

2 (verses 1 and 2) =v. 160—162, Ovaroior.. φέγγος. 
6 =v. 37—40, ξανθότριχα... νικάσαντα. 
8 = Kenyon’s fr. 5, ]. 5, προσφώνει τέ νιν, and certainly belonged 
to Oder. (See Blass, 3rd ed., p. 25, v. 76.) 
9 =x. 1 and 4—7, Nika. . ἀρετᾶς. 
29 =XIV. 50—56, ὦ Τρῶες... σύνοικον. 
30=1. 49—51, φάσω τε... ὁμιλεῖ. 
47=V. 26 f. νωμᾶται... χάει. 

Further, fr. 41, Ποσειδάνιον... φορεῦντες, is α7έν preserved on a small 
piece of the papyrus, fr. 2 (Kenyon). See below, fr. 6 in my edition. 

Fr. 17 (Servius on Aen, vi. 21) refers to xvi. 2: see Introd. to that 
ode. 

Fr. 52 (Apollon. De Syzt. 186) refers to ἀριστάρχου Διός in xu. 58. 

Fr. 59 (Schol. 71 24. 496) refers to a statement probably contained 
in the lost part of xiv (seen. on xIV. vv. 37ff.): and the same may be said 
of fr. 61 (Schol. Pind. Z Iv. 92) relatively to x1x (see ἢ. on XIX. v. 7). 

There are also three of the old fragments which are conjecturally 
connected by Blass with the newly-found odes. 

These are: (1) fr. 7 (Bergk), ὦ Πέλοπος .. πύλαι, which may well have 
belonged to the lost exordium of Ode 1: Blass (2nd ed., p. 21 f.) places 
it there as vv. 13 f. 

(2) Fr. 35, οὐ yap ὑπόκλοπον... σοφία, which, on the suggestion of 
G. F. Hill, Blass (p. 127) refers to xiv, as vv. 30 ἢ. 


FRAGMENTS AND NOTICES. 409 


(3) Fr. 46, δυσμενέων δ᾽ aidys, used by Blass (p. 119), with the 
support of some slight traces in the papyrus, in supplying x11. 208 f. 

Lastly, with regard to Bergk’s fr. 5, Blass (p. 160n.) seems right in 
rejecting it*. On the other hand, no. 86 of Bergk’s fragmenta adespota 
is assigned by Blass to Bacchylides : see below, no. 32. 


The principle adopted in my edition has been that of distinguishing 
‘Fragments’ in the proper sense,—z.e. citations giving the actual words 
of the poet,—from notices which do not give his words, but merely 
report the substance of what he said. There may be instances in which 
it is hard to say whether, or how far, a notice embodies a fragment. 
But in the case of Bacchylides there is, I think, only one such 
instance, viz. Bergk’s no. 15 (my no. 5); and that should probably be 
reckoned among the fragments proper. Again, notices (as distinguished 
from fragments proper) may conveniently be brought under two distinct 
heads, according as they do, or do not, specify the class of the composi- 
tion (such as dithyramb, paean, etc.) to which they severally refer. 

I have therefore arranged these relics of Bacchylides as follows :— 
A. Fragments: B. Notices which specify a class of poem: C. Notices 
which do not specify a class. Under C it has been possible to facilitate 
reference by recognising two chief groups of subject-matter, the mytho- 
logical and the geographical. 


The subjoined table shows the correspondence between the num- 
bering of the fragments and notices in (1) Bergk’s Poetae Lyrict, 4th ed.: 
(2) Blass’s 3rd ed. of Bacchylides: and (3) the present edition, denoted 
by ‘J.’ For reasons which will appear from what has been said above, the 
following fragments of Bergk are omitted ;—1, 2 (verses 1 and 2), 5, 6, 
7, 8, 9, 17, 29, 30, 35, 46, 47, 52: but 41, 59 and 61 are includedf. 


* It is Schol. Aristid. 111. p. 317, referring to the origin of the chariot (ἅρμα) :— 
ἄλλοι δὲ λέγουσιν ὅτι ἐκ Σικελίας ἐφάνη τὴν ἀρχήν. Baxxvdrldns yap καὶ Πίνδαρος 
Ἱέρωνα καὶ Τέλωνα τοὺς Σικελίας ἄρχοντας ὑμνήσαντες καὶ πλεῖστα θαυμάσαντες ἐν ἱππη- 
hacia πρὸς χάριν αὐτῶν εἶπον ὡς Σικελιῶται πρῶτοι ἅρμα ἐξεῦρον. So C. But the 
Iliad alone would have forbidden such a statement. Pindar, in fr. 106, merely praises 
the Theban ἅρμα and the Sicilian ὄχημα. And in the text of the schol. given by BD 
this passage runs thus :—ol γὰρ περὶ Βακχυλίδην καὶ Πίνδαρον ὑμνήσαντες τοὺς περὶ 
Ἱέρωνα καὶ Γέλωνα ἐν ἱππικῇ παρέσχον ὑπόνοιαν Σικελιώτας τὴν ἱππικὴν ἐξευρεῖν. 

+ Five of the items in my list of 61 are absent from this table, as they have no 
numbered counterparts in Bergk. These are:—(1) No. 32=Blass 37 A. This is 
reckoned by Bergk, not among the fragments of Bacchylides, but among the adesfota. 
(2) No. 37; cited by Bergk in a n. on his fr. 11, p. 572; and by Blass in a n. on his 
fr. 2, p. 160. (3) No. 40, which I do not find in Bergk: Blass has it on p. 165, but 
without a number. (4) No. 46; cited by Bergk in a n. on his fr. 29, p. 580, and 
noticed by Blass on p. 159. (5) No. 50, the passage of Natalis Comes, which Bergk 
gives at the end (p. 588), but without numbering it: so also Blass, p. 176. 


410 


Bergk. 


2, verse 3 


1. 


BACCHYLIDES. 


Bergk. 


39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
48 
49 
50 
51 
53 
54 
55 
56 


A. FRAGMENTS. 


ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ. 
[Bergk 4: Blass 1.] 


Blass. i 
30 22 

31 23 
(P- 159) 6 
32 26 

33 27 

34 24 

35 30 
Ep. 1, p. 176 33 
P- 2, 955 34 
38 41 
a, 31 
40 60 

41 45 

42 54 

10 49 

(p. 166 n.) 42 
43 59 
(p. Ixvii) 56 
44 47 

(p- 158) 48 
45 44 

46 52 

47 53 

48 58 

49 57 

50 61 

51 43 

52 58 


‘Os δ᾽ ἅπαξ εἰπεῖν, φρένα καὶ πυκινὰν 
κέρδος ἀνθρώπων βιᾶται. 


Stobaeus, Flor. 10. 14: Βακχυλίδου ᾿Επινικῶν (sic A: Βακχυλίδου simply, Trin- 
cavellus, ed. 1536).—‘ Be it said once for all, even wise minds are overmastered by 
love of gain.’ os δ᾽ ἅπαξ εἰπεῖν, to sum up the matter in a single broad statement 
(without taking account of exceptions): a phrase practically equivalent to ws ἁπλῶς 
(or καθόλου) εἰπεῖν, but more sententious and emphatic.—Cp. x1I. 199f., εἰ μή Twa 


θερσιεπὴς | φθόνος βιᾶται. 


Aiat τέκος ἁμέτερον, 
A Xd an > , , 3 θέ Φ 
μεῖζον ἢ πενθεῖν ἐφάνη κακόν, ἀφθέγκτοισιν ἶσον. 


YMNOI. 
[ΒΤ Bi 2.4 


Stob. Flor. 122. 1: Βακχυλίδου Ὕμνων .--- Alas, my child, a sorrow has come, too 

reat for tears, one of those that can find no voice.’ 

ἣν μέζω κακὰ ἢ ὥστε ἀνακλαίειν : Thuc. vil. 75 § 4 μείζω ἢ κατὰ δάκρυα...πεπονθότας.--- 
For ἀφθέγκτοισιν cp. Pind. P. Iv. 237 ἀφωνήτῳ... ἄχει. ----Μείτε : dactylo-epitrite. 


Cp. Her. Il. 14 τὰ μὲν οἰκήϊα 


FRAGMENTS. 411 


ΠΑΙΑΝΕΣ. 
3. [B..13:,BL 4} 


Τίκτει δέ τε θνατοῖσιν εἰρήνα μεγάλα 
πλοῦτον μελιγλώσσων T ἀοιδᾶν ἄνθεα, 
δαιδαλέων 7 ἐπὶ βωμῶν θεοῖσιν αἴθεσθαι βοῶν 


ἕξανθᾷ φλογὶ μῆρα τανυτρίχων τε μήλων, 


δ γυμνασίων τε νέοις αὐλῶν τε καὶ κώμων μέλειν. 
ἐν δὲ σιδαροδέτοις πόρπαξιν αἰθᾶν 
ἀραχνᾶν ἱστοὶ πέλονται" 
ἔγχεά τε λογχωτὰ ξίφεα τ᾽ ἀμφάκεα δάμναται εὐρώς. 
χαλκεᾶν δ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι σαλπίγγων κτύπος, 
το οὐδὲ συλᾶται μελίφρων ὕπνος ἀπὸ βλεφάρων, 
a@os ὃς θάλπει κέαρ. 
συμποσίων δ᾽ ἐρατῶν βρίθοντ᾽ ἀγυιαί, παιδικοί θ᾽ ὕμνοι 
φλέγονται. 


Stob. Flor. 55. 3: Βακχυλίδου Παιάνων.---Τ ες. paean to which our fragment 
belonged was presumably composed in strophe, antistrophe, and epode: but critics 
differ as to the place which the extant verses held in the scheme of the triad. (1) M. 
Schmidt (Pind. O/. p. Lxx11) thinks that vv. 1—5 form a complete antistrophe, the 
epode beginning at v. 6. (2) Hartung finds the epode in 1—s, and the strophe in 
6—11. (3) Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Gr.* 111. 573, regards vv. 1—5 as the last part of the 
antistrophe, and 6—12 asa complete epode. (4) Blass, in Ahetn. Mus. XXX11. 460, 
gives an ingenious reconstruction, according to which v. 1 is the last of an epode; 
vv. 2—g (as numbered by him, 2.6. from πλοῦτον down to πέλονται) constitute the 
strophe ; and the remaining lines complete the antistrophe. To obtain this corre- 
spondence, however, it is necessary to make two assumptions. (i) That in v. 8 (= II 
Blass) a dactyl beginning with a vowel has been lost between δάμναται and εὐρώς. 
(Z.g. ἔμπεδον would serve.) (ii) That in v. 11 (=15 Bl.) the Ms. duos or ἅμος 15 
corrupted from a word of which the scansion was -—~. Blass writes ἀῴος, comparing 
Pind. P. 1x. 23 ff., τὸν δὲ σύγκοιτον γλυκὺν | παῦρον. ἐπὶ γλεφάροις | ὕπνον ἀναλίσκοισα 
ῥέποντα πρὸς ἀῶ: "and [Eur.] Rhes. 554f. θέλγει δ᾽ ὄμματος edpar | ὕπνος" ἅδιστος yap 
ἔβα βλεφάροις πρὸς ἀοῦς. This may be accepted. The ς of the corrupt ὦμος (or duos) 
is a strong point in its favour. We have to suppose a form of w1 which could be 
mistaken for M. (iii) That ἀραχνᾶν (~~-) in v. g (Bl.) answers to παιδικοί in the 
last verse: Blass holds this to be legitimate (Praef. p. XL). 

On the whole, I incline to think (with Weir Smyth, Je/ic Poets p. 448) that 
Blass’s arrangement, though worthy of careful consideration, is somewhat too hazardous. 
Our data, in fact, do not suffice to determine the question of structure here. I there- 
fore print the verses without any attempt at indicating divisions.—The metre is 
dactylo-epitrite. 

‘Vea, and Peace, mighty goddess, brings forth wealth for mortals, and the flowers 
of honied song; her gift it is that thigh-flesh of oxen and of fleecy sheep is burnt to 
the gods in the yellow flame on carven altars ; and that youths disport themselves with 
bodily feats, and with flutes and revels. 

‘The webs of red-brown spiders are on the iron-bound handles of shields ; sharp- 
pointed spears and two-edged swords are a prey to rust. No blast of bronze trumpet 
is heard; sleep of gentle spirit, that comforts the heart at dawn, is not stolen from the 
eyelids. Joyous feasting abounds in the streets, and songs in praise of youths flame 
forth. Ξ 

1. δέτε: cp. XII. 129 n.—Stephanus and Ursinus omit τε. Bergk would prefer 


412 BACCHYLIDES. 


To.—peydda is, as Smyth remarks, a somewhat rare epithet for a goddess (though it 
15 given to Demeter and Persephone, to Moira, and to the Erinys): but it seems not 
unsuitable here, where the poet insists on the beneficent fower of Eirene over human 
life. In any case it is not endurable to take it as acc. neut. plur., in apposition with 
the following accusatives. Bergk would prefer μέγαν : Hartung, μέγαν τε.--- 
2. πλοῦτον μελιγλώσσων τ᾽ Boeckh, Neue, Blass: πλοῦτον καὶ μελιγλώσσων MSS. of 
Stobaeus: so Bergk, Smyth.—Cp. Philemon, Πύρρος 7 ff. (of Εἰρήνη), ὦ Zed φίλτατε, | τῆς 
ἐπαφροδίτου καὶ φιλανθρώπου θεοῦ" | γάμους, ἑορτάς, συγγενεῖς, παῖδας, φίλους, | πλοῦτον, 
ὑγίειαν, σῖτον, οἶνον, ἡδονὴν | αὕτη δίδωσι. In the marketplace at Athens (Paus. 1. 8 
§ 2, 9. 16 8 2) there was a statue by Cephisodotus (c. 370 B.c.) of Peace nursing the 
infant Wealth, whom she supports on her left arm,—the original, as Brunn recognised, 
of a statue now at Munich (Ernest Gardner, Greek Sculpture, τι. 352 f.).—3. αἴθεσϑαι 
L. Dindorf and Schneidewin: ἔθεσθε the better Mss. of Stobaeus, whence Gesner 
τίθενται (correcting it, however, in the margin to τίθεσθαι) : αἴθεται P. Leopardus 
Lmend. 1v. 21.—The inf. αἴθεσθαι, like μέλειν in 5, depends on τίκτει 85: ποιεῖ, 
τίθησι.--α. ξανθᾷ φλογὶ, as in Ode 111. 56.---μῆρα τανυτρίχων. The Mss. of Stobaeus 
agree in εὐτρίχων, but before it have μεριταν, μηρίταν, or μηρύταν. These traces clearly 
point to μηρία (μῆρα) τανυτρίχων. Itis possible that μηρί᾽ εὐτρίχων was another old 
reading ; and Blass prefers this on the metrical ground (‘soluta autem thesis parum 
cum Bacch. convenit’). But it should be remembered that, when τὰν had once been 
absorbed into μεριταν (etc.), -υτρίχων would have generated εὐτρίχων. THiat is, while 
the existence of τανυτρίχων prior to the corruption in the Mss. is reasonably certain, 
that of εὐτρίχων is not so. Gesner and Grotius wrote μερίδες εὐτρίχων : Leopardus 
(and Stephanus), μηρία τῶν εὐτρίχων : Buttmann, μῆρα δασυτρίχων, which was received 
by Boeckh, and (in preference to his own μηρί᾽ éitpixwv) by Neue.—5. γυμνασίων, 
athletic exercises : Pind. fr. 129. 4 καὶ rol μὲν ἵπποις γυμνασίοις Te, Tol δὲ πεσσοῖς, | τοὶ 
δὲ φορμίγγεσσι τέρπονται. Cp. Ar. Nub. 1002, where the Δίκαιος Λόγος describes the 
healthy pleasures in store for the Athenian youth, if he be well advised ;—dAX’ οὖν 
λιπαρός γε καὶ εὐανθὴς ἐν γυμνασίοις διατρίψεις.---αὐλῶν : associated with a κῶμος in 
II. 12 and in vull. 68. 

6—10 Plut. Muma 20 quotes these verses, without the poet’s name. The 
blessings of Numa’s reign were such, wore καὶ τὰς ποιητικὰς ὑπερβολὰς ἐνδεῖν πρὸς τὴν 
τότε κατάστασιν λέγουσιν, ἐν δὲ σιδαροδέτοις πόρπαξιν αἰθᾶἂν ἀραχνᾶν ἔργα, 
καὶ εὐρὼς δάμναται ἔγχεά τε λογχωτὰ (and the rest, down to βλεφάρων). This 
inexact quotation, evidently made from memory, suggests how well-known the poem 
was in Plutarch’s time. 6 πόρπαξιν. The πόρπαξ was a leathern thong, carried 
round the inner edge of the shield, and fixed at intervals by the πόρπαι or pins from 
which it took its name, so as to form a succession of loops: hence otdapéderos. A 
figure from a Greek vase (Smith, Dict. Ant. 1. 459, clifeus) shows a warrior whose 
left arm is passed through a band (ὄχανον or ὀχάνη) traversing the diameter of the 
shield, while his hand grasps the πόρπαξ. Cp. my ed. of Soph. 4z., App. on 575 f. 
The context here implies that the shield is hung up with the πόρπαξ attached ; but the 
latter could be removed (cp. Ar. Zg. 849). In Ar. Pax 662 Eirene is addressed as 
ὦ γυναικῶν pucoropraxicrdrn.—atOav, of a reddish-brown colour: cp. n. on VIII. Io. 
7 dpaxvayv, an unusual scansion, possible also (though not certain) in Eur. fr. 369 
κείσθω δόρυ μοι μίτον ἀμφιπλέκειν ἀράχναις. Cp. the ἃ in ἄχνη (Eur. Or. 115). Smyth © 
compares (i/er alia) Theocr. XV1. 96 ἀράχνια δ᾽ els ὅπλ᾽ ἀράχναι | λεπτὰ διαστήσαιντο : 
Nonnus Dzouys. ΧΧΧΥΤΙΙ. 13 ἔκειτο δὲ τηλόθι χάρμης | Βακχιὰς ἑξαέτηρος ἀραχνιόωσα 
βοείη.---πέλονται, a word used in ΙΧ. 38; here somewhat weak, but not doubtful. 
(Ursinus conjectured πλέκονται.) 8. ἔγχεα, like ξίφεα, is scanned as—-. λογχωτά: 
Eur. Bacch. 761 λογχωτὸν βέλος (the sharp-pointed ἀκόντιον). λόγχη is the spear-head 
(=alxuy), ἔγχος here the shaft (δόρυ). 9 οὐκ ἔστι Plut. Mum. 20, Bergk: οὐκέτι 
Mss. of Stob., vulg. 11 Most Mss. have duos (duos Vindob.): ἀμὸν Heyne, Bergk: 
ἁμὸν (-- ἡμέτερον) Smyth. dos Blass (see p. 411). 12 Bpi®ovr’. When the ι of the 
3rd plur. is to be elided, B. uses the form in -ov7t: cp. XVII. 10 σεύοντ᾽.---ἀγνιαί: 
cp. III. τ6.---παιδικοί θ᾽ ὕμνοι : probably songs addressed to youths, the παέδειοι ὕμνοι 
of Pind. /. 11. 3; seen. on IX. 42. The words could, however, mean ‘songs sung by 
youths’: cp. παιδικῷ χορῷ in Lys. or. 21 ὃ 4.--φλέγονται : Aesch. 4g. gt βωμοὶ 
δώροισι φλέγονται. (Bergk conj. φλέγοντι : but B. would probably have written 
φλέγουσι, as in V. 24 he has ἴσχουσι.) Cp. Pind. O. ΙΧ. 21 f. πόλιν | μαλεραῖς 
ἐπιφλέγων ἀοιδαῖς. 


FRAGMENTS. 413 


4. [B. 14: BI. 5.] 


ν > ε ’ XN 4 4 ’ a) 
ἕτερος ἐξ _€TEpou σοφὸς TO τε πάλαι τό TE νῦν. 
οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾷστον ἀρρήτων ἐπέων πύλας 
ἐξευρεῖν. 


Clem. Alex. Strom. v. 687: Ἕτερος δὲ...τό τε νῦν, φησὶ Βακχυλίδης ἐν τοῖς 
Παιᾶσιν, οὐδὲ γὰρ κ.τ.λ.--- Τῆς δεῖς is logaoedic. 

‘Poet is heir to poet, now as of yore; for in sooth ’tis no light task to find the 
gates of virgin song. ᾿--ἀρρήτων ἐπέων, verses, poetry, ἡ unuttered ’ before, —original : 
cp. Soph. Ant. 556 ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀρρήτοις γε τοῖς ἐμοῖς λόγοις. -- πύλας, Pindaric: O. VI. 
27 πύλας ὕμνων ἀναπιτνάμεν. Contrast Pind. O. 11. 86 σοφὸς ὁ πολλὰ fecdws φυᾷ" 
μαθόντες δὲ λάβροι | παγγλωσσίᾳ, κόρακες ws, ἄκραντα γαρύετον | Διὸς πρὸς ὄρνιχα θεῖον. 
On this and the similar passages in O. IX. 100 ff. and Δ. 1Π|. 40 ff., see pp. 15—17. 

It seems not improbable that, in writing the words quoted by Clement, Bacchylides 
was thinking of such Pindaric utterances, which express scorn for the man who has 
learned from others, as distinguished from the man of original genius. If, however, 
that be so, the tone of the reply is gentle and modest. See pp. 23 f. 


5. [B. τὸ Bl. 5.| 


"Apktov παρούσης ἴχνη μὴ ζήτει. 


Zenobius 111. 36: Emi τῶν δειλῶν κυνηγῶν εἴρηται ἡ παροιμία: μέμνηται δὲ αὐτῆς 
Βακχυλίδης ἐν Παιᾶσιν.--- Do not look for the bear’s tracks when he is close by.’— 
As μέμνηται does not necessarily imply more than an a//usion to the proverb, it seems 
doubtful whether, or how far, the words quoted can be assumed to be those used by 
the poet: but ἄρκτου παρούσης, at least, might well be his. 


AIOYPAMBOI. 
6. [B. 41: BI. p. 159.] 


Ποσει |Saviov als 

Μαντ ]ινέες τριόϊ δοντα χαλκοδαιδάλοισιν ἐν 
ἀσπίσι)ν φορεῦν τες... 

ἀφ᾽ ἱπποτρ )όφου πόλιος... 


Schol. Pind. O, ΧΙ. 83: ὋὋ Δίδυμος δὲ οὕτω καθίστησι τὸν λόγον" τὴν Μαντινέαν 
φησὶν ἱερὰν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος καὶ παρατίθεται τὸν Βακχυλίδην λέγοντα οὕτω" Ποσειδάνιον 
(Gott. Vrat. D., vulg. -ὠνιον) ὡς Μαντινεῖς τριόδοντα χαλκοδαιδάλοισιν ἐν 
ἀσπίσι popetvres.—The citation is now supplemented by ἃ fragment of the papyrus, 
which gives the letters printed above between ] and [ in each verse. The occurrence 
of the words in our Ms. makes it certain that they come from a dithyramb,—as 
Neue (p. 24) had conjectured, comparing Servius on «4672. ΧΙ. 93. (See below, no. 36.) 
Blass supposes that the dithyramb was Κασσάνδρα, containing her prophecy of the 
Trojan War, from which Horace (according to, Porphyrion) imitated that of Nereus in 
C. 1. 15. These words occurred (Blass suggests) in an enumeration of the Greek 
forces. —‘(Seest thou) ..how the Mantineans, bearing the trident of Poseidon on their 
finely-wrought shields of bronze, .. (come) .. from their horse-nurturing city?’—Metre, 
dactylo-epitrite. 


414 BACCHYLIDES. 


TTPOZOAIA. 
7. [B. 19: Bl. 11.] 


Eis ὅρος, μία βροτοῖσίν ἐστιν εὐτυχίας ὁδός, 

θυμὸν εἴ τις ἔχων ἀπενθῆ διατελεῖν δύναται βίον" 

ὃς δὲ μυρία “μὲν ἀμφιπολεῖ φρενί, 

τὸ δὲ Tap ἅμάρ τε καὶ νύκτα μελλόντων χάριν 
ia 

ἑὸν ἰάπτεται κέαρ, ἄκαρπον ἔχει πόνον. 


5100. Flor. 108. 26: Βακχυλίδου ἸΤροσωδιῶν (séc A), 2.6. ἸΤροσοδίων .---- θ᾽ metre is 
logaoedic. 

‘One canon is there, one sure way, of happiness for mortals—if one can keep a 
cheerful spirit throughout life. But he whose thoughts are busy with countless cares, 
and who afflicts his soul day and night about the future, has barren toil.’ 

1 ὅρος is the canon, the rule or standard, by which true εὐτυχία is to be measured: 
ὁδός, the course to be followed. 2 διατελεῖν δύναται Bergk, Smyth: δύναται διατελεῖν 
MSs. 8 μυρία μὲν Mss.: μυρίαν μενοινὰν Bergk. 4 τὸ δὲ παρ᾽ dpap te] παρόμαρτε 
MSS. : corrected by Grotius (who, however, wrote τόδε παρ᾽ judp re): τὸ δὲ πᾶν ἦμάρ 
τε Stephanus. 5 ἑὸν ἰάπτεται Grotius: αἰὲν ἰάπτ., Boeckh, Blass*: ἀόνι (αονι 
Vindob.) ἅπτεται MSs. For ἅπτεται Stephanus conjectured δάπτεται, and so Ursinus, 
Brunck, Ilgen, Jacobs, the two latter changing ἀόνι to dvla.—idmrera: lit. ‘is hurt’: 
cp. Od. 2. 376 ὡς ἂν μὴ κλαίουσα κατὰ χρόα καλὸν ἰάπτῃ (‘mar’). Moschus 4. 39 
ἰάπτομαι ἄλγεσιν ἧτορ.-- ἄκαρπον MSS.: ἀκάρπωτον Bergk. 


θ᾽ ΠΡ ΖΟΣ Be tan 
τί γὰρ ἐλαφρὸν ἔτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἄπρακτ᾽ ὀδυρόμενον δονεῖν 
καρδίαν ; 
Stob. Flor. 108. 49: Βακχυλίδου Προσωδιῶν (sic A). Metre, logaoedic. These 


words belong to the same poem as fr. 7, and may, as Neue thought, have immediately 


followed it. 

‘What ease is left to him who agitates his heart with vain laments ?’—éXadpov 
here is strictly ‘ease-giving’ :—‘ what alleviation (κούφισμα) is there any more (ἔτι) in 
lamenting?’ etc.: 7.€., no comfort remains to him who indulges init. Bergk says, 
“ἐγ displicet, fort. ἔμ᾽ legendum’ : I cannot agree.—éoriv Blass: ἔστ᾽ Mss. —Bergk, 
keeping ἔστ᾽, inserts ὧδ᾽ before ὀδυρόμενον. -δονεῖν : cp. Ode 1. 69. 


9. [Biers RL a4. 


ΤΙάντεσσι θνατοῖσι δαίμων ἐπέταξε πόνους ἄλλοισιν ἄλλους. 


Stob. Flor. 118. 25: Βακχυλίδου Προσωδιῶν (stc ΑἹ. --- Μείτο, dactylo-epitrite.—‘On 
all mortals hath the god laid toils; each man bears his own.’ 


YTTIOPXHMATA. 
10. [B. 22: BI. 14.] 


Λυδία pev’ γὰρ λίθος μανύει 
χρυσόν, ἀνδρῶν δ᾽ ἀρετὰν σοφία τε παγκρατής T ἐλέγχει 
ἀλάθεια..... 


FRAGMENTS. 415 


Stob. Flor. 11. 7: Βακχυλίδου Ὑπορχημάτων. The verses are found also on a gem 
in Caylus’ Rec. d’ Antzg. vol. V. pl. 50, 4.—Metre, logaoedic. 

‘The Lydian stone reveals gold; the worth of men is evinced by the poet’s art 
and by all-powerful truth.’ 1 Δυδία... λίθος (/apzs Lydius), the βάσανος or touchstone 
(a flinty slate, black, grey, or white), on which pure gold is tested by rubbing: 
Theognis 449 εὑρήσεις δέ με πᾶσιν ἐπ᾽ ἔργμασιν ὥσπερ ἄπεφθον | χρυσόν, ἐρυθρὸν 
ἰδεῖν τριβόμενον βασάνῳ. Pind. P. x. 67 πειρῶντι δὲ καὶ χρυσὸς ἐν βασάνῳ πρέπει | 
καὶ νόος ὀρθός. In Soph. fr. 732 Λυδία λίθος Ξε Μαγνῆτις λίθος (Eur. fr. 567. 2).---μανύει 
with ὕ, as in Pind. P. 1. 93 etc. (in Attic always 3). 2 σοφία τε παγκρατής 7’... 
ἀλάθεια. This reading is found in several Mss. of Stobaeus (see Bergk# 111. p. 576), 
and on the gem of Caylus. It seems to me clearly the right one. The poet’s faculty 
(σοφία) evinces, brings out (ἐλέγχει) the ἀρετή of men (as in the case of victors in the 
games), and the poet’s just tribute is confirmed by aAd@ea. That is, candid men 
recognise that the poet has spoken truly; and, even if there be some detraction at the 
moment, the true estimate prevails in the end. The strongest corroboration of this 
reading is (to my thinking) afforded by the poet’s own words in Ode vill. 82 ff.: τό 
γέ τοι καλὸν ἔργον | γνησίων ὕμνων τυχὸν | ὑψοῦ παρὰ δαίμοσι κεῖται" | σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ 
βροτῶν | κάλλιστον, εἴπερ καὶ θάνῃ τις, | λείπεται Μουσᾶν ἀγακλειτᾶν ἄθυρμα. There, 
as here, σοφία renders the due praise, and ἀλάθεια ratifies it. See also ΧΙ]. 202 ff.: 
βροτῶν δὲ μῶμος πάντεσσι μέν ἐστιν ἐπ᾽ ἔργοις" | a δ᾽ ἀλαθεία φιλεῖ νικᾶν, 6 τε 
πανδαμάτωρ | χρόνος τὸ καλῶς | ἐργμένον αἰὲν ἀέξει. Compare, too, Pind. O. x. 4 ff., 
where the agencies of Poetry and of Truth are invoked together: ὦ Μοῖσ᾽, ἀλλὰ σὺ 
καὶ θυγάτηρ | ᾿Αλάθεια Διός, ὀρθᾷ χερὶ | ἐρύκετον ψευδέων | ἐνιπὰν ἀλιτόξενον. It is to 
the credit of Neue (Bacchyl. Cet Fragmenta, 1822, p. 32) that he supported this 
reading at a time when most critics, —indeed he says, ‘ recentiores critici...ommnes,’ —were 
againstit. ‘S¢cutaurum probatur lapide Lydio admoto, ita virorum virtutem arguit poetica 
Jacultas cum veritate.’-—Weir Smyth also adopts this view.—The alternative reading is 
σοφίαν Te παγκρατὴς ἐλέγχει ἀλάθεια. The acc. σοφίαν is in some Mss. of Stobaeus 
(see Bergk /.c.). So Salmasius read, followed by Grotius, as now by Bergk and Blass. 
The sense given by this reading is, in itself, satisfactory enough; whether σοφίαν be 
taken as ‘wisdom’ generally, or (as seems better) with reference to the poet's art. 
On the latter view, Bacchylides will say that the man of worth, and the genuine 
poet, are ultimately recognised by the voice of truth. There is, however, much less 
point in such a sentiment than in that afforded by the other reading. The alliance of 
poetry with truth in securing recognition, even though tardy, for ἀρετή is a thought 
specially characteristic of Bacchylides.—Cp. frag. 27. 

[In Stob. Flor. 11. 2 (=20 Hense) we read: ᾿Ολυμπιάδος. ᾿Αλάθεια θεῶν 
ὁμόπολις, μόνα (-7 MSS.) θεοῖς (βροτῶν conj. Bergk) συνδιαιτωμένα (-η Mss.). Bergk 
conjectures that this fragment belongs to Bacchylides, observing that Damascius 
places it immediately after the verses Λυδία μὲν yap λίθος x.7.A. The lemma 
᾿Ολυμπιάδος may, he thinks, be due (as Meineke surmised) to the fact that Stobaeus 
here cited Pind. O. x. 65, which occurs in Damascius; he would change θεῶν to 


βροτῶν. 
11. [B. 23: BI. 15.] 
Οὐχ ἕδρας ἔργον οὐδ᾽ ἀμβολᾶς, 
᾿ ἀλλὰ χρυσαίγιδος ᾿Ιτωνίας 
χρὴ παρ᾽ εὐδαίδαλον ναὸν ἐλ- 
θόντας ἁβρόν τι δεῖξαι <pédos>, 


Dionys. De Compos. Verb. c. 25: παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ. That the poem was ἃ hypor- 
cheme is shown by a grammarian in Keil Anal. Gramm.7.21: φιλεῖ δὲ TA ὑπορχήματα 
τούτῳ τῷ ποδὶ καταμετρεῖσθαι, οἷον Οὐχ ἕδρας ἔργον οὐδ᾽ ἀμβολᾶς; also by Athen. 
p- ὅξι ο ἡ δ᾽ ὑπορχηματική (sc. ὄρχησις) ἐστιν ἐν ἣ ἄδων ὁ χορὸς ὀρχεῖται" φησὶ γοῦν ὁ 
Βακχυλίδης Οὐχ ἕδρας... ἀμβολᾶς. The first verse, which had become quasi-prover- 
bial, occurs also in Aelian Wat. Anim. vi. 1, Lucian Scyth. 11 οὐχ ἕδρας τοίνυν οὐδ 
ἀμβολᾶς ἔργον, ws ὁ Ketés φησιν, Achilles Tatius v. 12 οὐχ ἕδρας <épyov> οὐδ 
dvaBo\7s.—The rhythm is paeonic, the verses consisting of a series of cretics. 


416 BACCHYLIDES. 


‘This is no time for sitting still or tarrying: we must go to the richly-wrought 
temple of Itonia with golden aegis, and show forth some choice strain of song.’— 
2 ᾿Ἰτωνίας. The cult of Athena Itonia seems to have had its earliest seat in 
Thessaly, where there was a temple of the goddess between Pherae and Larissa, and 
another at a town called Ἴτων or Ἴτωνος (Strabo 9. p. 436). Her festival, Ἰτώνια, at 
Crannon is noticed by Polyaenus (2. 34). But the cult was ancient in Boeotia also ; 
and perhaps the most famous shrine of the Itonia was that in the neighbourhood of 
Coroneia. This is the temple to which Alcaeus refers (fr. 9) ina hymn to Athena 
where she is called πολεμαδόκος. The Itonia was a war-goddess, the presiding 
deity of the Pamboeotic league, whose meetings were held at her sanctuary (Strabo 9. 
p- 411: Paus. 9. 34. 1). Hence the epithet χρύσαιγις is appropriate (cp. Ode xvI, 
7”.). Her cult was also connected with that of Hades (Strabo /.c.). The title 
*Irwvia was derived by some from Itonus son of Amphictyon; by others from the 
town Iton. Its meaning is uncertain. Can it have been popularly associated with 
ἱέναι (the onset)? According to Paus. 10. 1. 10 ᾿Αθηνᾷ Ἰτωνία was a watchword of 
the Thessalians in battle. The head of the goddess is found on silver coins of 
Coroneia (Brit. Museum, Caéa/. of Coins, Central Greece, p. 47, n. 12). & The 
iambus lost after δεῖξαι may have been μέλος : though the simple ἁβρόν τι would 
be parallel with ὕφαινέ...τι κλεινόν in XVIII. 8f. With the exordium of this hypor- 
cheme, cp. that of Ode xv (n. on vv. 1—4). 


12. [B. 31: Bl. 16.] 
Ὦ περικλειτὲ Aad’, ἀγνοήσειν μὲν ov σ᾽ ἔλπομαι. 


Hephaestion p. 76: δεδηλώσθω δὲ ὅτι καὶ ὅλα ἄσματα κρητικὰ συντίθεται, ὥσπερ καὶ 
παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ, ὦ περικλειτὲ δ᾽ ἄλλ᾽ K.T..—Neue (p. 35) inferred from the cretic 
metre that the verse probably belonged to a hyporcheme. Blass, who shares that 
view, has corrected the corrupt δ᾽ ἄλλ᾽ to Δᾶλ᾽. = (Bergk follows Turnebus in reading 
τἄλλ᾽, placing the fragment among those ἐξ ἀδήλων εἰδῶν.) The intrinsic probability 
of Δᾶλ᾽ is strengthened by the presumption that the poem was a hyporcheme, a fitting 
tribute to Apollo. We know at least one other instance (Ode xvI) of. a poem written 
by Bacchylides for the Delian god. The poet expresses a hope that Delos ‘will not 
regard him as a stranger’ (or, perhaps, ‘will not fail to judge kindly of his tribute ἢ. 
Cp. γνώσει in the exordium of Ode v, v. 3.—See no. 42. 


The fragments of ὑπορχήματα quoted in Plut. Quaest. Conv. IX. 15. 2, and com- 
monly ascribed to Simonides (fr. 29, 30, 31, Bergk III. p. 400), are claimed for 
Bacchylides by M. Théodore Reinach in Mé/anges Weil p. 420 ff. The discussion is 
acute and interesting ; but the style of these verses seems hardly such as to suggest 
Bacchylides. 


EPWTIKA. 
13. [B. 24: Bl. 17.] 


> 
«ον εὖτε 
Ἁ Φ,υ 3 4 ν 
τὴν ἀπ ἀγκύλης not 
τοῖσδε τοῖς νεανίαις 
> / a 
λευκὸν ἀντείνασα πῆχυν. 


Athen. 15. Ρ. 6676 : Βακχυλίδης ἐν "Epwrikots’ εὖτε κιτ.Ὰ. (Also ΧΙ. 782 E, where 
τοῖσδε is omitted in v. 2, and ἐντείνουσα stands in v. 3.)—Metre, trochaic. 

...*when, lifting her white arm, with bent elbow she makes the cast, at the bidding 
of these youths.’—In the game of cottabos the player sought to throw a little wine 
(Adraé) from a cup into a bronze saucer (πλάστιγξ) : if this was done with skill, the wine 


FRAGMENTS. 417 


struck the saucer smartly, making it descend (in some forms of the game) and ring on 
the head of a small bronze figure (uavys) placed beneath it. 

An omen of love, prosperous or the reverse, was often drawn from the throw, 
according as the sound of the λάταξ on the saucer was clear or dull.—riv ἀπ᾽ ἀγκύλης 
(sc. βολήν), the throw made with the arm bent; Athen. 15. P- 667 B, ἐκάλουν δ᾽ 
am ἀγκύλης τὴν τοῦ κοττάβου πρόεσιν, διὰ τὸ ἀπαγκυλοῦν τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα (‘arm’) 
ἐν τοῖς ἀποκοτταβισμοῖς. To bend the arm gracefully was a mark of the accom- 
plished player: Hesych. s.v. ἀγκύλη"...ἡ καμπὴ τοῦ ἀγκῶνος...οἱ yap τοὺς κοττάβους 
προϊέμενοι τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα ἠγκύλουν, κυκλοῦντες αὐτὴν ὡς ἐνῆν πρεπωδέστατα, καὶ 
σεμνυνόμενοι ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἑνὶ τῶν xadGv.—The dat. τοῖσδε τοῖς v., ‘for’ them, goes with 
ἵησι, not with ἀντείνασα: 1.6. the girl (perhaps an αὐλήτρια) makes the throw at their 
request. 


14. [B. 25: Bl. 18.] 
Ἦ καλὸς Θεόκριτος: ov μόνος ἀνθρώπων ὁρᾷς. 


Hephaestion p. 130 (as corrected by Westphal) : Ἔστι δέ τινα καὶ τὰ καλούμενα 
ἐπιφθεγματικά, ἃ διαφέρει ταύτῃ τῶν ἐφυμνίων, ὅτι τὰ μὲν ἐφύμνια ἐκ περιττοῦ ὡς 
πρὸς τὸ λεγόμενον τῇ στροφῇ πρόσκειται, τὰ δὲ ἐπιφθεγματικὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν νοῦν συντελεῖ" 
οἷον τὸ Βακχυλίδου, Ἦ καλὸς.. ὁρᾷς" καὶ πάλιν παρὰ τῷ αὐτῷ Βακχυλίδῃ" Σὺ δ᾽ ἐν 
χιτῶνι.. «φεύγεις [fr. 15]. Both the ἐπιφθεγματικόν, then, and the ἐφύμνιον are kinds 
of refrain, repeated at the end of successive strophes. But the ἐπιφθεγματικόν ‘con- 
tributes to the sense’ ; it isa sentence, as in the two examples cited from our poet. The 
ἐφύμνιον, on the other hand, is ‘a superfluous addition, so far as the meaning of the 
passage is concerned ’ ; 2.¢. it may be a mere exclamation, like αἴλινον αἴλινον εἶπέ, or 
inie ἸΠαιάν.---ὁρᾷς Hephaestion : ἐρᾷς. Ursinus (p. 342, also suggesting ἐρᾷ), Bergk. — 
Metre, dactylo-epitrite. 


15. [B. 26: Bl. 19.] 
Σὺ δ᾽ ἐν χιτῶνι μούνῳ 
παρὰ τὴν φίλην γυναῖκα φεύγεις. 


Hephaestion p. 130 (see on fr. 14).—Metre, iambic. 


[TIAPOINIA.] 
16. [B. 27: Bl. 20.] 


eee Ree EE OBR EEE EOE ESE TEB SHE EEE στρ. α΄ 
“> 5 ’ 
-οὐγλυκεὶ ἀνάγκα 
σευομενᾶν κυλίκων θάλπῃσι θυμόν, 


Κυπρίδος δ᾽ ἐλπὶς διαιθύσσῃ φρένας, 


5 ἀμμειγνυμένα Διονυσίοισι δώροις" στρ. β' 
ἀνδράσι δ᾽ ὑψοτάτω πέμπει μερίμνας" 
αὐτίκα μὲν πολίων κράδεμνα λύει, 
πᾶσι δ᾽ ἀνθρώποις μοναρχήσειν δοκεῖ" 


χρυσῷ δ᾽ ἐλέφαντί τε μαρμαίρουσιν οἶκοι" στρ. γ᾽ 
10 πυροφόροι δὲ κατ᾽ αἰγλάεντα «πόντον > 

νᾶες ἄγουσιν ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου »μέγιστον 

πλοῦτον: ὡς πίνοντος ὁρμαίνει κέαρ. 


418 BACCHYLIDES. 


Athen. 2. p. 39 E: Διὸ Βακχυλίδης φησί" Τ'λυκεῖ᾽ κιτιλ. There is no extant 
mention of Παροίνια or Σκόλια as forming a separate class among the writings of 
Bacchylides: but that may well be an accident. Another possibility is that his 
convivial pieces may have been subjoined, without a distinct heading, to the’ Epwrird.., 
—Metre: dactylo-epitrite. 

‘...[when], as the cups go swiftly round, a sweet subduing power warms the heart, 
and, blending with the gifts of Dionysus, a presage of the Cyprian goddess flutters 
the mind. That power sends a man’s thoughts soaring ;—straightway he is stripping 
cities of their diadem of towers,—he dreams that he shall be monarch of the world ;— 
his halls gleam with gold and ivory ;—over the sunlit sea his wheat-ships bring wealth 
untold from Egypt :—such are the raptures of the reveller’s soul.’ 

2 The missing first verse, or the lost part of the second, probably contained a 
temporal conjunction, such as ὅταν, on which θάλπῃσι and διαιθύσσῃ depended.— 
γλυκεῖ᾽ ἀνάγκα : Hor. C. 111. 21. 13 7% lene tormentum ingenio admoves Plerumque 
duro. 8 cevopevav Blass: cevouéva (vl. yevouéva) MSS., vulg.: σευομένα <’k> 
κυλίκων Herwerden : ἐσσυμενᾶν Bergk. The choice seems to lie between (1) σευομενᾶν 
κυλίκων as gen. abs., and (2) σευομένα κυλίκων as=‘ rushing from the cups,’ which, 
though possible, would be harsh: we cannot join dvdyxa κυλίκων. I prefer (1). Cp. 
Phocyl. 11 χρὴ δ᾽ ἐν συμποσίῳ κυλίκων περινισσομενάων | ndéa κωτίλλοντα καθήμενον 
οἰνοποτάζειν. ---θάλπῃσι Weir Smyth: θάλπησι MSS. 4 Κυπρίδος δ᾽ ἐλπὶς διαιθύσσει 
Erfurdt (-ἢ Blass): Κυπρίδος ἐλπὶς δ᾽ αἰθύσσει MSS.: Κύπρις ὡς" ἐλπὶς γὰρ 
αἰθύσσει Bergk.—Smyth takes the δέ after Κυπρίδος as introducing the apodosis 
(‘ then...’ : see my n. on Ode xIv. 61). It may be, however, that the apodosis was 
contained in the lost part before γλυκεῖ ἀνάγκα, and that a new sentence begins with 
ἀνδράσι Sin v.6. 6 ἀνδράσι δ᾽ Mss.: ἀνδράσι θ᾽ Bergk.—tordrw πέμπει μερίμνας, 
exalts their thoughts or ambitions [not ‘dissipates their cares’]: cp. Pind. fr. 218. 5 
ἀέξονται φρένας ἀμπελίνοις τόξοις δαμέντες. For μερίμνας cp. Ode 1. 69 n. 7 αὐτίκα 
μὲν : αὐτίχ᾽ ὁ μὲν Bergk (αὐτόθι μὲν formerly Meineke): αὐτὸς μὲν or αὐτὴ μὲν MSS.— 
Blass writes εὐκτιμενᾶν.---πολίων conj. Bergk (who, however, keeps the vulg. 
πόλεων).---κράδεμνα Aver. //. 16.100 Tpotns ἱερὰ κρήδεμνα λύωμεν (cp. Od. 13. 388).— 
The v of the pres. λύω is regularly short in Homer, as it is in Pind. Z. VII. 45 (Avoz) 
and probably in fr. 248 (Avov7t, where the text is doubtful). But the Attic v of λύω 
(taken from the fut. λύσω) occurs in Od. 7. 74, νείκεα λύει: and it may be supposed 
that B. could have used it here. I should not, then, alter Avec to λύσειν, with Blass: 
the vivid λύει is intrinsically much better. 8 πᾶσι δ᾽. The dat. with dpyw (rego) is” 
poetical, and comparatively rare. In the Homeric use it is limited to the sense of 
heading in war (Il. 2. 805; Od. 14. 230, 471): cp. ἡγεῖσθαί τινι. But later poetry 
ignores this limit: Aesch. P.V. 940 δαρὸν yap οὐκ ἄρξει θεοῖς. [In Pind. P. Il. 4 
βάσσαισί τ᾽ ἄρχειν the dat. may be local.] 10 Between aiyddevra and ἄγουσιν the 
text of Athenaeus has lost a spondee. Erfurdt supplies πόντον, which seems clearly 
right. Cp. //. 14. 273 ἅλα μαρμαρέην. For this votary of Bacchus, everything is 
radiant,—his house with gold,—the sea with sunshine.—Bergk and Blass supply 
καρπόν. But is αἰγλάεντα an intelligible epithet for a cargo of wheat?—The fragment 
of a skolion by Pindar (fr. 218) should be compared :— 


‘Avix’ ἀνθρώπων καματώδεες οἴχονται μέριμναι 
στηθέων ἔξω, πελάγει δ᾽ ἐν πολυχρύσοιο πλούτου 
πάντες ἴσᾳ νέομεν ψευδῆ πρὸς ἀκτάν" 

ὃς μὲν ἀχρήμων, ἀφνεὸς τότε, τοὶ δ᾽ αὖ πλουτέοντες-... 
«««ἀέξονται φρένας ἀμπελίνοις τόξοις δαμέντες. 


‘When the weary cares of men have passed from their bosoms, and on a wide sea 
of golden wealth we voyage, all alike, to a visionary shore,—then is the poor man 
wealthy, and the rich [dream that they are great]....Men are exalted in spirit by the 
piercing power of the grape.’—Pindar excels in splendour of imaginative diction ; 
Bacchylides, in vivid detail and playful fancy.—Cp. also Ar. Zg. go ff. 


FRAGMENTS. 419 


27. [B..282-Bl. 27] 


Ov βοῶν πάρεστι σώματ᾽, οὔτε χρυσός, 
οὔτε πορφύρεοι τάπητες, 
ἀλλὰ θυμὸς εὐμενής, 
Lal 4 ~ ἊΝ ’ 
Μοῦσά τε γλυκεῖα, καὶ Βοιωτίοισιν 
ἐν σκύφοισιν οἶνος ἡδύς. 


Athen. rr. p. 500 B: Μνημονεύει δὲ τῶν Βοιωτικῶν σκύφων Βακχυλίδης ἐν τούτοις, 
ποιούμενος τὸν λόγον πρὸς τοὺς Διοσκούρους, καλῶν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ξένια. 
Was the entertainment (θεοξένια) to which B. thus invited the Dioscuri a public one, 
on the occasion of some festival in their honour? That seems the more natural 
supposition. On the other hand, the language (recalling Horace’s in C. I. 20. 1, 
Vile potabis modicis Sabinum Cantharis) would perfectly suit a private invitation to a 
modest home. From another passage of Athenaeus (4. p. 137 E) we learn a fact” 
which illustrates this fragment. At Athens, where the Dioscuri were styled *“Avaxes, 
their festival was the ’Avaxeca: and the meal then set forth for them in the Prytaneion 
was of a frugal and old-fashioned kind. The authority of Athenaeus for this state- 
ment goes back to the time of Bacchylides. It is a play entitled the Πτωχοί, ascribed 
to Chionides, one of the earliest poets of the Old Comedy :—rovs ᾿Αθηναίους φησίν, 
ὅταν τοῖς Διοσκούροις ἐν Ipuravely ἄριστον προτιθῶνται, ἐπὶ τῶν τραπεζῶν τιθέναι τυρὸν 
καὶ φυστὴν (barley-cake) δρυπετεῖς τ᾽ ἐλάας καὶ πράσα (leeks), ὑπόμνησιν 
ποιουμένους τῆς ἀρχαίας ἀγωγῆς.---Μείτε : trochaic. 

“No flesh of oxen is here, nor gold, nor purple carpets; but a kindly spirit, and 
the sweet strains of the Muse, and good wine in Boeotian cups.’—1 f. οὐ.. οὔτε.. 
οὔτε : see my n. on Soph. 77. 1058 f.—oUre χρυσὸς κ.τ.λ. Hor. C. τι. 18. 1 Won 
ebur neque aureum Mea renidet in domo lacunar. 8 θυμὸς εὐμενής : cp. Μιπυκίυς 
Felix 32 Zst litabilis hostia bonus animus et sincera sententia. & Βοιωτίοισιν : the 
first o is short, as with Corinna fr. 2 (ed. Hiller-Crusius, Azth. Lyr. p. 270) τὺ 
δέ, μάκαρ Kpovida, τὺ Ποτειδάωνος, ἄναξ Bowré: in the //iad it is always long. 
5 σκύφοισιν. The oxtgos—of which there were Boeotian, Rhodian, Syracusan, 
Attic, and other varieties—was a large drinking-cup, generally with two handles 
projecting just beneath the brim. It appears in poetry as especially a rustic cup, such 
as was used by shepherds and peasants: Alcman fr. 34 μέγαν σκύφον, | οἷά τε ποιμένες 
ἄνδρες ἔχουσιν : it is used by Eumaeus (Od. 14. 112): cp. Theocr. I. 143. Owing 
to its large capacity, it was specially the cup of Heracles (Stesich. fr. 7). 


ΕΞ AAHAGON: εἰδῶν. 
18. [B. 33: Bl. 22.] 
"Eota δ᾽ ἐπὶ λάϊνον οὐδόν, 
τοὶ δὲ θοίνας ἔντυον, ὧδε δ᾽ ἔφα- 
Αὐτόματοι δ᾽ ἀγαθῶν 
δαῖτας εὐόχθους ἐπέρχονται δίκαιοι 
5 φῶτες. 

Athen. 5. p. 178 Β: Βακχυλίδης δὲ περὶ ‘Hpaxdéous λέγων ὡς ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ 
Κήϊκος οἶκον, φησίν" "Ἔστη [ἔστα Neue] κ.τ.λ.---ΚΚήὔξ, the powerful and gentle king of 
the Malians, dwelt at Trachis: δυνάμει δὲ καὶ αἰδοῖ | Τρηχῖνος προβέβηκε, Hes. Scut. 
354 f. He was a kinsman of Heracles, being the son of a brother of Amphitryon 


(schol. Soph. 77. 40). Once, when Ceyx was celebrating the marriage of one of his 
children by a feast (γάμος), Heracles, being in those parts, presented himself, an 


28—2 


420 BACCHYLIDES. 


uninvited guest. This was told in Hesiod’s Κήϊκος γάμος, from which only a few 
words remain (Rzach, frgg. Hes. -179 f., p. 199). That poem was doubtless the 
original source of the verse, αὐτόματοι δ᾽ ἀγαθοὶ ἀγαθῶν ἐπὶ δαῖτας ἴασιν, quoted in 
that form, as a παροιμία, by Athen. 5. p. 178B. Zenobius 11. 19 quotes it with ἵενται 
in place of ἴασιν. But see Cratinus Πυλαία fr. 1: οἵδ᾽ αὖθ᾽ ἡμεῖς, ὡς ὁ παλαιὸς | λόγος, 
αὐτομάτους ἀγαθοὺς ἰέναι | κομψῶν ἐπὶ δαῖτα θεατῶν. (Cratinus alludes to it again in 
fr. incert. 6: ἧκον ἑστιώμενος | ἀγαθὸς πρὸς ἀγαθούς.) Athenaeus (/.c.) says that there 
was another form of the proverb,—avréuara δ᾽ ἀγαθοὶ δειλῶν ἐπὶ δαῖτας ἴασιν. Bergk 
thinks that this parody was due to Eupolis. The schol. on Plat. Symp. p. 174 B, at 
any rate, cannot be right in supposing it to have been the original form of the verse.— 
Metre: dactylo-epitrite. 

‘He came and stood on the threshold of stone, while they were preparing their 
feast, and spake thus:—‘Just men come unbidden to the plenteous banquets of the 

ood.” 

. 8 αὐτόματοι: paraphrased by ἄκλητος in Plat. Symp. p. 174 B,C. —4 εὐόχθους: 
Eur. Jon 1169 εὐόχθου βορᾶς. Cp. Hes. Οὗ. 475 εὐοχθέων δ᾽ ἵξεαι πολιὸν ἔαρ X with 
good store’).—The use of δίκαιοι by B. as a substitute for the original ἀγαθοί 
indicates that he took the latter as refering to character, and not (as epic usage would 
permit) to birth. 


49. (Bo χὴν Bh-23.] 


‘ an > - 
Οἱ μὲν ἀδμᾶτες ἀεικελιὰν 
ἀρ 
νούσων εἰσὶν καὶ ἄνατοι, 
5 Ἀ > ἊΨ,» ΕἾ 
οὐδὲν ἀνθρώποις LKEAOL. 


Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 715: ᾿Ακούσωμεν οὖν πάλιν Βακχυλίδου τοῦ μελοποιοῦ περὶ 
τοῦ θείου λέγοντος: Οἱ μὲν ἀδμῆτες ἀεὶ καὶ λίαν νούσων εἰσὶ καὶ ἀναίτιοι 
x.7.X. For the corrupt ἀεὶ καὶ λίαν Euseb. Praep. Εν. XIII. 679 gives ἀεικελίων 
(whence Neue ἀεικελιᾶν). ἄνατοι Neue.—Bergk reads εἰσὲ νόσων .---Μεῖτε : dactylo- 
epitrite. 

‘Cruel maladies subdue them not, nor harm them; they are in no way like to 
men.” 


20. [B. 36: Bl. 24.] 


θνατοῖσι δ᾽ οὐκ αὐθαίρετοι 

οὔτ᾽ ὄλβος οὔτ᾽ ἄγναμπτος ἼΑρης οὔτε πάμφθερσις στάσις, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιχρίμπτει νέφος ἄλλοτ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαν 

γαῖαν a πάνδωρος αἶσα. 


Stob. 2 εἰ]. Phys. 1. 5, 3: Βακχυλίδου.---Μείτε : dactylo-epitrite. 

‘Not by their own choice comes prosperity to mortals, nor stubborn war, nor 
civil strife, the all-destroying; but Destiny, who gives all things, brings down a cloud 
now on this land, now on that.’ 

1 θνατοῖσι Neue, for θνατοῖς.---οὐκ avOalperor. This is the popular view, which 
in Ode xiv. 51 f. Menelaus controverts. (Cp. Plat. Rep. 617 E αἰτία ἑλομένου" θεὸς 
ἀναίτιος.) 2 ἄγναμπτος Bergk (formerly; but now ἄκαμπτος with the Mss.): cp. VIII. 
73 ἀγνάμπτων ἐρώτων.--" Apns has a ore as in XII. 146: but ἅ in v. 34, 130, VIII. 
44.---π' σις: cp. Aesch. Zum. 976 τὰν δ᾽ ἄπληστον κακῶν | μήποτ᾽ ἐν πόλει 
στάσιν | τᾷδ᾽ ἐπεύχομαι βρέμειν.---4Ἢ πάνδωρος, giver of good, as of evil. But, since 
the mention of troubles came next before ἀλλά, the varying incidence of trouble alone 
is noticed. 


FRAGMENTS. 421 


21. [B. 3: Bl. 25.] 


Παύροισι δὲ θνατῶν τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον δαίμων ἔδωκεν 
πράσσοντας ἐν καιῤῥῷ πολιοκρόταφον 

Ὁ“ 
γῆρας ἱκνεῖσθαι, πρὶν ἐγκύρσαι δύᾳ. 


Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. 745: Βακχυλίδου τε εἰρηκότος. Παύροισι κ.τ.λ.---Μείτε: 
dactylo-epitrite. 

“Τὸ few mortals is Fate wont to grant that they should have happy fortunes 
through all their years, or come to the first grey hairs of age without encountering 
woe.’ —1 δαίμων ἔδωκεν Neue (ὁ δ. 2. Ursinus): τῷ δαίμονι δῶκεν MSS. 2 πράσ- 
σοντας ἐν καιρῷ, lit. ‘faring opfortunely,’ i.e. as they would wish at each successive 
step in life. For ἐν καιρῷ cp. Aesch. P. V. 379, Plat. Crito 44 A (with τινε added), 
εἰς.--πολιοκρόταφον, with gray hair on the /emples, where it usually appears first : 
Theocr, XIv. 68 ἀπὸ κροτάφων πελόμεσθα | πάντες ynpadéor. 


22. [B. 39: BI. 30.] 


Τὰν ἀχείμαντόν τε Μέμφιν 
καὶ δονακώδεα Νεῖλον. 


Athen. 1. p. 20D: Μέμφιν...περὶ ἧς Βακχυλίδης φησί" τὴν (τὰν Neue) κ. τ. λ.--- 
‘Memphis, unvexed by wintry storms, and the reedy Nile.’ Blass observes that, with 
τὸν inserted before dovaxddea, these verses might be the 4th and 5th of a strophe or 
antistrophe in Ode x11, where there are several /acunae in the papyrus. The possible 
places are (1) str. a’ 4 f.: (2) ant. a’ 16f.: (3) str. 6’, 37f.: (4) ant. ζ΄ 214f. But 
no one of these collocations seems really probable.—In xviII. 39 Nile has the epithet 
ἀνθεμώδεα.---Μείτε : dactylo-epitrite. 


23. [B. 40: Bl. 31.] 


‘Exdta Sadoddpe, Νυκτὸς 
μελανοκόλπου θύγατερ. 


Schol. Ap. Rhod. 111. 467 (where Hecate is addressed as πότνα θεὰ Περσηΐδ, Βακ- 
χυλίδης δὲ Νυκτός φησιν αὐτὴν θυγατέρα- ‘Exdra x.r.\.—The metre seems to be 
paeonic. Weil, however, who inserts ὦ before μελανοκόλπου, regards it as cretic. 

‘Torch-bearing Hecate, daughter of dark-bosomed Night.’—S8qSogdpe. As a 
moon-goddess (akin to “Exaros, Apollo the sun-god) Hecate carries a torch,—her 
regular symbol. δαδοφόρος is actually the title under which she was worshipped, along 
with Zeus Πανημέριος, at Stratoniceia in Caria, C. 7. G. 2715, 2. 2720 (see Spending’s 
art. in Roscher’s Zex., p. 1885). So also she is φωσφόρος, λάμπτειρα, λαμπαδοῦχος, 
etc. : and in the Homeric hymn to Demeter (v. 52) she appears σέλας ἐν χείρεσσιν 
ἔχουσα. As the moon was supposed to rise from and descend into the underworld, 
Hecate is also the προθυραία or κλειδοῦχος (Orphic hymn 2. 5) of Hades: cp. Verg. 
Aen. Vi. 2155. She is a goddess of darkness (νυκτιπόλος, Ap. Rhod. Iv. 1020: 
μουνυχία Orph. Argon. 938). Bacchylides seems, however, to be the only extant 
authority for making her the daughter of Night. In the older mythology (followed by 
Apollonius Rhodius) she is the daughter of the Titan Perses (or Persaeus) and 
Asteria (herself the daughter of the Titan Koios): Hes. Zheog. 409 ff. In a later 
genealogy her parents are Zeus and Hera (or Zeus and Demeter).—peAavokdAtrov 
Ursinus, Bergk, Smyth. The text of the scholiast has μεγαλοκόλπου, a decidedly 
inferior reading, due probably to mere error. 


422 BACCHYLIDES. 


24. [B. 44: Bl. 34-] 
> Ν Ν > ’ / 
Opyat μεν ἀνθρώπων διακεκριμέναι 
μυρίαι. 

Zenob. Il. 25: Δίχολοι γνῶμαι" παρὰ τὸ διχῇ ἰδιότροποι, κατὰ μετάληψιν. 
Χόλος γὰρ ἡ ὀργή, ὀργὴ δὲ τρόπος. Βακχυλίδης: Οργαὶ κιτιλ. The fragment is 
also in Hesych. s.v. δίχολοι.---Μεῖγε : dactylo-epitrite. 

‘There are varied tempers, past numbering, in mankind. ’—Nearly the same words 
are ascribed to A/cman by schol. Hippocr. v. 484 (ed. Littré): Ὀργὰς yap τοὺς 
τρόπους ἐκάλουν οἱ ἀρχαῖοι, ws καὶ ᾿Αλκμάν φησιν: ἐν μὲν ἀνθρώπῳ ὀργαὶ κεκριμέναι 
μυρίαι. Bergk (ΠΙ. p. 193) supposes that ἃ grammarian had quoted both Bacchylides 


and Aleman. After the words of Aleman had dropped out of the text, his name was 
erroneously connected with the words of Bacchylides. 


25. [B. 38: BI. 29.] 
Μελαγκευθὲς εἴδωλον ἀνδρὸς ᾿Ιθακησίου. 


Etym. M. 296. 1: Bachmann Avecd. 1. 208. 13: Cramer Anecad. Par. iv. 168. 30: 
Schol. 71. 5. 449: Apostolius 111. 37: Suidas s.v. el6wov.—Metre: cretic or paeonic. 

‘The phantom of the man of Ithaca, shrouded in gloom.’—pedayxevOis Neue: 
μελαγκεθὲς Etym. M., etc. But μελαμβαφὲς is read by schol. //., Apostol., and Suid., 
whence Bernhardy conj. μελαμφαρὲς ep. Ill. 13 f.], or μελαμφαές. In Ode Il. 55 
μελαγκευθὲς is probable. 


26. [B. 42: BI. 32.] 
‘ABpornte ξυνέασιν Ἴωνες βασιλῆες. 


Joannes Siceliota in Walz Rhet. Gr. VI. 241: ‘ABpot τὸ παλαιὸν οἱ Ἴωνες, ws που 
καὶ Βακχυλίδης φησί, τὸν σφῶν αὐτῶν ῥυθμὸν δηλῶν: ᾿Αβρότητι κιτιλ. Comparing 
the other citation, τῶν ἁβροβίων ᾿Ιώνων ἄναξ (Walz ν. 493 and VII. 982), now identi- 
fied with xvi. 2, Bergk read ᾿Ιώνων here, Wilamowitz (/sy//. 143) supposes 
“ABpérnrt x.T.d. to be a mere figment of Joannes Siceliota.—‘The Ionian princes dwell 
with luxury.’ Seen. on XVII. 2. 


27. [B. 43: Bl. 33.] 
Χρυσὸν βροτῶν γνώμαισι μανύει καθαρόν. 


Priscian Metr. Terent. (Keil, Grammatict Latini 111. 428. 21): Similiter Bacchylides : 
Χρυσὸν «.t.r. Hic guogue iambus in fine tribrachium habet.—Bergk formerly con- 
jectured that this fragment should be used to complete fr. 10 (his fr. 22), thus : Λυδία 
μὲν γὰρ λίθος | χρυσὸν βροτῶν γνώμαισι μανύει καθαρόν" | ἀνδρῶν δ᾽ ἀρετάν κ.τ.λ. 
The sense would then be: ‘The Lydian stone reveals pure gold 20 ¢he judgments of 
men.’ In his 4th ed., however, he keeps the fragments distinct. The context being 
unknown, it must remain doubtful whether the meaning of this fragment was such as 
that just noticed (which.seems the more probable), or the following :—(‘Truth’ or 
‘Time’) ‘reveals the pure gold zz the minds (or dispositions) of men,’—xpuadr being 
metaphorical. 


28." [B. 2;-¥.3 2 Bi 571] 
Ὄλβιος δ᾽ οὐδεὶς βροτῶν πάντα χρόνον. 


Stob. Flor. 98. 27, where the words are added to a citation of Ode v. 160 ff. 
(@varoiot...péyyos). The lemma prefixed is ’Ev τῷ αὐτῷ, referring to that of the 


FRAGMENTS. 423 


citation (Ode v. 53 ff.) which immediately precedes, Τοῦ αὐτοῦ ᾿Επινίκων. If the lemma 
meant, ‘in the same éook,’ it would appear that the words ὄλβιος δ᾽ «.7.d., though 
wrongly attached to Ode v. 160 ff., occurred in another of the poet’s epinikia. 
But this cannot be deemed certain. 


29. [B. 37: Bl. 27.] 
Ei δὲ λέγει τις ἄλλως, πλατεῖα κέλευθος. 


Plut. Mum. 4: Bi δὲ λέγει (λέγοι C) τις ἄλλως, κατὰ Βακχυλίδην, πλατεῖα 
κέλευθος. --“Τῇ any man saith otherwise,—the path is broad.’ Sintenis may well be 
right in thinking that the words εἰ δὲ... ἄλλως are Plutarch’s own, and that the quota- 
tion is confined to πλατεῖα κέλευθος. 


30. [B. 45: BI. 35.] 
πλήμμυριν πόντου φυγών. 


Etym. M. 676. 25: Πλημμυρὶς...εἰ μέντοι ὄνομά ἐστιν, εὔλογον βαρύνεσθαι αὐτὸ διὰ 
τὴν παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ αἰτιατικήν, οἷον" Πλήμμυριν κ.τ.λ.---Ορ. Od. 9. 485 τὴν δ᾽ ἂψ 
ἤπειρόνδε παλιρρόθιον φέρε κῦμα, | πλημμυρὶς ἐκ πόντοιο : the backward rush of the wave, 
‘as a flood-tide from the deep,’ bore the ship to land.—For the spelling with uy, or 
B, see Ode V. 107 n. 


31. [B. 51: BI. 39.] 


πυργοκέρατα. 


Apollonius De Adverb. (in Bekker Anecd. 1. 596. 12---Ἰ4} : ὃν τρόπον καὶ ἐπ᾽ 
ὀνομάτων μεταπλασμοὶ γίνονται, καθάπερ...τὸ πυργοκέρατα παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ. The 
sense may have been, ‘ with towering horns’: cp. the figurative πυργωθέντα (πλοῦτον) 
in Ode 111. 13. Bergk suggests that B.’s phrase was πύργον ὑψικέρατα (comparing Pind. 
fr. 325, ὑψικ. πέτραν), but this seems very improbable. 


32 (?). [B. adesp. 86: Bl. 37 4.] 


> \ > / Las 
Οὐ yap ἐν μέσοισι κειται 
δῶρα δυσμάχητα Μοισᾶν 
τὠπιτυχόντι φέρειν. 


Clem. Alex. Strom. Vv. 654 quotes these verses without the poet’s name. Blass 
conjectures that they belong to Bacchylides. There is at least one certain instance in 
which Clement quotes B. without naming him, viz. in Strom. v. 731, where the 
words ὁ λυρικός φησι introduce vv. 50—56 of Ode xIv. Blass also compares XIV. 53 f. 
ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται κιχεῖν | πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις Aixay κιτ.λ., and δῶρα Movody in XVIII. 4. 
These points are perhaps not very cogent. But the’ general style of the verses 
resembles that of Bacchylides: and we know that his poetry was one of Clement’s 
favourite sources of quotation.—8epa Movody are the gifts of poetical faculty which 
the Muses bestow: these are δυσμάχητα, because poets vie keenly with each other, 
as in competing at the festivals. (δυσμάχητα should not be taken with οὐ... κεῖται, 
as though the sense were, ‘are not proposed as prizes to be keenly fought for.’)— 
‘The keenly-contested gifts of the Muses are not prizes open to all, which the first 
comer may win.’ 


424 BACCHYLIDES. 


ETI! PAMMATA. 
τ, 33. [B. 48: Bl p..r76.] 


Kovpa Πάλλαντος πολυώνυμε, πότνια Νίκα, 
πρόφρων Καρθαίων i ἱμερόεντα χορὸν 

αἰὲν ἐποπτεύοις, πολέας δ᾽ ἐν ἀθύρμασι Μουσᾶν 
Κηΐῳ ἀμφιτίθει Βακχυλίδῃ στεφάνους. 


Anthol. Pal. V1. 313: Βακχυλίδου A. 

‘ Renowned daughter of Pallas, queenly Victory, mayest thou ever look with good 
will on the beauteous chorus of the Carthaeans, and crown Bacchylides of Ceos with 
many a wreath in the contests of the Muses.’—1 Πάλλαντος, a Titan: the mother of 
Nike was Styx: see X. 9η.---πολυώνυμε, of wide fame: cp. Hes. 7h. 785 πολυώνυμον 
ὕδωρ (Styx); Pind. P. 1. 17 Κιλίκιον .. πολυώνυμον ἄντρον. So Soph. Ant. 148 
μεγαλώνυμος .. Nixa.—Not, ‘of many names’ (as ¢.g. Dionysus is πολυώνυμος, 26. 
1115, being variously styled Bakchos, Iacchos, Zagreus, etc.): there was no variety 
of cult-names in the case of Νίκη, and the epithets given to her are usually of 
a general kind. 

2 Καρθαίων, a conjecture of Bergk (received by Blass in his 2nd ed.)._ The town 
of Κάρθαια or Kap@aia, on the s.E. coast of Ceos, had a temple of the Pythian 
Apollo, and near it a χορηγεῖον in which Simonides, when living in Ceos, used to 
teach choruses (Athen. 10. p. 456 F). His nephew, then, might feel some special 
interest in the place. Ode XVI was a paean written by Bacchylides to be performed 
by a Cean chorus at Delos. Similarly he may have composed a dithyramb with 
which a chorus from Carthaea competed successfully at a Delian festival. The 
addition of Κηΐῳ indicates that the contest did not take place in Ceos. This 
epigramma would have been placed on the ἀνάθημα dedicated as a thank-offering 
for the victory. [Bergk and Blass accent thus, Καρθαιῶν (as from Kap@ateds?). 
See, however, Pape-Benseler s.v. Κάρθαια, where ἡ Καρθαίων πόλις is cited from an 
inscr.]—The traditional reading here, Kpavvatwv, is corrupt. The other emendations 
which have been proposed are :—(r) προφρονέως Κραναῶν, Schneidewin. (2) πρόφρων 
ἐν Κραναῶν, Hartung. (3) Κραναιδῶν Meineke (so Bergk*), a form not found,= 
the Athenians (παῖδες Kpavaod, Aesch. Hum. to1t). But could the first syllable 
be long? Further, if the chorus was Athenian, we should expect the name of 
a tribe, such as (4) Κεκροπιδῶν, suggested by Bergk. (5) Καρνείων, Stadtmiiller. 
8 ἐν ἀθύρμασι Μουσάν, 2.4. ἐν μουσικοῖς ἀγῶσιν : cp. XVII. 57 dpniwy . . ἀθυρμάτων. 


2. 34. [B. 49: ΒΓ p. 176.] 


Εὔδημος τὸν νηὸν ἐπ᾽ ἀγροῦ τόνδ᾽ ἀνέθηκεν 
τῷ πάντων ἀνέμων πιστοτάτῳ Ζεφύρῳ. 
εὐξαμένῳ γάρ οἱ ἦλθε βοηθόος, ὄφρα τάχιστα 


λικμήσῃ πεπόνων καρπὸν ἀπ᾽ ἀσταχύων. 


Anthol. Pal. ντ. 5: Βακχυλίδου. ἀνάθημα τῷ ζεφύρῳ ἀνέμῳ παρὰ Evdjuov γεωργοῦ 
A and corrector. Blass observes: ‘Non habet fidem inscriptio, nisi alius est 
Bacchylides.’ But at least there is nothing in the verses themselves which could 
warrant us in rejecting the traditional ascription.—Suidas s.v. miéraros quotes the 
words from τόνδ᾽ in v. 1 to Ζεφύρῳ without the author’s name (ἐν ἐπιγράμματι). 

* Eudemus has dedicated this shrine on his land to Zephyrus, trustiest of winds, 
who hastened to help him at his prayer, so that he might winnow his grain from the 
ripe ears of corn."—2 The Ms. reading * πιοτάτῳ is defended by, Stadtmiiller, who 
quotes Theocr. x. 46f., és βορέην ἄνεμον Tas κόρθυος ἁ τομὰ ὕμμιν | ἢ ζέφυρον βλεπέτω" 


FRAGMENTS. NOTICES. 425 


πιαίνεται ὁ στάχυς οὕτως : 1.6., ‘let the cut end of the stalks in your sheaf be turned 
towards the north or west wind; for thus the corn-ear is filled out.’ But is this 
relevant? (1) In the first place, it is hard to conceive how πιότατος could be said of 
a wind, in the sense of ‘fattening’ or ‘nourishing’: at any rate there is no example 
of it. (2) But, granting that πιότατος could be so used, it would be wholly out of 
place here. The maturing of the grain is not in question. The matter in hand is 
simply the winnowing (see on v. 4). What Eudemus wanted was fine weather, with 
a wind which should not bring rain (as the south often did), nor yet be too violent. 
Unger and Schneidewin long ago suggested what I hold to be the true reading, viz. 

πι(στ)οτάτῳ, which might so easily have been corrupted. There is a touch of playful 
fancy in it, alluding to Bon@éos in the next verse: Zephyrus was the trusty ally who 
came at need when he was called.—Other conjectures are rpyiitdtw (‘Schneider Saxo’ 

ap. Bergk, also Headlam): λειοτάτῳ (Meineke). 3 In his Dorian lyrics, with their 
epic colouring, Bacch. always assumes ¢ before οἱ: but it does not follow that he 
would do so in writing Ionic elegiacs. I prefer γάρ of here to Meineke’s γὰρ ὅ γ᾽, 
which Bergk (though retaining oi) thinks right.—Bon8dos Planudes: βοαθόος vulg. 
(but cp. Εὔδημος and νηόν). 4 λικμήσῃ, the more vivid subjunct. ., instead of the 
optative, after ἦλθε: cp. Xen. An. 1. 1. 18 (πλοῖα) κατέκαυσεν, ἵνα μὴ Κῦρος διαβῇ .--- 
After threshing, the corn was put into a broad basket (λίκνον, vannus): it was then 
thrown up into the wind, so that the chaff (ἄχυρα, paleae) might be blown away from 
the grain. Verg. G. I. 123 ἢ, Cum graviter tunsis gemit area frugibus, et cum 
Surgentem ad Lephvrum paleae iactantur inanes. Columella also (2. 21) says that 
a west wind is best for the operation of winnowing. 


B. NOTICES WHICH SPECIFY A CLASS OF POEMS. 


ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ. 


35. [B. 10: Bl. p. 137.] 


The commentary of Didymus.—Ammonius P 79: Nnpeides 
τῶν τοῦ Νηρέως θυγατέρων διαφέρει. Δίδυμος ὁμοίως ἐν ὑπο- 
μνήματι Βακχυλίδου ἐπινίκων' φησὶ γὰρ κατὰ λέξιν: Εἰσὶ 
τοίνυν οἵ φασι vs αφέρειν Tas Νηρεΐδας τῶν τοῦ Νηρέως θυγατέρων, 
καὶ τὰς μὲν ἐκ Δωρίδος γνησίας αὐτῶν θυγατέρας νομίζεσθαι, 
τὰς δὲ ἐξ ἄλλων ἤδη κοινότερον Νηρεΐδας καλεῖσθαι κ.τ.λ.---- 
Seen. on XVI. 38. 


YMNOI. 


56: {Β᾽ 12: B35] 


Schol. Ar. Ach. 47: τοῦ δὲ Κελεοῦ μέμνηται Βακχυλίδης 
διὰ τῶν “Tuvov.—Celeus, the king of Eleusis; whose wife 
Metaneira received the disguised Demeter into her house, as a 
nurse for her son Demophon: Hom. Hymn to Demeter, vv. 96 ff. 
Celeus built the first temple of the goddess at Eleusis (20. 296 ff.), 
and was one of a small group,—including Triptolemus and 
Eumolpus,—whom she taught to celebrate her rites (16. 473 ff.). 


426 BACCHYLIDES. 


37. [B. ΠΙ. p. 572, ἢ. on fr. 11: BI. p. 160, n. on fr. 2.] 


The rhetor Menander in Walz Rhet. Gr. 1X. 140: Εἰσὶ τοίνυν 
καὶ τῷ Βακχυλίδῃ ὕμνοι avoteumtiKol.imThese were hymns 
addressed to a god who was supposed to be leaving his temple 
on an excursion (ἀποδημία) to some other haunt; as the 
κλητικοί Were hymns which besought him to return. See n. on 
Ode xv. 1—+4. 


AIOYPAMBOI. 
38. [B. 18: Bl. 8.] 


Servius on Verg. Aen. XI. 93: Versis Arcades armiis.] 
Lugentum more mucronem hastae, non cuspidem contra terram 
tenentes, quoniam antiqui nostri omnia contraria in funere 
faciebant, scuta etiam invertentes propter numina illic depicta, 
ne eorum simulacra cadaveris polluerentur aspectu, sicut habuisse 
Arcades Bacchylides in dithyrambis dicit—Servius may be 
referring to the dithyramb from which fragment 6 comes, and 
which Blass supposes to have been entitled Kacodvépa. 


39. [B. 16: BL 7.] 


Schol. Pind. P. I. 100: Ταύτῃ τῇ ἱστορίᾳ καὶ Βακχυλίδης 
συμφωνεῖ ἐν τοῖς διθυράμβοις, ὅτι δὴ οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐκ Λήμνου 
μετεστείλαντο τὸν Φιλοκτήτην Ἑλένου μαντευσαμένου" εἵμαρτο 
γὰρ ἄνευ τῶν Ἡρακλείων τόξων μὴ πορθηθῆναι τὸ Ἴλιον.--- ΤῊς 
story οἵ Philoctetes being brought from Lemnos to Troy, at the 
bidding of Helenus, was told in two of the Cyclic epics, the 
Ἰλιὰς Μικρά and the Ἰλίου Πέρσις. Bacchylides may have 
known also the Philoctetes of Aeschylus. The Pindaric scholiast 
does not enable us to decide whether (as seems most probable) 
Bacchylides had written a dithyramb called Φιλοκτήτης, or had 
merely referred to the story in a dithyramb on some other subject. 


TTAPOENEIA. 
40. [BI. p. 165.] 


Plutarch, De Musica c. 17, after saying that Plato’s prefer- 
ence for the Dorian ἁρμονία was due to its fitness for martial or 
stately strains, adds that, as Plato knew, it could also be used for 
compositions of a lighter kind :—ov« ἠγνόει δὲ 6 ὅτι πολλὰ Δώρια 
Παρθένεια ἅμα ᾿Αλκμᾶνι καὶ ἹΠινδάρῳ καὶ Σιμωνίδῃ καὶ 
Βακχυλίδῃ πεποίηται κ.τ.λ. 


NOTICES. 427 


C. NOTICES WHICH DO NOT SPECIFY A CLASS. 


41. [B. 50: Bl. 38.] 


Ammianus Marcellinus ΧΧΥ. 4. 3. The Emperor Julian used 
to quote with approval the saying of Sophocles in old age (Plat. 
Rep. I. p. 329 6), that he was glad to have escaped from the 
tyranny of amorous passion:—Item ut hoc propositum validius 
firmaret, recolebat saepe dictum lyrici Bacchylidis, quem legebat 
iucunde id adserentem, quod wt egregius pictor vultum speciosum 
effingit, tta pudicitia celsius consurgentem vitam exornat.—The 
context here makes it probable that pudicitia was a rendering of 
σωφροσύνη. 


42. [8. 57: Bl. p. 166.] 


Schol. Callim. Hymn. in Del. 28 εἰ δὲ λίην πολέες σε περιτρο- 
χύωσιν ἀοιδαί] Ai Πινδάρου καὶ Βακχυλίδου. In Pindar’s case 
the reference must include the προσόδιον (called Δηλιακὸν 
παιᾶνα by schol. Pind. /. 1. znit.), fr. 87, 88 (Eis Δῆλον), Xaip’ ὦ 
θεοδμάτα κιτλ. Had Bacchylides written some similar poem in 
praise of Delos ?—Cp. no. 12. 


43. [B. 68: Bl. 51.] 


Schol. Apoll. Rhod. Iv. 973: ὀρείχαλκος εἶδος χαλκοῦ" 
μνημονεύει καὶ Στησίχορος καὶ Baxyvdridyns.—The metal or alloy 
called ὀρείχαλκος (‘mountain-copper’) is first mentioned in Greek 
poems dating probably from about 600 B.c. The Aphrodite 
of the Homeric hymn (VI. 9) wears as ear-rings ἄνθεμ᾽ ὀρει- 
χάλκου χρυσοῖό Te τιμήεντος. Heracles, in the Hesiodic ‘Shield’ - 
(122), has greaves ὀρειχάλκοιο φαεινοῦ : and the same words are 
applied by Apollonius Rhodius (Iv. 973) to the shepherd’s 
crook carried by Lampetia, daughter of the Sun-god. For 
Callimachus (Lav. Pallad. 19), orichalcum is a metal which can 
serve as a mirror. Plato frankly speaks of it as something which, 
in his time, was ‘merely a legend,—ro viv ὀνομαζόμενον μόνον 
(Critias p. 114). It flashed with fiery rays (μαρμαρυγὰς... 
πυρώδεις) from the innermost of the walls surrounding the 
citadel in the Island of Atlantis (26. p. 116c). Spenser is at once 
classical and medieval in the vagueness of his reference to ‘ costly 
orichalch from strange Phoenice’ (/uiopotmos 81), where it 
figures in company with the steel of Bilbo and the brass of 
Corinth. But in the orichalc of the Greek classics the most 
distinctive quality is brilliant lustre. The mentions of it by 
Stesichorus and Bacchylides were probably connected with the 


428 BACCHYLIDES. 


equipment or adornment of some hero or heroine. [Strabo 
(13. p. 610) mentions a blend of ψευδάργυρος (zinc?) with copper, 
“which some call orichalcum’; but the interpretation and the 
authority of that passage are doubtful.] 


The following notices, relating to points of mythology as 
treated by Bacchylides, are arranged in the alphabetical order of 
the mythological names. 


44, [B. 62: Bl. 45.] 
Aristaeus—Schol. Apoll. Rhod. U1. 498: Τινὲς τέσσαρας 


᾿Αρισταίους γενεωλογοῦσιν, ὡς καὶ Βακχυλίδης" τὸν μὲν Καρύστου, 
τὸν δὲ Χείρωνος [Χέρωνος Laur.], ἄλλον δὲ Γῆς καὶ Οὐρανοῦ, καὶ 
τὸν «τέταρτον Bergk> Κυρήνης. 

᾿Αρισταῖος is the name, very ancient in Greece, of a god who 
prospers agriculture, cattle-breeding, and hunting: it expresses 
the pious faith that he is ἄριστος (cp. "Ἄρτεμις ἀρίστη, Ζεὺς ὁ 
λῷστος, etc.). Among the earliest seats of his cult were the 
Thessalian plains about Iolcus and Pelion; Arcadia; and 
Cyrene. In the Cyrenaic legend (Pind. P. Ix. 5 ff, following 
the Hesiodic "Hofaz) he is the son of Cyrene, a great-grand- 
daughter of Poseidon and Gaia, by Apollo, who carried her off 
to Libya. 

The worship of Aristaeus existed in Ceos, the island of 
Bacchylides. He was said to have come to the help of the 
islanders, bringing with him Parrhasians from Arcadia, at a 
time when Ceos was afflicted by the parching summer heat of 
Seirius, which had caused a plague in the Cyclades: he taught 
the Ceans to erect an altar to Ζεὺς Ἰκμαῖος, and was himself 
afterwards worshipped there as Ζεὺς ᾿Αρισταῖος. Two of the 
three namesakes whom, according to the scholiast, Bacchylides 
distinguished from Aristaeus son of Cyrene, were probably 
identical with him. (1) The ‘son of Carystus’ may be this 
rural god in his relation to the nymphs of Carystus in Euboea. 
(2) The ‘son of Cheiron’ is a designation easily explained by the 
fact that Aristaeus, who was a healing god, was said to have 
been taken as a child by Apollo to Cheiron, in whose cave he 
was brought up. With regard to the third namesake, the ‘son 
of Gaia and Uranos, this may have been an allegorical de- 
scription of the god who blesses the fruits of the earth; that, 
however, is more doubtful. Suidas has ᾿Αρισταῖος" εἷς τῶν 
Γιγάντων. The bearded head of Aristaeus appears on coins 
of Ceos and of the Cean town Carthaia. (See Schirmer’s 
article in Roscher’s Lexikon, esp. p. 550.) 

Blass suggests that the Bacchylides cited by the scholiast 


NOTICES. 429 


on Apollonius may be a writer distinct from the poet (3rd ed., 
p. 174, fr. 45: Mzs¢ alius hic est Bacchylides). In the Cean poet, 
however, we are prepared to find the current popular mythology 
of his day faithfully reflected, without any attempts at criticism 
or reconciliation. If, then, there were different local cults which 
assigned different genealogies to the rural god Aristaeus, it 
is quite conceivable that these discrepant accounts should have 
appeared in different passages of the poet’s writings. 


45. [B. 54: Bl. 41.] 


Athena as a giver of immortality—Schol. Ar. Av. 1536: 
Εὐφρόνιος [Ὁ the Alexandrian writer of tragedy mentioned by 
schol. Hephaest. c. 9, see W. Christ, Gesch. ad. Gr. Litt., P- 539 
ἢ 2], ὅτι Διὸς θυγάτηρ ἡ Βασιλεία, καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ κατὰ τὴν 
ἀθανασίαν αὕτη οἰκονομεῖν, ἣν ἔχει καὶ παρὰ Βακχυλίδη ἡ 
᾿Αθηνᾶ, τῷ Τυδεῖ δώσουσα τὴν ἀθανασίαν.--δώσουσα, 
because she did not fulfil her intention. Tydeus, son of Oeneus, 
was wounded in the war of the Seven against Thebes. Athena 
was going to heal him and make him immortal with a φάρμακον 
which she had obtained from Zeus. But Amphiaraus, who 
hated Tydeus for having persuaded the Argives into the war, 
cut off the head of Melanippus, whom Tydeus had slain, and 
brought it to him. Tydeus cut it in two, and ate the brains; 
when Athena, in disgust, left him to die. (Apollod. 3. 6. 8.) 


46. [B. p. 580n.: Bl. p. 159n.] 


Cassandra.—Porphyrion on Hor. C. I. 15: Hac ode Bac- 
chylidem imitatur; nam ut ille Cassandram facit vaticinari 
Jutura belli Troiani, ita hic Proteum [written by error for 
Nereum]. The same error occurs in the schol. on Stat. 7hed. 7. | 
330: Hic Bacchylides Graecus poeta est, quem imitatus est 
Horatius in illa oda in qua Proteus Troiae futurum narrat 
excidium.—Cp. fr. 6. 


47. [B. 56: BI. 10.] 


Europa. —Schol. fl,’ 12. 292: _Evporny τὴν Φοίνικος Ζεὺς 
θεασάμενος. ἔν τινι λειμῶνι μετὰ Νυμφών ἄνθη ἀναλέγουσαν 
ἠράσθη, καὶ κατελθὼν ἤλλαξεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς ταῦρον καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ 
στόματος κρόκον ἔπνει. οὕτω δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην a ἀπατήσας ἐβάστασε 
καὶ διαπορθμεύσας εἰς Κρήτην ἐμίγη αὐτῇ" εἶθ᾽ οὕτω συνῴκισεν 
αὐτὴν ᾿Αστερίωνι τῷ Κρητῶν βασιλεῖ. γενομένη δὲ ἔγκυος 
ἐκείνη τρεῖς παῖδας ἐγέννησε, Μίνωα, Σαρπηδόνα καὶ Ῥαδάμανθυν. 
ἡ ἱστορία παρὰ Ἡσιόδῳ καὶ Baxyvdidn.—Bacchylides may have 
written a dithyramb Εὐρώπη : though the story is one which 
might also have occurred in a hymn. 


430 BACCHYLIDES. 


48. [B. 60: BI. 44.] 


Eurytion—Schol. Od. 21. 295: Βακχυλίδης δὲ διάφορον 
(distinct from the Eurytion in ν. 295) οἴεται τὸν Βὐρυτίωνα" φησὶ 
γὰρ ἐπιξενωθέντα Δεξαμενῷ ἐν. Ἤλιδι ὑβριστικῶς ἐπιχειρῆσαι 
τῇ τοῦ ξενοδοχοῦντος θυγατρί, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους 
ἀναιρεθῆναι καιρίως τοῖς οἴκοις [τοῖς ἐκεῖ Eustath. 1909. 61] 
ἐπιστάντος. 

Eurytion figures as an unruly Centaur in ἔννο stories. (1) At 
the wedding of Peirithous and Hippodameia on Mount Pelion 
he tries to carry off the bride, thus provoking the fight between 
the Lapithae and the Centaurs: Od. 21. 295 ff. (2) Asa guest 
at the house of Dexamenus in Elis [or, acc. to Apollod. 2. 5. 5, at 
Olenus in Achaia] he insults his host’s daughter; Heracles 
appears opportunely, and slays him. This story is found, with 
some variations, in Apollodorus ἐς, Diod. Iv. 33, and Hyginus 
Fab. 31. 33. The name of Hurytus is substituted for that of 
Eurytion in the first story by Ovid (77. 12. 219), and in the 
second story by Diodorus (Iv. 33).—The timely appearance of 
Heracles at the house of Dexamenus followed his visit to the 
Centaur Pholus on mount Pholoe (between Arcadia and Elis). 
That visit was told by Stesichorus in his Γηρνυονηΐς (fr. 7), which 
related the adventures of Heracles on his way back from the far 
West. That poem may have been the source, or one of the 
sources, from which Bacchylides derived his material for the 
story of Eurytion. 


49. [B. 61: Bl. p. 158.] 


Evenus.—Schol. Pind. /. 11. 72 (= IV. 54): dds τὸν ᾿Ανταῖόν 
φησι (Πίνδαρος) τῶν ξένων τῶν “ἡττωμένων τοῖς κρανίοις ἐρέφειν 
τὸν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ναόν: τοῦτο yap ἱστοροῦσι τὸν Θρᾷκα 
Διομήδην ποιεῖν, Βακχυλίδης δὲ Εὔηνον ἐπὶ τῶν τῆς Μαρ- 
πήσσης [Mapricons Heyne, for Μαρσίππης] μνηστήρων" οἱ 
δὲ Οἰνόμαον, ὡς LopoxdAHs.—See note on XIX. 7. 


50. [B. p. 588: Bl. p. 176.] 


Galateia—Natalis Comes Mythol. 1x. 8, p. 987: Dicitur 
Polyphemus non modo amasse Galateam, sed etiam Galatum 
ex illa suscepisse, ut testatus est Bacchylides.—Bergk, with 
whom Blass concurs, justly remarks that the worth of this 
statement is doubtful. Later mythology, however, knew a son 
Γάλας (Appian ///yr. 2) or Γαλάτης borne by Galateia to Polyphe- 
mus (see Roscher’s Ler. 5. vv. Galas and Galateia); and it is 
possible that such a son may have been mentioned in some 
poem of Bacchylides. 


NOTICES. 431 


51. [Β. 32: ΒΙ. 9.] 


Laocoon.—Servius on Verg. Aen. 11. 201: Sane Bacchylides 
de Laocoonte et uxore eius vel de serpentibus a Calydnis insulis 
venientibus atque in homines conversis dicit—Laocoon, priest 
of Apollo at Troy, had incurred the god’s wrath by marrying 
[hence the words ‘et uxore eius’]. Two serpents, sent by Apollo, 
swam over from the neighbouring islets of Calydnae,—then changed 
into men, and killed the two sons of Laocoon, but not the 
father. This was probably the outline of the story as told 
by Bacchylides, perhaps in a dithyramb: and Sophocles in his 
Λαοκόων seems to have followed him (so far at least as these 
particulars are concerned). See Robert, Bild und Lied, pp. 192 ff.; 
who, however, thinks that the two destroyers came over as 
men from the islets, and afterwards changed into serpents. 
Engelmann, art. Laokoon in Roscher (p. 1840), justly lays 
stress on the words in the Apollodorus fragment, Zpz¢. Vat. 21. 
15, ᾿Απόλλων δὲ αὐτοῖς σημεῖον ἐπιπέμπει" δύο yap δράκοντες 
διανηξάμενοι διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐκ τῶν πλησίον νήσων τοὺς 
Λαοκόωντος υἱοὺς κατεσθίουσιν. 


52. [8. 63: Bl. 46.] 


Niobe's children.—Gellius V.A. XX. 7: Nam Homerus pueros 
puellasque eius (Niobae) bis senos dicit fuisse, Euripides bis 
septenos, Sappho bis novenos, Lacchylides et Pindarus δὲς denos. 

In giving the number of the Niobidae as 20, Bacchylides and 
Pindar followed Hesiod (Apollod. 3. 5. 6); as Mimnermus also 
did (Aelian, Var. Hist. 12. 36). The number 14, given by Eur., 
had been given before him by Lasus of Hermione (2é.). Alcman 
went below Homer's 12, naming only 10 (zd.). The earliest 
known authority for the tradition that two of Niobe’s children 
escaped is Telesilla (c. 510 B.C.), fr. 5 (Bergk III. p. 380). Enmann 
(art. Vzobe u. Niobiden in Roscher, p. 373) connects this legend 
with the fact that Hesiod’s 20 and Homer’s 12 are numbers 
from which the others (18, 14, 10) differ respectively by two. 


53. [B. 64: BI. 47.] 


Persephone—Schol. Hes. Theog. 914: Ἡρπάσθαι δὲ τὴν 
Περσεφόνην φασὶν of μὲν ἐκ Σικελίας, Βακχυλίδης δὲ ἐκ 
Κρήτης, ᾿Ορφεὺς ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν ᾿᾽Ωκεανὸν τόπων, Φανόδημος δὲ 
ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, κιτ.λ.----ϑ5εε. n. on Ode Ill. 1—4. Bacchylides 
seems to be the only known author of the classical period who 
placed the rape of Persephone in Crete. That view is noticed, 
but corrected, by the pseudo-Eudocia p. 109 (ed. Villoisin): ἐκ 


432 BACCHYLIDES. 


Κρήτης ἢ μᾶλλον ἐκ Σικελίας. Writers of the Alexandrian and 
of the Roman age usually localise the story at Enna in Sicily. 
The Sicilian tradition must have been, in our poet’s time, already 
old, but not yet so dominant as to exclude other versions. 
In the Homeric hymn to Demeter, the scene is ideal,—the Νύσιον 
πεδίον. In the 4th century B.C. it was possible for Phanodemus 
(Atthis, fr. 20, Miiller I. 369) to say that Persephone had been 
carried off from Attica. Even in the Roman age Propertius 
(IV. 22. 4) can connect the legend with Cyzicus ; and Appian 
(De Bell. Civ. tv. 105), with Crenides, the later Philippi. 


54. [B. 55: Bl. 42.] 
Rhea.—Schol. Pind. O. τ. 37: ὋὉ δὲ Βακχυλίδης τὸν Πέλοπα 


τὴν Ῥέαν λέγει ὑγιάσαι καθεῖσαν διὰ τοῦ λέβητος (ἐγκαθεῖσαν 
πάλιν τῷ λέβητι coni. Bergk), ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ ὑγιὴς ἀνεδόθη.---- 
Tantalus cut his son Pelops to pieces, and served up the flesh to 
the gods; they, however, were not deceived, and shrank from 
tasting it—all of them except Demeter, who consumed a 
shoulder. The remains were then boiled in a cauldron, from 
which Pelops came forth restored, with an ivory shoulder in place 
of the lost one. Pindar (0. 1. 26f.) makes Clotho the agent in 
this restoration ; Bacchylides assigned the part to Rhea, the wife 
of Cronus (and so schol. Aristid. p. 216); a third version named 
Hermes (schol. Pind.). 


55. [B. 69: Bl. 52.] 
Ti elchines. —Tzetzes Υ heogon. 81 (Matranga An. 580): ἐκ δὲ 


τοῦ καταρρέοντος αἵματος τῶν μορίων ἐν μὲν τῇ γῇ γεγόνασι τρεῖς 
᾿Ερινύες πρῶτον, ἡ Τεισιφόνη, Μέγαιρα, καὶ ᾿Αληκτὼ σὺν ταύταις, 
καὶ σὺν αὐταῖς οἱ τέσσαρες ὀνομαστοὶ Τελχῖνες, ᾿Ακταῖος, 
Μεγαλήσιος, "Ορμενός τε καὶ Λύκος, ods Βακχυλίδης μέν φησι 
Νεμέσεως Ταρτάρου, ἄλλοι τινὲς δὲ λέγουσι τῆς Γῆς τε καὶ τοῦ 
Πόντου.--- Α5 to the Telchines, see Introd. to Ode I, p. 188. It is 
possible that this reference to them occurred in the lost part of 
that Ode (cp. p. 446). 


56. [B. 59: Bl. p. lxvii.] 


Theano’s sons. —Schol. Zl. 24. 496: Πιθανὸν “μίαν τεκεῖν 
ἐννεακαίδεκα, οὐχ ὡς Βακχυλίδης πεντήκοντα τῆς Θεανοῦς 
ὑπογράφει παΐῖδας.---55ε n. on XIV. 37 ff. 


The following notices, relating to geographical names, are 
arranged in the alphabetical order of those names. 


NOTICES. 433 


57. [B. 66: Bl. 49.] 


The river Caicus.—Strabo 13. 616: ὁ δὲ Kdixos οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς 
Ἴδης ῥεῖ, καθάπερ εἴρηκε Baxyvarjidns—The sources of the 
Caicus, Strabo says, are in a plain, west of the range of Temnus 
(Τῆμνον ὄρος). The general line of the river’s course is from 
N.E. to S.W., through the plain of Mysia, to the Gulf of Elaea. 

The cause of the Cean poet’s error was that the non- 
Asiatic Greeks of his time had no clear notions as to the 
extent of the Ida range in a S.E. direction. They probably 
regarded the mountain system which later geographers called 
Temnus as an offshoot or continuation of Ida. A much more 
striking illustration of the vagueness with which the name Ἴδη 
was used is the fact, also noticed by Strabo (44), that Euripides 
actually described the town of Κελαιναί in Phrygia, near the‘ 
sources of the Maeander, as being situated ἐσχάτοις Ἴδης 
τόποις (Eur. fr. 1085 Nauck?). 


58. [B. 65: Bl. 48.] 


Los.— Vit. Homer. V. Ὁ. 28f. Westermann (Cramer, Avxecd. 
Par. 111. 98. 15): “Opnpos...cata δὲ Βακχυλίδην καὶ ᾿Αριστο- 
τέλην τὸν φιλόσοφον ᾿Τήτης. 

According to the pseudo-Plut. De Vita Hom. 1. 3 (p. 101 
Diibner), Aristotle said, in the third book of his epi ἸΠοιητικῆς,͵ 
that the mother of Homer was a native of Ios (the small island 
5, of Naxos and N. of Thera); but that the poet himself was 
born at Smyrna.—Gellius WV.A. 3. 11 says of Homer: Aristo- 
teles tradit ex insula 70 natum. This may be only an inaccurate 
version of the other statement. It cannot well be reconciled 
with it by supposing that ‘ex’ refers merely to the mother’s 
origin.—The claim of Ios to be Homer’s birthplace was never 
prominent. More credence was given to the tradition that it 
was the scene of his death and burial. Indeed, no rival of Ios 
seems to have succeeded in establishing a claim to the possession 
of his grave. (See the pseudo-Herodotean Βίος Ομήρου.) 


59. [B. 58: Bl. 43.] 


The town /w/is.—Himerius, Ovaz. XX1X. (speaking of Ἰουλίς): 
Kal Σιμωνίδῃ καὶ Βακχυλίδη ἐσπούδασται ἡ πόλις : both poets 
‘have made much of the city,—ze. have paid tributes to it in 
their verse. It was the native place of both. The town (now 
Téa) is still the chief place in Ceos. It stands on the slopes of 
Mt. Hagios Elias; as Strabo (10. p. 486) says of the ancient 


J. B. 29 


434 BACCHYLIDES. NOTICES. 


town, κεῖται δ᾽ ἐν ὄρει. It was distant about 3 or 4 miles from the 
N.W. coast, where its port was near the town called Kopnoods 
or Kopnoia. Besides the two poets, Iulis produced Erasistratus 
the physician, Ariston the Peripatetic, and Prodicus the sophist. 
Plutarch Dem. 1 associates Iulis with Aegina in the repute of 
‘producing good actors and poets.’ (Cp. Pridik, De Cec [nsulae 
rebus, pp. 6 f.) 


60. [B. 53: BI. 40.] 


Phoenice—Athen. 4. p. 174F: Γιυγγραΐνοισι (sic A) γὰρ οἱ 
Φοίνικες, ὥς φησιν ὁ Ξενοφῶν [Χενοφάνης coni. Bergk] ἐχρῶντο 
αὐλοῖς, σπιθαμιαίοις τὸ μέγεθος (about 73 inches long), ὀξὺ καὶ 
γοερὸν φθεγγομένοις" τούτοις δὲ καὶ οἱ Κᾶρες χρῶνται. ἐν τοῖς 

ρήνοις, εἰ μὴ ἄρα καὶ ἡ Καρία Φοινίκη ἐκαλεῖτο, ὡς παρὰ 
Κορίννῃ καὶ Βακχυλίδῃ ἔστιν εὑρεῖν. —The suggestion here is 
that this small flute or fife (the yiyypas or γυγγράϊνος αὐλός) may 
have been altogether Carian,—being called ‘ Phoenician’ merely 
because the name ‘ Phoenice’ was sometimes applied to Caria. 
Apart from this passage, there seems to be no extant evidence 
for such a use of Φοινίκη, though the Carians had much inter- 
course with Phoenician traders, and seem to have taken part in 
Phoenician colonies. 


61. [B. 67: Bl. 50.] 


The river Rhyndacus.—Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1.1165 : “Pévdaxos 
ποταμός ἐστι Φρυγίας, οὗ μέμνηται Baxxyvridns.—This river of 
northern Phrygia, rising in the district called Azanitis (from the 
town of Azani, Strabo 10. p. 576), flows in a generally N.W. 
direction to the Lake of Apollonia, and thence into the Propontis. 
Schneidewin conjectures that the words quoted by schol. 74 5. 
335, Puvdaxov ἀμφὶ βαθύσχοινον, may be those of Bacchylides : 
Hecker ascribes them to Callimachus (fr. anon. 335). 


APPENDIX. 


ON THE PROBABLE COMPASS AND CONTENTS OF 
ODE I, WHEN ENTIRE. 


That portion of the Ode which has been preserved in a 
coherent form begins with the arrival of Minos in Ceos, his 
union with Dexithea, and the birth of Euxantius. It is evidently 
the last part of a mythical narrative. The probable nature of 
the part which preceded it will be discussed presently. One 
thing is certain,—that it was of considerable length. 

The verse with which my text of Ode I begins is numbered 
as verse 111 of that Ode in the edition of Professor Blass. 
He supposes that, of the 110 verses which originally came before 
it, 64 are wholly lost, while 46 (not all consecutive) can be 
partly reconstructed from small separate fragments, with the aid 
of conjectural supplements. 

This reconstruction is given below. The element of con- 
jecture involved in it is so very large that (in my opinion) it is 
inexpedient to print it as if it formed part of the ascertained 
text. But it is interesting and suggestive. I will endeavour to 
state clearly the scope of the reconstruction, and the nature 
of the evidence on which it rests. 

A metrical ‘system’ in this Ode consists of 23 verses (a strophe 
of 8, an antistrophe of 8, and an epode of 7). The number of 
lines in a column of the MS. varies from. 32 to 36, 35 being the 
commonest total, while 34 is also frequent. Thus three systems 
(23 X 3=69) answer roughly to two average columns (34+ 35). 
And the first column of the continuous MS., as we have it, begins 
with a strophe (the second strophe from the end of the Ode, 
TOLD). «0... βαθυ-). These are the data from which Professor 


29—2 


436 APPENDIX. 


Blass sets out in estimating the extent of the lost portion. But 
his estimate further assumes that the first strophe of the Ode 
began at the top of a column, as would have been the case if 
this Ode stood first in the papyrus. This being granted, it 
follows that the number of systems which preceded column I 
(of Kenyon’s edition) must be either three (=69 verses), or a 
multiple of three. And, from an examination of the fragments 
which he refers to this Ode, Prof. Blass infers that the number 
of such systems is six (23 x 6=138 verses), equivalent to four 
columns of the papyrus. 

By combining and supplementing small fragments, he has 
conjecturally restored parts of the first four of these systems, as 
follows :— 

JEAEQ.N 
ἸΤΩΝ 
JEPIAES[ 
JENYAIL 
τὰ ἸΟΥΣ ΊΝΑΚΙ 
ἸΓΑΙΑΣΊΣΘΛΛΙΓ 
JAMO|NEYBOYAOYN[ 
JAM|BPONNHPE[ 
JAINEINAZOIOT’ EY 
10 JAN ἜΝΘΙ 


* * * 


19 JAZINITITTOYS 
20? JTONTOAL 
JEZSINAN[ 
JTONAYT[ 
JAAAAISIN[ 
JNA’ ETE[ 
25 ἸΓΟΝΩΤΙ 
ITAL 
* * ΕἼ 


ODE I. 437 


δ Og ποθ ας μ)ελέων 
UY -- - ἀμβρό ? |rwv 
- VY Πι]ερίδες 
- --ἰἐνυφαΐ vere δ᾽ ὕμνους ἢ 
5 - ϑὕύ]ους, ἵνα κυ- 
δαίνητε] γαίας ᾿Ισθμίας 
ὀφθαλμόν, εὐβούλου νἱ ἐμου- 
σάν τε γ]αμβρὸν Νηρέΐος 
ἀντ. α΄. πόλιν, εἰ νάσοιό 7 Ev ξαν- 
1ο τιαδ]ᾶν, ἔνθ] εν μολὼν 
«,οοὧἦὦὧὦ«. UU — 
[’Apyetos, ἐμεῦ τε μέλεσθε. |* 
«ὦ Πέλοπος λιπαρᾶς 
νάσου θεόδματοι πύλαι! 


ἐπ. α΄. Lost, the last two vv. of ant. 1, and the first two of ep. τ. 
» ey? 9 4 
19 πὺ - ἔζευξεν ὑφ᾽ ἅρμ]ασιν ἵππους" 
20 οἱ δὲ πεΐτοντο Ou - -- 


πὺ -- -Ἰεσσιν ἀν δρῶν ἢ 
- σὺ - υ7κον αὐτί -- 
-ὖ - ἄλλαισιν [- - πυπ-π- 
στρ. β. “Ὁ - - -Φῥν δ᾽ erd- 
25 μῃῳ - ἰγονώτ᾽ ἡ a 
πὶ 
ἄντ. β΄. Lost, the rest of str. 2, and the first three of ant. 2. 


* Verse 12 (Ἀργεῖος x.7.A.) is conjecturally supplied by Blass: verses 13, 14= 
frag. 7 (Bergk). 


438 APPENDIX. 


35 TOION[ [TAI 

KAAL lvac. 
|EMIEINOTA[ 
ITEIZ|Y|NEY 

|A2|vac. 


* * * 


46 JEOS[ 
JNTTYK[ 
ἸΓΟΙΚΟΡΙ 
JATOPA 
50 JMEAI®PONOSY[ 
JEPAN 
JXAIANTIOAIN 
ἸΓΟΙΛΛΕΝΟΙ 
ἸΑΝΔΗΡΟΙΣΑΛΟΣΙ 
55 ἸΥΓΑΙΣΑΕΛ..Υ 
Wal 


* * * 


JZATOPAIL 
]. EAQAET[ 
JAAAKATOS[ 

75 A’ ETTEYNAH[ 
ἸΑΤΤΡΟΣΦΩΝΕΙ. |TEN 
JZAINOY>’ ΟΠ]! 

71. ENTEPOMIAI 
ἸΦΑΚΕΙΔΥΙΑΙ 
80 ἸΕΝΙΑΙ 
ἸΤΓΕΤΙ . ΠΤΑΛΛΙΤΑΓ 
Az 
JOMO! 


35 


46 


στρ. γ΄. 


50 


ODE TI. 


τοῖον [VY — VY = ται 
Kad] VY ὥς Ae 
- —-V-—|euer, ὅταν 
- πῷὸ - χή͵τει συνεύ- 
νων Y — — — Ὠυ͵ας 
Lost, ep. 2. 
Jeos[ 
bei eer tiers -Ἰν πυκιν - 
νὰ ἵἱστουρ ? you κόρ[ au 
ποὺ - σ]αγόρα 
- -- υ] μελίφρονος ὕπνου 


— vv ἁμετ]έρραν 
- ---οωυ ἀρ]χαίαν πόλιν 
ποτ ee - ’ἰγοιμεν ol- 
" 9 > , eV 
κους ἐπ᾽) ἀνδήροις ἁλὸς 


9 , ε , > > ~ > λί 
55 ἄντ Ὑ. ὑπὸ Τ α Ἰὐγαῖς ἀελιου 


(στρ. δ΄.) 


72 


75 


(ἀντ. δ΄.) 


8ο 


ιδ΄ 


Lost, the last seven vv. of ant. 3, the whole of ep. 3, and the 
jirst two vv. of str. 4. 


- vv -σαγόρᾳ 

- - Max lero δὲ τί. - - 
- v φιλ]αλάκατος, 

- - δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ evvan [πόρον 
- -|a* προσφώνει τέ νιν 

μαλθακᾷ] σαίνουσ᾽ ὀπί" 
συ - — plev στέρομαι 

UV ἀμ͵]φάκει δύᾳ, 
ποὺ - π]ενίᾳ" 

— - υύυ φε]ύγετε πάμπαϊΪν 
Sip TORTI aN Vlas 


--V-- -ἰ[ὑμοι 


439 


440 APPENDIX. 


Verse 83 was followed (as Prof. Blass supposes) by 27 verses 
of which nothing remains (vv. 84—110). Then comes the frag- 
ment which supplies vv. 11I—129 (= I—I9g in my text); after 
which 8 verses, and part of a ninth, are lost. (129+9 = 138, or 
six systems.) Verse 139 is the first in col. I (Kenyon’s ed.), and 
the first of the seventh system. 

It may now be convenient to the reader if I show in a tabular 
synopsis the whole scheme of the Ode, as conjecturally completed 
by the reconstruction given above; indicating (4) the corre- 
spondence of the verses with the fragments which have been 
combined, and with the several parts of each metrical system ; 
(ὁ) the position and extent of the supposed lacunas; (2) the 
more salient points in the subject-matter, so far as they can be 
made out. 


No. of cr in No. of fragment} Place in metrical Subject-matter, so far as it can be 
(ace. to Blass®). (ed. Kenyon). system. traced or surmised. 
Column I. Verse 3. ImIJepides. Exordium: in- 
5.2 16a strophe 1; vocation of Muses. 
3-10 6 antistr. I. 1, 2 6 ff. γαίας ᾿Ισθμίας | ὀφθαλμόν κ.τ.λ. 
Corinth: Isthmian festival. 
gf. νάσοιό τ᾽ Εὐϊξαντιαδ]ᾶν. Ceos. 
11-18 Lost. antistr. I. 3-8 
epode I. 1, 2 
19 24 epode I. 3 19 f. ἔζευξεν ὑφ᾽ ἅρμ]ασιν ἵππους" | 
20-26 15 ep. I. 4-7 οἱ δὲ πέ͵τοντο. Some one starts in a 
str. II. 1-3 chariot; perhaps Zeus? 
27-34 Lost. str. 11. 4-8 
ant. 11. 1-3 
Column II. 
35 166 and 28 | ant. 11. 4 38 f. χή]τει συνεύϊνων. Does this 
36 166 τ ΣῈ refer to the forlorn state of the maidens, 
37 39, 40, 28 pa KS Dexithea and her sisters, after their 
38 39, 40, 28 πὴ ον ἢ father Damon and the other Telchines 
39 40 Se ees had been slain by Zeus ? 
40-45 Lost. ep. 11. 1-6 


ODE TJ. 441 

46-56 13 ep. II. 7 49-55. One of the maidens, on 

str. IL. awaking from sleep, speaks to another 

ant. 111. 1,2 | about quitting their ἀρχαίαν πόλιν, and 
seeking a new abode ‘on the verge of 
the sea’ (ἀνδήροις ἁλός), in the full 
‘rays of the sun.’ 

57-71 Lost. ant. III. 3-8 In the next strophe, one of the 
Column III ep. III. maidens accosts certain visitors, —prob- 
began about str. IV. I, 2 ably Zeus and Apollo (Nonnus 18. 35). 

v.70. Their arrival in Ceos may have been 

related in the course of these 16 lost 
verses. 

72-83 5 str. Iv. 3-8 73. From -é\w in the Ms., Bl. conj. 

ant. Iv. 1-6 Mak ]ero. 

76. Macelo (or some other maiden) 
“addressed them, μαλθακᾷ calvovo’ drt. 
The pron. vw here meant αὐτούς (Apol- 
lon. de prom. 368 A);—probably (the 
disguised) Zeus and Apollo. In 79 f. 
she spoke of ἀμφάκει δύᾳ and πενίᾳ,.--- 
presumably in excuse for inability to 
provide better entertainment. 

84-110 Lost. ant. Iv. 7,8 This large lacuna of 27 verses must 
Column IV ep. Iv. have comprised some further account 
began about str. V. of the interview between the maidens 

Vv. 105. ant. V. and their visitors. Zeus or Apollo may 

ep. V. I, 2 have foretold the high destiny in store 
for Dexithea. 

111-129 Ι ep. V. 3- 112 ff. ‘On the third day’ (after 

(With which | str. vi. the visit of the gods to the maidens?) ᾿" 
I begin my | ant. vi. 1-6 Minos arrives. He weds Dexithea. 
text.) ‘In the tenth month’ is born Euxantius, 
the future lord of Ceos. 
130-137 Lost. ant. VI. 7, 8 
ep. VI. 1-6 
138 34 ep. VI. 7 ἄλλα]ξαν θύγατρες. Bl. connects this 
with the maidens’ change of abode (see 
above, 49-55).—If Dexithea and her 
sisters are the ‘daughters,’ this implies 
a reference to their father Damon. 
Column V| =Col. I str. VII. 139-146. The boy Argeius—his 

139-174 (Kenyon) ant. VII. spirit and athletic skill. 

Col. VI =Col. II } ep. vu. 147-154. His father Pantheides. 

175-184 (K.) str. VIII. 155-158. The Isthmian victory of 

ant. VIII. Argelus. 
ep. VIII. 159-184. Praise of ἀρετή. 


442 APPENDIX. 


For the purpose of piecing together the small separate 
fragments in vv. 1—83, three tests have been available; viz. 
(1) metre; (2) sense; (3) the colour of the papyrus. 

As to metre, when a single fragment contains even very slight 
remains of a series of verses, such traces may suffice to make it 
certain that those verses belonged to a strophe, an antistrophe, 
or an epode, as the case may be. A good example is afforded 
by verses 47—55 (as now numbered by Prof. Blass), all contained 
in fragment 13. We may be certain that there we have the 
traces of a whole strophe, and of the first verse of an antistrophe. 
Even then, however, we have still to determine where that 
strophe (etc.) came in the Ode. In many other cases the 
metrical test is ambiguous: eg. fr. 34 (=v. 138 Blass), -ξαν 
θύγατρες, might belong either to the 7th verse of an epode, or to 
the 5th. 

As to the sense, there is at least one instance in Prof. 
Blass’s_ reconstruction where he has justly deemed this 
second test to be conclusive. There can be no doubt that 
fragment 6, containing Πι]ερίδες, γαίας ᾿Ισθμίας | ὀφθα]χλμόν, etc., 
belonged to the exordium of the Ode, and presumably to its 
first strophe. But, on the whole, there is very little coherent 
sense to be extracted from the mutilated words or phrases 
in these fragments; as an inspection will show. And where 
such sense is traceable (as in verses 19 f., 50—55, and 75—-80), 
it does not suffice to exclude doubts as to the order in which 
the several groups of verses stood when the Ode was entire. 

The third test is that afforded by the colour of the fragment 
of papyrus. Colour alone is a very uncertain guide, though 
it may be useful in suggesting a juxtaposition, or in confirming 
other evidence. There are, however, some instances in which 
colour is the principal or only test on which we have to rely 
for the position assigned to fragments. It is on this ground 
that fragments 24 and 15 (=vv. 19—26) are now referred to the 
first of the lost columns. Again, Prof. Blass and Dr Kenyon 
are agreed (and are doubtless right in thinking) that fragments 
39, 40, and 28 cohere. But colour is the reason for assigning 
them to the second of the lost columns. Then as to fragment 13. 
In his first edition, Prof. Blass placed this (= verses 46—55 as 


ODE 7. 443 


now numbered) after fragment 5 (= vv. 72—-83 as now numbered). 
But in subsequent editions he gives fragments 13 and 5 their 
present respective places, because the colour and condition 
(color habitusque p. 22, ἢ.) of fragment 13 indicates that it 
belonged to one of the first two (lost) columns. And after 
all three tests, metre, sense, and colour, have been used, so far 
as the data permit, with the utmost sagacity and patience, large 
room for doubt remains, as the editor frankly recognises. Take, 
for example, three groups of verses, as numbered in his later 
editions,—(1) vv. Ig—25: (2) 47—56: (3) 3538. He observes 
(p. 23, note on v. 19) that it may be questioned whether, after all, 
the order of these groups should not be (3), (2), (1). 

What has now been said will serve to make it clear why 
I have not printed Prof. Blass’s ingenious reconstruction as part 
of the text. It must be regarded as very largely hypothetical : 
that follows from the nature of the case. But his acuteness and 
industry have not therefore been expended in vain. Several 
fragments have been rightly combined; the context of some 
passages has been elucidated. And these fragments afford 
interesting glimpses of the matter which they contained, justifying 
the belief that the Ode, when entire, contained a large and highly- 
wrought mythical story. 


The legend of Minos and Dexithea, which Bacchylides 
treated in this Ode, is epitomized in the scholia on the /ézs of 
Ovid'. It is there said that Macelo and her sisters, the daughters — 
of Damon, had once been hospitable to Jupiter. On this account 
he spared them, when he slew the Telchines, of whom Damon 
was chief, for blighting the fruits of the earth by evil arts. 
Minos came to the sisters, wedded ‘Dexione’ or ‘ Desithone’ 
(Dexithea), and begat Euxantius, ancestor of the Euxantidae. 
The longer of the two scholia which give this story cites the 
poet Nicander (c. 150 B.C.) as the source, A verse in the 


1 Robinson Ellis in Class. Rev. xi. filia Damonis dicitur cum [here, I may 
p- 66 (Feb., 1898): v. Wilamowitz in observe, E. Rohde would insert 1 or III, 
Gott. gel. Anz. 1898, 126 f. which could easily have dropped out after 
* See Robinson Ellis’s edition of the mJ] sorortbus fuisse: harum hospitio usus 
Jbis (Oxon. 1881), p. 83. (1) Theshorter Iupiter, cum Ze/chinas guorum hic prin- 
scholium on y. 475 runs thus:—J/acedo ceps erat corrumpentes inuidia successus 


444 


APPENDIX. 


Dionysiaca of Nonnus, which unfortunately is followed by a 
lacuna, says that ‘ MWacello entertained Zeus and Apollo’ at the 


same time}. 


omnium fructuum fulmine interficeret, 
seruauit. ad guas cum uenissel Minos cum 
Dextone concubuit : ex gua creauit Euxan- 
tium unde Euxantidae fuerunt. (2) The 
longer scholium is as follows :—Vicander 
dicit Macelon filiam Damonis cum sorori- 
bus fuisse. harum hospitio Iupiter sus- 
ceptus cum Thelonios [Thelginas=Tel- 
chinas?] guorum hic Damo princeps erat 
corrumpentes uenenis successus omnium 
Sructuum fulmine interficeret seruauit eos 
[sic: leg. eas]. sed Macelo cum uiro 
propter uiri nequitiam periit. ad alias 
wero seruatas cum uenisset Minos cum 
Desithone [| Desitone ed. Paris.] concubuit, 
ex gua creauit Eusantium unde Eusantiae 
Suerunt.—Cp. Otto Schneider, Micander, 
p- 133 f., frag. 116. Nothing is known 
about Nicander’s treatment of the subject 
beyond what is stated here. 

This scholium says that, while the other 
sisters were spared, A/acelo was killed, 
along with her husband, on account of 
the latter’s wickedness. The verse of the 
Ibis (475), to which these scholia belong, 
is—Ut Macelo (v.1. Macedo) rapid?s icta 
est cum coniuge flammis. Two other 
scholia on that verse say merely that 
Macelo and her husband were struck with 
lightning by Jupiter at their marriage- 
feast because he (or they) had invited all 
the gods except Jupiter. It is surprising 
to learn that Macelo, one of the sisters 
whose hospitality to the god saved their 
lives, perishes for an act of the opposite 
kind, albeit the guilt was her husband’s. 
The hospitality to Zeus (and Apollo) is 
ascribed by Nonnus (XVIII. 35), not to 
several sisters, but expressly to Μακελλώ. 
There may have been a contamination of 
myths here. In one (probably the older) 
form of the story, Macelo was simply the 
foremost of the sisters in offering hos- 
pitality to the god (or gods). Then, 
perhaps by some confusion with a similar 


The scholia, and this verse of Nonnus, are our 
only authorities (other than Bacchylides) for the myth. 


It has 


name, she became the bride who was in- 
volved in the punishment of the bride- 
groom for a sin of that type so common 
in mythology,—omission to ask a par- 
ticular god to a feast. Thus a foreign 
and discordant element was interwoven 
with the original myth. 
1 Nonnus XVIII. 35 ff.: 
Ζῆνα καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνα μιῇ ἕξείνισσε Ma- 
κέλλων [leg. Μακελλώ] 
* * * * * * * 
καὶ Φλεγύας ὅτε πάντας aveppltwoe 
θαλάσσῃ, 
νῆσον ὅλην τριόδοντι διαρρήξας Ἔνο- 
σίχθων, 
ἀμφοτέρας 
τριαίνῃ. 
The substantive which went with μιῇ is 
lost in the lacuna. A. Kéchly, in his 
edition (Teubner, 1857-8), has altered 
Μακέλλων (very unwarrantably) into 
Tparé{yn,—the conjecture of α. Falken- 
burg (ed. princeps, Antwerp, 1569) ; and 
has also changed the ἀμφοτέρας of the 
MSS. into ἀμφοτέρους. The subject to 
ξείνισσε was, he supposes, one of the 
Phlegyes, who, with a companion, was 
spared by Poseidon, when he destroyed 
those savage islanders. E. Rohde (Der 
griech. Roman und seine Vorlaufer, p. 506 
2nd ed.) has judged more soundly of this 
passage. The traditional reading Μακέλ- 
λων (i.e. Μακελλώ) is corroborated by the 
Zbis-scholia. Nicander had told her story, 
which was connected with the destruction 
of the Telchines by Zeus. Euphorion of 
Chalcis (c. 220 B.C.) had related the de- 
struction of the Phlegyes by Poseidon 
(Servius on Aen. VI. 618: Euphor. fr. 
CLV. p. 154 Meineke). Nonnus alluded 
in this passage to both legends: the 
verses lost after v. 35 contained the end 
of the first, and the beginning of the 
second. P 


ἐφύλαξε καὶ οὐ πρήνιξε 


ODE ἢ . 445 


three principal features: (1) the hospitality of the sisters to 
Zeus (and Apollo); (2) the slaying of the Telchines by Zeus; 
(3) the visit of Minos to the sisters, his union with Dexithea, 
and the birth of Euxantius. 

This last part of the story,—the vital one for the Cean poet, 
—is contained in the first large fragment of the Ode. But how 
had Bacchylides conducted the mythical narrative up to that 
point? The fragments, though too scanty to help us far, afford 
some gleams of light which are suggestive. One of the sisters, 
on awaking from sleep, proposes (it would seem) that they shall 
quit their ἀρχαίαν πόλιν, and seek a new abode—‘on the verge 
of the sea’ («ἐπ᾽ ἀνδήροις ἁλός), and open to the rays of the 
sun («ὑπ᾽ αὐγαῖς ἀελίου). The words (Ajfaca?) μελίφρονος 
ὕπνου suggest that the maiden’s projects like Nausicaa’s, had 
been prompted by a dream, sent to her in order that she and 
her sisters should meet visitants who were on their way to Ceos. 
(That all this happens in Ceos, may safely be inferred from the 
fact that Ceos is plainly the πολύκρημνος χθών of verse 11, in 
which Minos finds Dexithea.) Then in fragment 5 one of the 
sisters is found addressing certain persons ‘in a soothing voice’ 
(...caivovo’ ὀπί), near some stream which has the epithet εὐναῆ. 
This meeting occurred, no doubt, after the migration of the 
maidens from their ‘old city’ to the abode near the sea; and 
may have been placed by the poet near the mouth of a river. 
Are the persons whom this maiden accosts the disguised Zeus 
and Apollo? It is possible, or even probable: we can say no 
more. But it is interesting to note that the speaker touches on 
‘anguish sharp as a two-edged sword’ (ἀμφάκει dva), and on 
‘poverty.’ Probably she is apologizing (as Prof. Blass suggests) 
for being unable to provide better entertainment for the strangers, 
and φεύγετε (in v. 81) was preceded by a negative: ‘yet do not 
altogether decline what we can offer. No stronger proof of 
φιλοξενία could be given than to offer hospitality in a season 
of private sorrow (cp. Eur. A/c. 512—567). But what was the 
cause of this ἀμφάκης δύα to which the speaker refers? The 
sisters are, it is apparent, in affliction and distress. This might 
be due to the knowledge that their father Damon, with the other 
Telchines, had incurred the wrath of Zeus, and that the divine 


446 APPENDIX. 


chastisement was about to descend upon him. A warning of 
such peril, by dream or oracle, may have been the motive of their 
removal from their ἀρχαίαν mokwv—which must have been also 
their father’s seat—to the new abode by the sea. The scholia 
on the /dzs, at any rate, imply that the hospitality of the sisters 
to Zeus preceded the slaying of the Telchines. If the ἀμφάκης 
δύα is grief for Damon’s death, then Bacchylides has followed 
a version according to which the danger of destruction menaced 
the sisters, not at the moment of their father’s fall, but soon after 
it: their hospitality to Zeus and Apollo averted the peril, and 
brought, instead of it, a great reward. 

With regard to the Telchines, we know that Bacchylides 
somewhere named four of them,—’Axtaios, Μεγαλήσιος, Ὄρ- 
μενος, AvKos,—and described them as the offspring of Nemesis‘. 
If this Ode was the place where the mention occurred, we might 
conjecture that a good deal was said about the Telchines. That 
must remain wholly uncertain: the fragments tell us nothing. 
One thing, however, may be said. Rhodes was the primary 
seat of the Telchines ; but it was not there (according to legend) 
that they perished. They quitted Rhodes (driven out by the 
Heliadae*, or, according to another account, foreboding a 
deluge*): and then, as legend told, they were scattered (δια- 
σπαρῆναι). There was nothing, therefore, to prevent a poet 
from supposing that the Telchin Damon had established himself 
in Ceos, and was there slain by the bolt of Zeus. 

A small town on the coast of Ceos was called Κορησία 
(Strabo 10, p. 486), Kopnoos, or Kopnoaos®. Near it was the 


1 Tzetzes, Theogon. 81: see p. 432 Poseidon. Are the words Νεμέσεως 
(fr. 55). The words as to the origin Taprdpov sound, or should a καὶ come 


of the Telchines are,—ods Βακχυλίδης 
μέν φησι Νεμέσεως Ταρτάρου, ἄλλοι τινὲς 
δὲ λέγουσι τῆς Τῆς τε καὶ τοῦ Πόντου. 
The singularity of the version which 
Bacchylides followed is that it does not 
connect the Telchines with the sea. 
These volcanic daemons were essentially, 
as Nonnus calls them (XIV. 42), daluoves 
ὑγρονόμοι : he makes them children of 
Poseidon, whose trident they wrought 
(Callim. Del. 31). According to Dio- 
dorus (V. 55) they were υἱοὶ... Θαλάσσης 
(no father is named), and were reared by 


between them? Nemesis is usually called 
a daughter of Night (Hes. 7heog. 223: of 
Erebus, in Hygin. Fad. praef.): in Attic 
mythology the Rhamnusian Nemesis was 
a daughter of Oceanus (Paus. 7. 1 § 3). 

2 Nonnus XIV. 42 ff. 

3 Diod. v. 56 ad init. προαισθομένους 
...Tov μέλλοντα γίνεσθαι κατακλυσμόν. 

4 fb. 

5 The little that has been ascertained 
or conjectured about this place is brought 
together by A. Pridik, De Cet Znusulae 
rebus (Berlin, 1892), p. 7 f. 


ODE I. 447 


port of lulis——the latter town itself being about three miles 
further inland. It has been ingeniously suggested by N. Festa? 
that a local legend, deriving Κορησία from Κόραι, may have 
connected it with the migration of Dexithea and her sisters 
from their former home (the ἀρχαίαν πόλιν) to the coast; and 
that Kopnoia is the πόλις βαθυδείελος of vv. 29 ἔ, of which 
Argeius was a native. Some allusion to the foundation of that 
town may have occurred in the lacuna which now exists 
between v. 18 and v. 23. 

To sum up :—the fragments, supplemented by conjecture on 
the lines indicated above, might suggest that the argument of 
the Ode was somewhat as follows. It began,—so much is 
reasonably certain,—with an invocation of the Pierides,—a 
reference to Corinth, ‘eye of the Isthmian land, ‘the city which 
worships Poseidon, wedded to the daughter of wise Nereus’ 
(Amphitrite)—and then a mention of Ceos, ‘isle of the 
Euxantidae. This last served to link the prelude with the myth 
of Minos and Dexithea, which occupied the larger part of the 
poem. In Ceos was dwelling, with his daughters (Macelo, 
Dexithea, and others), the Telchin Damon,—guilty, in the sight 
of Zeus, along with his brethren now scattered in many lands, of 
practising the malign arts by which they had once blighted the 
fruits of the earth in Rhodes*» A dream comes to one of the 
daughters, warning them of a disaster impending on their house, 
and counselling them to leave the city of their father for a place 
on the sea-coast. They do so; and there meet two strangers of | 
noble mien, who have just reached the island. Though in deep 
sorrow and distress, Macelo, on behalf of the sisters, offers them 
such hospitality as they can give. One of the visitors speaks 
words of comfort; and predicts that, though the maiden’s father, 
Damon, must presently be smitten by the wrath of Zeus, a great 
hero shall come anon to Ceos, who shall wed one of the sisters, 
and that the offspring of this union shall in future days be lord 
of that land, and founder of a famous line. The strangers 


1 Leodee ti frammenti di B.(Florence, χιν. 46 f.: 

1898). χερσὶ βαρυζήλοισιν ἀρυόμενοι Στυγὸς 
53 They drenched the crops with the ὕδωρ 

sulphurous waters of the Styx. Nonnus ἄσπορον εὐκάρποιο ἱ Ῥόδου ποίησαν ἀλωήν. 


448 APPENDIX. 


vanish. Storm-clouds gather in the sky; and from their 
dwelling by the sea the sisters behold the lightnings which 
show where the doom of Zeus has fallen. But, on the third day 
thereafter, Minos arrives with his Cretan warriors; he weds 
Dexithea; and, when he departs for Crete, leaves the half of his 
host to protect her. In the tenth month her son Euxantius is 
born. And in after days he, or a descendant, founds a goodly 
city in the place by the sea where of yore Macelo and her 
sisters entertained Zeus and Apollo unawares; and calls it, in 
memory thereof, Covesus, ‘the city of the maidens,’ There was 
born the young victor at the Isthmian games, Argeius, son of 
the hospitable physician, Pantheides. 

Thus, or somewhat in this fashion,—following the hints in 
the fragments, and the other evidence,—might we conceive the 
outline of the form which Bacchylides gave to the legend of his 
island. At any rate, we may be sure that those passages of 
which the fragments afford glimpses,—the scenes in which 
Dexithea and her sisters bore part,—exhibited to advantage 
the poet’s most attractive gifts,—his graceful ease in narrative, 
his skill in bright and picturesque detail, his simple pathos. 
Few mutilations in the papyrus are more to be regretted than 
those which have rent away the earlier portion of this first ode. 


Ode I. 15. EUXANTIUS. 


1.15 According to the scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (1. 186), 
Euxantius was the father of Miletus. The source used by the 
scholiast may have been Aristocritus, the author of a work on 
Miletus, who mentioned the Εὐξαντίδαι (Miiller, Frag. Histor. 
IV. p. 331). The renown of the Milesia vellera points to a 
connexion between Εὐξαντίδαι and ἕάντης, carminator, ‘ wool- 
carder. Such patronymics were often borne by hereditary 
guilds, in which the exercise of some art or craft descended 
from father to son. But it is easy to conceive that, when the 
Euxantidae of Miletus had become a clan of wealth and dis- 
tinction, they should have aspired to the honours of heroic 
ancestry. It has been remarked by Prof. v. Wilamowitz-Moel- 
lendorff (Gétt. gel. Anz., 1898, no. 2, p. 128) that Εὐξάντιος is ‘a 
strange formation.’ He suggests that it means, ὁ κατ᾽ εὐχὴν 
ἀντίος ἐλθών. He thinks that, in the original form of the 


ODE I. 449 


legend, Δεξιθέα (‘she who receives a god’) became a mother, 
not by Minos, but by a god (Zeus or Apollo), whose welcome 
epiphany was commemorated by the name Euxantius, given to 
the offspring of that union. Forced interpretations of tra- 
ditional proper names were frequent enough in popular Greek 
mythology. It is not inconceivable that Εὐξάντιος should, at 
some time or other, have been explained as meaning, ὁ Kat’ εὐχὴν 
ἀντίος ἐλθών: but is it at all probable that it should have been 
invented to express that idea? I cannot think so. Surely 
it is far more likely that Εὐξάντιος was a name suggested 
by the patronymic Εὐξαντίδαι, and invented -in order to 
provide the ‘sons of the good wool-carders’ with a heroic 
ancestor. This hypothesis is confirmed by the comparative 
obscurity in which the Euxantius-myth remained. That 
legend, so far as we know, had only what may be called a 
domestic currency,—viz., at Miletus and in Ceos. The learned 
Alexandrians, of course, knew it. Herodian has preserved part 
of a verse of Callimachus, αἷμα τὸ μὲν γενεῆς Εὐξαντίδος. But 
there is no reason to suppose that the Alexandrian knowledge 
of the myth was derived from any sources other than those 
which Ceos and Miletus themselves had furnished,—the poem of 
Bacchylides, and the prose-work of Aristocritus (with possibly 
other writers of local mythography). It is significant. that 
pseudo-Apollodorus, usually so full and precise in regard to 
every mythological person of any importance, simply mentions 
Euxantius as a son whom Dexithea bore to Minos, and has 
not a word more to say about him (3. 1 § 2). 

To sum up, the conclusion to which I am led is as follows. 
The Euxantidae were a clan at Miletus in whom the craft of 
wool-carding was hereditary. Ceos had an ancient local legend 
which made that island the place where Dexithea became the 
bride of Minos. Minos was associated in legend with Miletus 
also. It was an easy combination to call the son of Minos and 
Dexithea ‘Euxantius, and to represent him as the ancestor of 
the Milesian Euxantidae. The myth would be welcome to the 
Euxantidae themselves, whom it furnished with a lineage so 
illustrious; it would also be gratifying to the Ceans. A further 
embellishment of the legend was to make Euxantius the father 
of Miletus. 


J. B. 30 


450 APPENDIX. 


Ode I. 32—34. ᾿Αργεῖος.. μάχας. 


I. 32. 34 It is certain that verse 34 began with the letters XPE. The scribe 
had written the letter A before these, but this has been deleted. As 
verse 33 ends with ὅπότε, and its final syllable must be long, verse 
34 must have begun with xp, before which ε could be lengthened. 
There is no room for ZA before XPE. 

The letter after E must have been I, and the only question is 
whether this I had the circumflex or the acute accent (the trace 
admits of either): z.¢, whether the word was (1) χρεῖος or xpeiov: or 
(2) χρείη, or some part of χρεία. The fact that A was written by error 
before XPE is decidedly in favour of (1); since a transcriber, who had 
χρεῖος (or -ov) before him, might easily, by inadvertence, have written 
the much commoner word ἀχρεῖος (or -ov): whereas such a slip would 
have been less likely, if χρείη or-some part of χρεία had stood in 
the text. 

-Bodot is certain. This must be pres. optat. from a verb in -€e: 
for no verb ending in -βολόω is discoverable. Dialect would lead us to 
expect -έοι in the optat., not the contraction -ot. It is, of course, 
possible that the poet wrote -Bodéor, and that -Bodot is due to transcription. 

What was the verb of which -Bodot formed the latter part? Blass 
reads κερβολοῖ (irritate, provoke’). “Κερβολεῖν idem est atgue xepropetv’ 
(praef. p. xiii). He cites Hom. //. τό. 261 where αἰεὶ κερτομέοντες is 
said of children who are teasing wasps. ‘The form κερβολεῖν occurs in 
Hesych. s.v. κερβολοῦσα: λοιδοροῦσα, βλασφημοῦσα. Cp. Ar. Eg. 822 
μὴ σκέρβολλε πονηρά (= λοιδόρει). Prof. Blass further supposes that, as 
the contraction in -βολοῖ is strange, and as the syllable Bd answers to 
one which is long in the corresponding place, the word in the text was 
originally κερβόλλοι. In his first edition, he read xpetov τι κερβολοῖ 
μάχας, ‘(whenever) any creature (‘sive canis sive homo’), desirous of 
fight, provoked (the lion).’ In his later eds., he reads xpetés ἑ [= fe] 
κερβολοῖ μάχας, ‘(whenever) any need of fight provoked him’: adding ; 
‘si litt. F positionem non facit, habemus -- ὦ -- [χρεῖός E κερ-Ἶ 270 
-—-—v-. In any case, I should prefer χρεῖός τι to xpetds Fe. But I 
cannot think that κερβολοῖ has any probability. Neither Hesychius nor 
Aristophanes warrants the supposition that κερβολεῖν or σκερβόλλειν 
was used in any sense except that of ‘taunting’ or ‘reviling.’ Prof. 
Blass assumes that κερβολεῖν = κερτομεῖν, and relies on //. 16. 261 to 
prove that κερτομεῖν could mean to ‘ provoke’ or ‘ worry’ otherwise than 
by words. Now, that verse was suspected by Alexandrian critics 


ODES f, 11. 451 


precisely because κερτομεῖν seemed to be used in an unexampled sense. 
See the scholium of Aristonicus upon it : ἀθετεῖται, ὅτι τὸ κερτομεῖν ov 
τίθησιν ἐπὶ τοῦ δι᾿ ἔργου ἐρεθίζειν, ἀλλὰ διὰ λόγων. If indeed, that verse 
be genuine, κερτομέοντες may best be referred to the seering cries of the 
children, since noise would contribute to the irritation of the wasps. 

In -βολοῖ, I can find nothing but συμβολοῖ (see commentary). 


Ode Il. of. ἑβδομήκοντα σὺν στεφάνοισιν. 


The context makes it clear that these ‘seventy victories’ had been 11. 9f. 
won by Ceans at the Isthmus alone. The Isthmiads were reckoned 
from 5808.c. This Ode is of unknown date, but was probably among 
the poet’s earlier works. Suppose, for the sake of illustration, that 
Argeius won in 470B.c. The Isthmiad of that year was only the 56th. 
If we assumed a date as low as 440 B.c. (the 71st Isthmiad), the record 
would still be a distinctly good one for so small an island as Ceos, 
competing with all Hellas. Still there is nothing marvellous about it. 
In the first place, it would not seldom happen that a victor at one 
Isthmian festival would repeat his success at one or more subsequent 
festivals. ‘The fragmentary Cean inscription (noticed in the Introduction 
to Ode 1) records two men, each of whom had won three Isthmian 
victories. Again (though this case would be much rarer) the ‘same 
competitor might win more than one wreath at the same festival. 
Pausanias (6. 15 § 3) mentions a Theban who, on the same day of 
the Isthmia, was victorious in three contests,—boxing, wrestling, and 
the pancration. The greater number of the ‘seventy wreaths’ must 
have been gained in boxing and running, for which Ceos was especially 
noted (v1. 7). Two inferences, at least, may safely be drawn from this 
passage. First, that Ceos was exceptionally prolific in athletes of these 
classes: secondly, that the Isthmian festival was that which Cean 
competitors more especially frequented. It was the most readily 
accessible from their island, and traditional associations had doubtless 
confirmed the preference. 

Pind. 0. x11. g98—100, speaking of the clan of the ᾿Ολιγαιθίδαι at. 
Corinth, to whom Xenophon (winner of stadion and pentathlon at 
Olympia in 464 B.c.) belonged, mentions that they had won thirty 
victories at the Isthmus, and thirty at Nemea (ἑξηκοντάκι δὴ ἀμφοτέ- 
ρωθεν). 


30—2 


III. 18 f. 


452 APPENDIX. 


Ode III. 18 ἢ ὑψιδαιδάλτων τριπόδων σταθέντων 


πάροιθε ναοῦ. 


The French exploration of Delphi has shown that a tripod dedicated 
by Gelon, and another dedicated by Hieron, stood side by side before 
the east front of the temple. No votive offering in the entire sanctuary 
of Apollo held a more conspicuous position. (See the Audletin de 
Correspondance Hellénique, vol. Xx1. 1897, plate xvi, the spot marked 
£x-voto de Gélon.) This fact alone suffices to explain the reference of 
Bacchylides. 


I. The monumental evidence has been set forth with great 
clearness and precision by M. Théophile Homolle (Budéletin de Corre- 
Spondance Héllenique, vol. Xx1. pp. 588 ff.,. 1898: Méanges Weil, 
pp. 207—224, Paris, 1898.) Here I can but briefly indicate the more 
essential facts. The explorers found a large quadrangular base of 
limestone, on which was superimposed a high limestone step, carefully 
wrought. This in turn carried two stands or pedestals (socles), re- 
sembling bell-shaped capitals inverted, and placed a meter apart from 
each other. Each of these pedestals once supported a metal tripod, as 
is shown by the cavities in which the three feet were once secured. 
One of the pedestals bears the following inscription :— 


TEAONOAEINOMEN 

ANE@EKETOIOAAONI 

ΣΥΡΑΦΟΣΙΟΣ 

ΤΟΝΤΡΙΠΟΔΑΚΑΙΤΤΕΝΝΙΚΈΕΝΕΡΓ ΑΣΑΤΟ 
᾿ΒΙΟΝΔΙΟΔΟΡΟΥΙΟΣΜΙΛΈΣΙΟΣ 


So Gelon dedicated a golden Nixy along with his tripod,—both 
being the work of the same artist, Bion, son of Diodorus, of Miletus [as 
to whom see Bull. Corr. Hellin. 1896, pp. 654—6]. 

The inscription on the other pedestal is mutilated: all that remains 
of it is the following :-— 

NEOSANE@EKE EA 
BEUTAMNAI 


The dedicator was, then, a son of Deinomenes ; certainly not Gelon, 
who, if both the tripods had been his, would not have placed two 
separate inscriptions on offerings supported by the same base, but 
rather one inscription on the base itself. Further, we know (from 
Athenaeus) that Hieron dedicated a golden tripod at Delphi: and there 
is no record of such a gift by Polyzelus or Thrasybulus. It may be 


ODE If. 453 


regarded as certain, then, that this second tripod was Hieron’s. The 
inscription is thus restored by M. Homolle :— 


[Huapwv ho Δεινομέ]νεος ἀνέθεκε: [ἀ]ἕλ 


[κε δὲ τάλαντα δέκα]ἠεπτὰ μναῖ. 


(The nominative μναῖ, instead of the accus. μνᾶς, is strange, as 
M. Homolle says, in so short a statement of the weight; though the 
Delian inscriptions afford instances of nominatives mixed with accu- 
satives in longer statements of the same nature.) 

The base on which both the tripod-pedestals stood was probably 
designed at first for one pedestal only,—that of Gelon’s tripod; and 
was afterwards enlarged to receive Hieron’s (A@é/anges Weil, p. 220). 


II. The literary evidence may be summed up as follows. 

1. Diodorus (ΧΙ. 26), following Timaeus, mentions only one tripod, 
—that dedicated by Gelon after the victory at Himera:—ypvootv δὲ 
τρίποδα ποιήσας ἀπὸ ταλάντων ἑκκαίδεκα ἐνέθηκεν εἰς τὸ τέμενος TO ἐν 
Δελφοῖς, ᾿Απόλλωνι χαριστήριον. 

2. Athenaeus (6. pp. 231 Ε---232 6) makes certain statements con- 
cerning the votive offerings generally at Delphi. For these statements 
he quotes two authorities, viz. (1) Phanias of Eresus, a pupil of Aristotle, 
who wrote Περὶ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ τυράννων (see Miiller, Frag. Hist. 111. 
p- 297): (2) Theopompus, Φιλιππικά, book 40 (written in the second 
half of the fourth century B.c.). 

Phanias and Theopompus, says Athenaeus, state that, after Gyges 
and Croesus, Gelon and Hieron were the next donors of silver or gold 
ἀναθήματα at Delphi :—rod μὲν (Gelon) τρίποδα καὶ νίκην χρυσοῦ πεποιη- 
μένα ἀναθέντος, Kad’ ods χρόνους ἘΞέρξης ἐπεστράτευε τῇ Ἑλλάδι, τοῦ δὲ 
Ἱέρωνος τὰ ὅμοιαι [Observe that the date is here appended to the 
notice of Ge/on’s gift, and separates it from the mention of Hieron’s: 
whereas, if both gifts had been of the same date, the clause καθ᾽ οὗς.. 
Ἑλλάδι should have followed ὅμοια. 

Then Athenaeus goes on to quote verbatim a passage of Theo- 
pompus. After relating that the Lacedaemonians, when they wished to 
gild (χρυσῶσαι) the face of the Amyclaean Apollo, were directed by the 
Delphic oracle to buy gold of Croesus, the historian proceeds :—Tépwv 
δ᾽ 6 Συρακόσιος, βουλόμενος ἀναθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ τὸν τρίποδα Kal τὴν Νίκην ἐξ 
ἀπέφθου χρυσοῦ, ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀπορῶν χρυσίου, ὕστερον ἔπεμψε τοὺς 
ἀναζητήσοντας εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. Hieron’s emissaries (Theopompus goes 
on to say) finally discovered a man at Corinth, one Architeles, who had 
large stores of gold, and who allowed them to buy as much as they 


454 APPENDIX. 


desired,—adding a onus on the purchase,—a large handful of the 
precious metal: ἀνθ᾽ dv Ἱέρων πλοῖον σίτου καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ δῶρα ἔπεμψεν 
ἐκ Σικελίας. 
This extract from Theopompus is instructive in three respects. 
(1) Hieron, like Gelon, dedicated both a tripod and a Victory,—and 
Hieron’s were of refined gold. (2) ‘A long time’ elapsed before he could 
procure a sufficient quantity of such gold. After search (presumably) 
in Sicily and Magna Graecia, he ‘afterwards’ (ὕστερον) sent messengers 
to Greece. (3) Hieron rewarded the Corinthian gold-merchant with 
princely munificence, sending him ‘a ship-load of corn,’ and ‘many 
other gifts.’ 
All this clearly suggests that, when he dedicated his offerings at 
Delphi, Hieron was already ruler of Syracuse. The details of the story 
indicate a prince who wields large resources, whose commands are 
executed without stint of cost or trouble, and who royally repays those 
who serve him. Hieron became ruler of Syracuse in 478. 
According, however, to an ingenious theory propounded by M. 
Homolle, Hieron’s offering was placed beside Gelon’s in the latter’s 
life-time. The scholiast on Pind. Py?/. τ. 155 records the tradition that 
Gelon, from affection towards his brothers (Hieron, Thrasybulus and 
Polyzelus), dedicated his thank-offering at Delphi in their names as 
well as in his own :---φασὶ δὲ τὸν TéAwva τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς φιλοφρονούμενον 
ἀναθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ χρυσοῦς τρίποδας, ἐπιγράψαντα ταῦτα" 
Φημὶ Τέλων᾽, Ἱέρωνα, Πολύζηλον, Θρασύβουλον, 

ἢ παῖδας Δεινομένευς, τοὺς τρίποδας θέμεναι, 
βάρβαρα νικήσαντας ἔθνη" πολλὴν δὲ παρασχεῖν 

σύμμαχον Ἕλλησιν χεῖρ᾽ ἐς ἐλευθερίην. 

This inscription is ascribed to Simonides in the Palatine Anthology 
(νι. 214), where in verse 2 the reading is τὸν τρίποδ᾽ ἀνθέμεναι, as it is 
also in Suidas s.v. Aaperiov. [The Anthology and Suidas further insert 
the following couplet after verse 2: ἕξ ἑκατὸν λιτρῶν Kal πεντήκοντα 
taddvrwv | Aaperiov (Aayapérov Bergk) χρυσοῦ, τᾶς δεκάτας δεκάταν. | 

M. Homolle holds that the reading of the scholiast, τοὺς τρίποδας 
θέμεναι, is the true one. At Delphi, besides the two pedestals, standing 
on a common base, which supported the tripods of Gelon and Hieron, 
the French explorer found also two smaller pedestals, which bear no 
inscriptions. These smaller pedestals (C and J) have the same form 
(that of a bell-shaped capital inverted) as the two larger (4 and #); a 
form which is exceptional at Delphi, and does not seem to occur 
elsewhere. One of them (292) shows the three cavities intended to 


ODE 1. 455 


receive the feet of a tripod; in the case of the other (C), the upper 
surface, where such cavities, if they existed, would have appeared, has 
been broken away. 

The history of the relation between the four tripod-pedestals (4, B, 
C, D) is conceived by M. Homolle as follows. (1) Gelon dedicated 
A after the battle of Himera. (2) Hieron, ambitious and self-assertive, 
afterwards contrived that his offering, B, also dedicated on account of 
Himera, should be set up beside that of his elder brother ; and the base 
which supported the pedestal of A was enlarged for that purpose. 
(3) Then the kindly Gelon caused the two smaller tripods, C and D, 
to be erected on the same spot, in order to associate the younger 
brothers (Thrasybulus and Polyzelus) with his renown, while at the 
same time he thus administered a mild reproof to Hieron. C is 
somewhat larger than D; and M. Homolle suggests that. Gelon in- 
tended this gradation of size to correspond with the gradation of age 
in his younger brethren. The pedestals of C and D may have stood 
on a common base, and this base may have borne the inscription by 
Simonides, Φημὶ Τέλων᾽, Ἱέρωνα κιτιλ. It could have been set, facing 
westward, at right angles to the larger base which carried the offerings 
of Gelon and Hieron. 

This theory—that C and D were set up by Gelon in order to give 
Thrasybulus and Polyzelus a share in the glory of Himera—presupposes, 
as we have seen, that Hieron’s tripod, 2, was set up by him, beside 
Gelon’s, in Gelon’s life-time. But the latter hypothesis appears very 
improbable. In 480 Hieron was regent of Gela under his elder 
brother, then ruler of Syracuse. (Herod. vil. 155: Freeman, Scczly 11. 
p. 129.) At Himera Gelon commanded in chief against the Cartha- 
ginians, Alike in a military and in a political sense, Gelon was 
paramount; Hieron’s position was a secondary and a dependent one. 
Now, the position of Hieron’s Delphian tripod, at the side of Gelon’s, 
and the similarity of scale, imply (as M. Homolle has recognised) a 
claim of equality. Such a claim would be perfectly intelligible if 
Hieron’s gift to Delphi was made after Gelon’s death, when Hieron 
had succeeded him as ruler of Syracuse. But in 480/79, and with 
reference to the victory at Himera, the regent of Gela would have been 
strangely ill-advised, if, at the central sanctuary of Hellas, he had 
ostentatiously asserted such equality with his elder brother and over- 
lord. 

Prof. Blass has quite a different way of explaining the two smaller 
pedestals (Preface to the 3rd ed. of his Bacchylides, pp. lix.f.). He 


456 APPENDIX. 


supposes that Hieron dedicated three tripods at Delphi. The two 
smaller ones, C and DY, commemorated his Pythian victories with the 
κέλης in 482 and 478; the largest, B, his victory at Delphi with the four- 
horse chariot in 470. But, as we have seen, the authorities quoted by 
Athenaeus speak of Hieron as having dedicated only one tripod (with 
a Νίκη). On the view of Prof. Blass, we should have to assume that 
his other two tripods were ignored because they were smaller. 

There are, however, certain considerations which seem to render it 
very improbable that Hieron’s tripod, which stood beside Gelon’s, can 
have been a thank-offering for Hieron’s success in the Pythian games. 
(1) The conspicuous spot where these two tripods stood, before the 
east front of the temple, was peculiarly associated with the great national 
victories, those of Salamis, Plataea, and Himera, The bronze mast with 
gold stars, which the Aeginetans set up after Salamis, stood close to the 
gold crater of Croesus (Her. vill. 122), which itself was on the right 
hand of one entering the temple (id. 1. 51), Ze. mear the N.£. angle. 
The Panhellenic thank-offering for Plataea,—the golden tripod on a 
three-headed serpent of bronze (Her. 1x. 80),—was in the same 
neighbourhood, close to the Great Altar. Gelon’s tripod and Nike, as 
we know, commemorated Himera. The memorial of a mere personal 
success in the games would have seemed strangely intrusive amidst such 
surroundings. (2) Further, the base on which Gelon’s tripod stood 
was enlarged to receive Hieron’s, Community of base suggests com- 
munity of purpose. Hieron had fought at Himera. When his tripod 
and Nike were placed at the side of his brother’s, and on the same 
plinth, can we doubt that the meaning was to assert his equality with 
Gelon as a champion of western Hellas? That significance would be 
enhanced, if we could suppose that the date was subsequent to Hieron’s 
naval victory over the Etruscans at Cumae in 474. 

Another question remains. If the epigram of Simonides (or at least 
the first couplet of it) was really used at Delphi, where was it placed ? 

1. We now know that it was zo placed on the pedestal of Gelon’s 
tripod. The inscription there names Gelon only. That inscription 
also speaks of τὸν τρίποδα καὶ τὴν Νίκην : which clearly suggests that this 
pedestal supported both, the tripod being surmounted by the Victory. 
This seems almost conclusive against the hypothesis that Gelon’s Nike 
stood on a separate pedestal, which bore the epigram of Simonides, the 
speaker (φημί) being the Nike herself (as suggested by v. Wilamowitz, 
Gotting. Nachr., pp. 313 ff.). Further, it would be strange that an 
inscription speaking of the tripod (or tripods) should be placed on a 
pedestal which supported only the Nike. 


ODE III. 457 


2. M. Homolle supposes that the epigram of Simonides was 
engraved on a lost base which once supported the two smaller tripod- 
pedestals (Cand D), those for Thrasybulus and Polyzelus. In that case, 
the epigram referred to four tripods. But, as I have sought to show, it 
is not probable that Hieron’s tripod was placed beside Gelon’s till after 
the latter’s death. We should have to suppose, then, that Hieron was 
originally represented by a tripod which stood on a separate pedestal, 
a tripod presumably of smaller size than that which he afterwards 
caused to be set up. 

It seems to me that, with the existing data for the problem, we must 
be content to remain in doubt with regard (1) to the history of pedestals 
C and D; and (2) to the place of the Simonidean epigram, if it was really 
used at all. But two things appear strongly probable: viz. (1) that the 
tripod and Nike of Hieron, which stood beside Gelon’s, commemorated 
the victory at Himera; and (2) that they were placed there after he 
succeeded Gelon at Syracuse in 478. 


Ode III. arf. θεόν, θεόν τις 
ἀγλαϊζέτω, ὁ γὰρ ἄριστος ὄλβων. 


In verse 22 Kenyon reads, ἀγλαϊζέτω γάρ, ἄριστον ὄλβον. (For the Ill. 2if. 
position of γάρ, cp. Soph. “δ΄. 1450.) Housman and Richards, ἀγλαϊζέτω 
παρ᾽ ἄριστον ὄλβον (‘in the time of greatest properity’). But the change’ 
of τ into 6 in the Ms. reading ἀγλαϊξζέθω is then unexplained. 

Others read ayAaife. Marindin, dyAdife, θεῷ yap ἄριστος ὄλβων (Z.¢., 
the god has the best happiness in his gift), Tyrrell, ayAdil’ ἔθ᾽, ᾧ rap’ 
ἄριστος oABwv. Butcher, ἀγλάϊζε, δώτορ᾽ ἄριστον oABwv. The use of τις 
here with the second person of the imper. is, however, difficult to justify. 
πᾶς, indeed, is often so used (4g. Ar. Pax 555 πᾶς χώρει πρὸς ἔργον). 
In Ar. Av. 1187 τόξευε, παῖε, a τ. for παῖε is πᾶς τις: and in [Eur.] 
Rhes. 687, where Dind. gives ἴσχε πᾶς toy’, some Mss. have ἴσχε πᾶς τις. 
But, even if the use of τις with the second pers. imper. could be proved 
authentic in some passages of this special kind, where a hurried 
command is addressed to several persons, it would not follow that τις 
could be so used in a case like the present,—z.e. in a general moral 
precept. 


Ode III. 25—31. Blass gives this passage as follows: I print in II. 25—31 
black type the parts of the restoration which are his own :— 
25 εὖτε τὰν πεπ[ρωμέναν 
Ζηνὸς τελείου νεύμασιν 


458 APPENDIX. 


Σάρδιες ἸΤερσᾶ[ν ὑπ᾽ ἐκπίμπλαν orp jatar, 
Κροῖσον ὃ χρυσάορος 
φύλαξ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων. [τὸ yap ἀ͵ελπτον ὦμαρ 
30 μόλ᾽ ὦν: πολυδ[ ἀκρυον] οὐκ ἔμελλε 
μίμνειν ἔτι δ[υσφροσύναν], πυρὰν δὲ (κ.τ.λ.) 


(a) The sense of the first three verses then is :—‘ When, by decree 
of Zeus who brings the end, Sardis was fulfilling its doom ὑπὸ στρατῷ 
Περσᾶν, under the hands of the Persian host.’ He compares xvi. 26 f., 
πεπρωμέναν αἶσαν ἐκπλήσομεν : and for ὑπό, Xil. 166 θνάσκοντες ὑπ᾽ 
Αἰακίδαις. But verse 27 is not a good one; the position of ὑπό is 
awkward. And in verse 26 the plural vevpaow (used once by Aesch., 
Suppl. 373 μονοψήφοισι νεύμασιν σέθεν) seems neither quite fitting nor 
very probable. The caesura after τελείου is also against the rule usually 
observed by Bacchylides: see p. 97. It is surely much more likely 
that the government of πεπρωμέναν was provided in v. 26 by τελειοῦσαι 
(or τελέσσαντος). 

(ὁ) From τὸ γὰρ «7.4. in v. 29 onwards, the sense is:—‘ For the 
unexpected day had come indeed (av): he (Croesus) was not minded 
to await a further doom of tears and anguish,’ etc. This suggests some 
remarks. (1) Blass’s reading pod’ ὧν is prompted by the indication in 
the Ms. of & But μολῶν for μολών was one of the commonest errors in 
accentuation. Headlam has collected the following (among other) 
passages where μολῶν is so accented in one or more of the mss.: Eur. AZ. 
1153, Hipp. 656, Med. 246, Phoen. 480, 663: Lycophron, 824, 1312, 
1370, 1376 (μολῶντες 925, 956). Cp. ἐπεῖ for ἐπεί in v. 23 of this Ode. 
In his 2nd and 3rd editions (p. 36) Prof. Blass further observes that, after 
the letter N, he has found a point in the ms. Of this I can perceive no 
trace. The right-hand stroke of N has been partly effaced, and one of 
the vestiges of that stroke might, indeed, be taken for a point; but it is 
in the line of the upward stroke, and not to the right of it. (2) The 
form ὧν occurs nowhere else in Bacchylides ; whereas in xvill. 29 and 37 
he uses οὖν. Did he here prefer ὦν as Pindaric? It seems unlikely. 
The sense given to it is such as it would bear if (e.g.) the sentence had 
been, τὸ ἦμαρ ἄελπτον μὲν ἦν, μόλε δ᾽ ὦν. This is (to my apprehension) 
a little forced. (3) The asyndeton after μόλ᾽ ὧν is somewhat harsh, and 
certainly is not in this poet’s narrative style. (In his note Prof. Blass 
suggests, as an alternative, πολὺ δὲ στύγος... δυσφροσυνᾶν.) (4) The 
subject to ἔμελλε is Croesus: but, after two clauses with other subjects 
(Απόλλων and dyap), this needs to be indicated. (5) δυσφροσύναν, 
‘trouble of mind,’ seems too weak a word here ; the epithet πολυδάκρυον 


ODE III. 459 


prepares us for some word expressing a dire calamity, such as dov- 


λοσύναν. 


Ode III. 48 dBpoBérav.—There is perhaps only one instance in III. 48 
which a classical Greek writer applies the term ἅβρός to the movement of 
men without implying the reproach of effeminacy: viz. Eur. Med. 829 f. 
(the Athenians) αἰεὶ διὰ λαμπροτάτου | βαίνοντες ἁβρῶς αἰθέρος, where, as 
Verrall says, ‘it denotes the soft motion of the body, luxuriating...in the 
genial air.’ The normal sense of ἁβρὸν βαίνειν is illustrated by verse 
1134 of the same play, where the young bride Glauce, conscious of her 
radiant beauty and splendid attire, is described as ἁβρὸν βαίνουσα 
παλλευκῷ ποδί Cp. Helena 1528, σοφώταθ᾽ ἁβρὸν πόδα τιθεῖσ᾽ ἀνέστενε 
(where Helen is moving with the gentle tread of a mourner): and 7. A. 
614 (Iphigeneia) ἁβρὸν τιθεῖσα κῶλον. Jurenka compares Clem. Alex. 
Paedag. WW. 294 τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον τῆς περὶ τὸν περίπατον κινήσεως Kal τὸ 
σαῦλα βαίνειν, ὥς φησιν ᾿Ανακρέων, κομιδῇ ἑταιρικά. This is relevant in so 
far as it illustrates the display of ἁβρότης in movement. But Clement 
there has in view something much coarser than Euripides (e.g.) meant 
by ἁβρὸν Baivovea: this is shown by τὸ σαῦλα βαίνειν (‘a swaying gait’), 
as also by ἑταιρικά, and, indeed, by τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον, which might be 
rendered ‘voluptuousness.’ The idea which ἁβρὸν βαίνειν expresses, 
and the antithesis which it implies, might be illustrated by the words of 
Shakespeare’s Portia, when she is about to enact the part of a man, and 
says that she will ‘turn two mincing steps into a manly stride’ (AZerchant 
of Venice 111. 4. 67 :—which might be rendered in Greek, ἁβρὸν μὲν od 
Batvovoa, βῆμα δ᾽ ἄρσενος | τρόποις ἐπεκτείνουσα). Prof. J. B. Bury explains 
ἁβροβάταν as ‘a slippered eunuch.’ But, as I understand the word, it 
refers to a delicate gait, rather than to soft coverings for the feet (as 
though ἁβροβάτης meant ‘walking on aBpa’). It may be added that 
the phrase of the oracle given to Croesus (Her. 1. 55),—Avde rodaBpé,— 
though verbally similar, is not really relevant. The oracle,—very 
unjustly,—chose to assume that the Lydians were already what they 
became after their subjection, an effeminate race. The ‘Lydian with 
delicate feet’ is merely the ‘effeminate’ Lydian,—the epithet being 
ironically adapted to the counsel given,—viz., φεύγειν. It was only after 
his fall that Croesus advised Cyrus to enervate the Lydians by requiring 
them κιθῶνάς τε ὑποδύνειν τοῖς εἵμασι καὶ κοθόρνους ὑποδέεσθαι (Her. 
1. 1885): 

Some critics write “ABpoBdray, and take it as a proper name, like 
“Αβροκόμας in Her. vil. 224. This is surely improbable. 


460 - APPENDIX. 


III. 59 Ode III. 59 ἐς ‘YmepBopéovs.—Otto Crusius, in Roscher’s Lexikon 
der gr. und rim, Mythologie (pp. 2805—2835), exhaustively discusses 
the Hyperborean legends. He adopts and enforces the view of H. 1,. 
Ahrens as to the original meaning of the name. That view may be 
summed up as follows. (1) In the Apollo-cult of Delos, it was said 
that the Hyperboreans had sent two maidens with offerings of first-fruits 
to Delos. (2) These maidens were escorted by five men, πομποί, 
whom the Hyperboreans sent with them. The Delians called these 
men Περφερέες: high honours were paid to them. (See Her. iv. 32—35.) 
(3) Ὑπερβέρετος was the name of a month (=July) in the Cretan 
Calendar: and Ὑπερβερεταῖος (= September) in the Macedonian Calendar. 
In these months there were harvest-festivals of Apollo. (4) In some 
North-Greek dialects, as in those of Macedonia and of Delphi, ¢ became 
B. Thus ὑπερβέρετος leads back to ὑπερφερέτης ; and ὑπερβερεταῖος to 
ὑπερφερεταῖος. So ὑπέρφορος would in those dialects become ὑπέρβορος. 
Thus would come in a popular (or hieratic) derivation from βορέας, 
(5) The dringers of offerings over (land and sea) would originally have 
been a designation applicable to pious votaries of Apollo anywhere who 
sent offerings to his shrine. These votaries were transformed by the 
etymologizing legend into a people dwelling beyond the north wind,—a 
separate and blessed folk, devoted to the god’s worship. (6) This 
explains how it happens that eg, the Argive Perseus-saga places the 
‘Hyperboreans,’ not in the far JVorth, but in the far West, near the 
dwelling of the Gorgons, (See Crusius in Roscher, p. 2816, § 22.) 

Bacchylides, who was in touch with Delos (cp. Ode xv1) and its 
Apollo-cult, treats the land of the Ὑπερβόρεοι as a paradise to which 
Apollo can transport pious mortals; a place like the ᾿Ηλύσιον πεδίον or 
the μακάρων νῆσοι in the far West. Doubtless he, like Pindar, thought 
of the ‘Hyperboreans’ simply as ‘dwellers beyond the North Wind.’ 
But unconsciously he has introduced a touch which is in perfect 
harmony with the derivation from ὑπερφέρω, and with the view that the 
name originally denoted pious votaries of Apollo in whatever region 
they might dwell. It is very possible that here he may have been 
influenced by Delian traditions which he knew. The Hyperborean 
legend was a temple-myth, developed at the sanctuaries of Apollo, 
and doubtless first of all at Delphi, whence it passed to Delos, and to 
other Aegean seats of the cult. 


ODE III. 461 


CMe PETS RS ree padéar wor... Δ ἐς ‘ov 
73. +++ + νοφεφᾶμερονα[ 
1c ee ασκοπεισβραχ[ 


What was probably the general sense of the three mutilated verses, 
72—74? This question must be viewed in the light of the whole 
context. 

Verses 67—-71 are an epitome of Hieron’s glories, as victor in the 
games, warrior, just ruler, and votary of the Muses. In verses 73—74 
there was clearly some reference to the shortness of life: and that strain 
was continued in verses 75—-84. The general purport of the whole 
passage, from v.74 to 84, was to this effect :—‘ Life is short and un- 
certain ; a man must be prepared either to die to-morrow, or to live for 
many years: do your duty day by day, and be cheerful’ (83). What 
we do not know is the nature of the transition by which, in verses 
72—74, the poet passed from the theme of Hieron’s glories to reflections 
on the brevity and insecurity of human life. 

This ode was written after the Olympic festival of 468 B.c.; and 
Hieron died, in 467, of the disease from which he had long suffered. 
Pindar’s third Py/hian (written in or about 474 B.C.) shows that even 
then Hieron was a sufferer. The whole strain of Pindar’s ode is, indeed, 
strikingly similar to that of Bacchylides here: it dwells on the shortness 
of life; and consoles the invalid with the thought that the Muse can 
give lasting fame. Compare especially verses go f. here, ἀρετᾶς ye μὲν 
οὐ μινύθει | βροτῶν ἅμα σώματι φέγγος, with Pind. 2. ur. 114f. ἃ δ᾽ 
ἀρετὰ κλειναῖς ἀοιδαῖς | χρονία τελέθε. When Bacchylides wrote his 
verses, it was perhaps known to him that Hieron had not long to live. 

Two lines of restoration are possible, according to the view taken of 
MAAEAT in ν. 72. 


I. If ϑειμαλέᾳ (or ῥωμαλέᾳ) be assumed, the subst. agreeing with it 
must certainly have stood in the same verse ; and nothing seems possible 
except χειρί This suggests that the passage contained a contrast 
between Hieron’s former activity in war (cp. v. 34) and his present 
state. The word σκοπεῖς in 74 is clearly addressed to him: it could 
mean either ‘/ookest for’ solace from the Muses, or ‘contemplatest’ 
the approach of the end. Compare 1x. 13, where τεὰν aperdy, ad- 
dressed to the victor, rather abruptly follows the mention of him in v. 9. 
Similarly in xv. 6 Apollo is the subject of ἀγάλλεται, and then is 
suddenly apostrophised in v. ro. 


Ill. 72—74 


462 APPENDIX. 


Prof. Blass restores thus :— 


72 Os δειμαλέᾳ ποτὲ χειρὶ θύνων 
73 γαλανὸς ἐφάμερον ἁδονὰν φι- 


4 λάνορα σκοπεῖς. βραχύς ἐστιν αἰών, 


i.e. ‘who of yore didst rage with terrible hand, (but now) in tranquillity, 
lookest for some kindly enjoyment, sufficient unto the day’ (ze. for the 
pleasure afforded by the kindly Muses).—The following remarks suggest 
themselves. (1) épdpepov is here used as by Pindar in / vi. 39 ff, 
ὃ 8 ἀθανάτων μὴ θρασσέτω φθόνος | 6 τι τερπνὸν ἐφάμερον διώκων | Exados 
ἔπειμι γῆρας. That sense of ἐφάμερον is suitable to Pindar’s prayer for 
himself. It is also suitable to Hieron’s probable condition in 468 B.c. : 
but it may be doubted whether Bacchylides would have so openly 
referred to that condition. His allusions to Hieron’s illness are else- 
where veiled. βραχ- in v. 74, and ἐφαμερίων in 76, might incline us to 
surmise that ἐφάμερον in 73 meant ‘short-lived,’ rather than ‘sufficing 
for the day.’ (2) I greatly doubt whether there is room for the letters 
TAAAN before OC in 73. A careful measurement of the letters TEAAN 
(of γελανώσας) in Ode v. 80 will show that they exceed the space avail- 
able before OC here; @ fortiori, then, TAAAN is too large, for A in this 
Ms. is much broader than E. (3) ἁδονὰν φιλάνορα would more naturally 
mean ‘the pleasure of being hospitable’ (cp. 1. 40 ξείνων τε φιλάνορι 
τιμᾷ) than ‘the kindly pleasure’ given by the Muses. 
The following modifications of Prof. Blass’s reading have occurred 
to me as possible :— 
(1) ὃς δειμαλέᾳ ποτὲ χειρὶ θύνων 
γεραιὸς ἐφάμερον αὖτε τέρψιν 
ἅσυχα σκοπεῖς. βραχὺς ἄμμιν αἰών᾽ 
With regard to γεραιός, it may be remarked that the word connotes 
the veverence due to years; and also that in verses 88—g1 the poet 
clearly refers to Hieron’s physical decay. This conjecture implies, like 
that of Blass, that ἐφάμερον = ‘ sufficing for the day.’ 
(2) If, on the other hand, ἐφάμερον meant ‘short-lived,’ we might 
conjecture :— 
γεραιὸς ἐφάμερον ἀνδρὸς αἶσαν 
ἅσυχα σκοπεῖς. 


(For the sing. ἀνδρός cp. 88.) 


II. Let us now turn to the other line of restoration,—that which 
presupposes Μαλέᾳ. If that was the word, the reference was to the 


ODE Il: 463 


dangers of that stormy cape for sea-farers, owing to the conflict of 
currents and winds. Cp. Strabo (8. 378): the sea off Malea is dreaded 
by sailors, διὰ τὰς ἀντιπνοίας: ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ παροιμιάζονται, 

Μαλέας δὲ κάμψας ἐπιλάθου τῶν οἴκαδε. 

That proverb was doubtless made by Greeks living in the islands or 
on the coasts of the Aegean. If you have once got safely round Malea, 
be thankful, and do not tempt the gods by returning that way. (Cp. 
Curt. Pelop. τι. p. 298 and p. 330.) 

Od. 9. 80 (Odysseus speaks) :—dAAd pe κῦμα poos τε περιγνάμπτοντα 
Μάλειαν | cat Βορέης ἀπέωσε, παρέπλαγξέν τε Κυθήρων. Her. tv. 179 (Jason 
and the Argonauts) : καί μιν ὡς πλώοντα γενέσθαι κατὰ Μαλέην, ὑπολαβεῖν 
ἄνεμον Βορέην καὶ ἀποφέρειν πρὸς τὴν Λιβύην. Statius 7 εὖ. 2. 33: 
Qua formidatum Maleae spumantis in auras It caput. Virgil (Aen. 
γ. 191) and Ovid (Am. 11. 16. 24) also allude to Malea’s terrors. The 
name of Malea was thus proverbial, and might easily have furnished 
a poet with a simile. A simile from the perils of the sea is used by 
Bacchylides in Ode ΧΙ (124—132). 

There is something to be said, then, in favour of such a restoration 
as that which is given, exempii gratia, in my text. ‘But, as erenow at 
Malea, the god suddenly brings stress of storm on the children of a day. 
Thou lookest to the needs of the time: our life is short.’ The reference 
to Malea would be a veiled, not an open, allusion to Hieron’s state. It 
would be a general sentiment concerning unforeseen vicissitudes in 
human fortunes. The special application of it would be left to the 
hearer. This would be quite in the manner of Bacchylides (as of 
Pindar), when he glances at the element of adversity in Hieron’s 
otherwise brilliant lot (see e.g. Ode v. 50—55). 

In v. 74 a possible variant for καίρια σκοπεῖς: βραχὺς ἄμμιν αἰών’ 
would be :—aovya σκοπεῖς βραχὺ μέτρον aicas. No point after σκοπεῖς 
now appears in the MS.: it may, however, have been obliterated in the 
correction made after that word (see cr. n., p. 263); or it may have 
been omitted by error. 

It is not easy to choose between the two lines of restoration,—that 
which assumes δειμαλέᾳ and that which assumes Μαλέᾳ. If any one 
contends that the former is the more probable, I shall not gainsay him. 
My object has been to state the data of the problem as clearly as I 
could, and to indicate such tentative solutions as I have been able to 
find. 


464 APPENDIX. 


Ode IV. 7—13. In his third edition Blass prints this passage as 
follows :— 
vuvrvvuvr-gs 
e > ΄ 
v-—-vu-—vyl, ἃς ἀλέκτωρ 
υνυ - ἑκόντι νόωι 
Σ᾽ ΟΣ: vu] ὕμνους, 
ΕΣ IX. e 5 ’ 
νου €EK'AVEY, οἷς] toop- 
ροπον ἔχοντα Δίκ]ας τάλαντον 


, > , ev 
Δεινομένεος ἐγερα[ίρο]μεν vLoV. 


IV. 7—13 The supplements in verses 9, 11, 12, to the left of the bracket ], are 
his own; except that, in 11 f., where in his 2nd ed. he read dis ὀρθὸν 
ἀνέχοντα, he now receives Headlam’s ἰσόρροπον ἔχοντα. The letters 
ICOP.. and ACTAAAN in v. 11 and in ν. 12 are found on a small 
fragment (no. 19 Kenyon) which Blass refers to this place. He 
thinks that the same fragment shows the lower part of the first Y in 
ὕμνους (v. 10). This collocation of the fragment is possible, but it 
cannot be regarded as certain. Then in verse 8 Prof. Blass finds traces 
of an apostrophe in the ms. before AC (I fail to do so), and reads ds. 
He thinks that the sense of the whole passage was to the following effect. 
Verse 6 contained some reference to Arethusa ;—ds ἀλέκτωρ, “ whose 
husband (the Alpheus) with willing soul (ἑκόντι vow) was wont to hear 
the songs with which we honoured the son of Deinomenes, who holds 
the balance of Justice in even poise.” 

Now, I agree with Prof. Blass in thinking that the earlier part of 
this passage referred to Hieron’s two victories at Olympia. It seems 
improbable, however, that the ἀλέκτωρ was the Alpheus. I should 
rather surmise that he was the ἐρίγδουπος πόσις Ἥρας. Such a designa- 
tion would be the more appropriate, since at Olympia the temple of 
Hera was next in importance to the temple of Zeus. 

In verse 13 Prof. Blass now deletes the κ᾿ which the ms. exhibits 
after Δεινομένεος. In his first edition he retained it, explaining it as 
iterative (p. 41 ‘x vrepetitionis est’); te, he took x ἐγεραίρομεν as 
meaning, ‘we used to honour.’ But in his second edition (p. 44) he 
writes: ‘Von est tustum x: sed st omnino est, putandum ex alia littera 
(€?) corrigendo factum.’ By the words, ‘non est iustum x,’ Prof. Blass 
means that it differs from the regular form of « in this papyrus. That is 
true. The x is somewhat narrower, more compressed, than usual; as if 
at this point the scribe was doubting whether he would have space 
enough in the column for the words ἐγεραίρομεν υἱόν which he had still 
to write. There are, however, many similar instances in the ms. of a 


ODES IV, V. 465 


slight difference between the forms of the same letter in different places. 
And on the other hand the «’ here is perfectly distinct. I cannot 
perceive any ground for the suggestion that it has been made by 
correction out of some other letter. To delete it seems a wholly 
unwarrantable proceeding. 

It remains to speak of verse 14. In his first edition (1898) Prof. 
Blass wrote Tatas μυχοῖς, meaning Delphi, the seat of τὴν πρωτόμαντιν 
Ταῖαν (Aesch. Zum. 2). In his second edition he gives Κίρρας μυχοῖς. 
My own conjecture, Kptoas μυχοῖς, was made independently (in 1898), 
and before the appearance of his second edition. Cirrha was the 
ancient port of Crisa: if ἀγχιάλοισι better suits Cirrha, μυχοῖς is more 
suggestive of Crisa: cp. Pind. P. vi. 18 Κρισαίαις ἐνὶ πτυχαῖς. Wilamo- 
witz proposed Kovpas puxois,—i.e. Syracuse, as the city of Persephone. 
But here we clearly need a mention of Delphi, to balance that of 
Olympia (ὀλυμπιονίκας) in v. 17. An indication of the Pythian victories 
merely by the word τάδε would be too obscure. 


Ode V. 2 otparayé—See Freeman, Sicily, vol. 11. Appendix 111. V. 2 
Pp- 499 —502, on ‘Gel6n as General and King’: also pp. 135—-137: and 
as to the title of βασιλεύς given to Hieron by Pindar, pp. 540—542. 
In Class. Rev. xi. p. 98 (March, 1899) Prof. J. B. Bury holds that 
στραταγέ is ‘a definite reference to the formal title orpatayds* avro- 
Kpatwp.’ 

It is well to keep the following points clearly in view. 

1. Gelon reigned at Gela from 491 to 485 Bc. In 485 the 
Gamoroi (oligarchic land-owners), who had been driven out of Syracuse 
by the democrats, and had established themselves at Casmenae, asked 
help from Gelon, who undertook to restore them. ‘When he drew 
near to the city, the new democracy at once submitted, and Gel6én 
became lord of Syracuse’ (Freeman, .522. 11. 127). He reigned at 
Syracuse from 485 to his death in 478. 

2. That Gelon at some time held the office of στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ 
is a belief which rests on the following authorities. (i) Diodorus 
XIII. 94 says that, in 405 B.c., the elder Dionysius was made στρατηγὸς 
αὐτοκράτωρ against the Carthaginians. One motive for this measure 
was that in 480 the Carthaginians had been defeated at Himera, στρατη- 
γοῦντος Τέλωνος αὐτοκράτορος. (ii) Polyaenus I. 27 §1 says that, for 
the war against the Carthaginians in 480, Gelon was elected ‘general 
with full powers’ (στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ χειροτονηθείς). He ‘rendered 
his account’ of that office to the people (εὐθύνας δοὺς τῆς αὐτοκράτορος 


J. B. 21 


466 A PPENDIX. : 


ἀρχῆς), and, having thus laid it down, appeared unarmed before the 
armed people in the agora. They re-elected him general; and ‘so’ he 
became τύραννος. (οὕτω δὴ παρακληθεὶς δεύτερον στρατηγῆσαι τύραννος 
ἐγένετο Svpaxovoiwv.) This, as Freeman observes, is ‘evidently the same 
scene as that which Diodorus (x1. 26) describes on Gelon’s return from 
Himera, which ends with the people saluting Gelon as ing.’ Polyaenus 
has misconceived the circumstances, but must have had some definite 
authority for the title στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ. (iil) The Schol. on 
Pind. Ο. τι. 29 cites Timaeus of Tauromenium (d. εἴγε. 256,B.C.?), who 
wrote a history of Sicily (Σικελικα)ὴ down to 264 B.c.: τοῦ δὲ TéAwvos 
τελευτᾶν τὸν βίον μέλλοντος, ἸΠΤολύζηλος ἀδελφὸς τὴν στρατηγίαν Kal THY 
γαμετὴν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ διαδέχεται. (Frag. go, Miiller, Frag. Hist. L. 
p. 214.) ' 

3. It is probable, though it cannot be proved, that Gelon was 
made στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ, not for the first time in 480, with a view to 
a war against the Carthaginians, but in 485, when he became master of 
Syracuse. It may have been the official title under which his virtual 
kingship was veiled. (See Freeman, Svc. 11. p. 137.) 

4. After his great victory at Himera in 480, Gelon was saluted by 
the Syracusans as ‘benefactor, saviour, and king’ (βασιλέα: Diod. 
ΧΙ. 26). Freeman doubts whether Gelon was ever ‘clothed with any 
formal kingship’ (.Szc. 1. p. 203). Diodorus, however, in ΧΙ. 38 styles 
him ὁ βασιλεὺς TeAwv. In Her. vu. 61 the Athenian envoy addresses 
him as ὦ βασιλεῦ Συρηκοσίων. (Freeman regards this address as ‘more 
or less sarcastic’; which seems to me improbable: though it may 
readily be granted that no stress can safely be laid on the use of the 
word βασιλεῦ there.) 

5. In regard to Hieron, there is no direct evidence that he was 
ever styled στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ. The interpretation of στραταγέ in 
that sense here rests entirely on the hypothesis that the title was 
transmitted from Gelon to Hieron; as Timaeus states that it passed 
from Gelon to Polyzelus. Prof. Bury ingeniously observes that Pindar 
in P. u, 58 ‘addresses Hieron as πρύτανι κύριε... στρατοῦ, an accurate 
paraphrase of στραταγὲ avroxpdtwp.’ It is well, however, to consider 
the whole of Pindar’s phrase :--πρύτανι κύριε πολλᾶν μὲν εὐστεφάνων 
ἀγυιᾶν καὶ στρατοῦ, ‘sovereign prince of many streets encircled with 
goodly walls, and of a great host.’ στρατοῦ is used as in verse 87 of the 
same ode,—é λάβρος στρατός, = δᾶμος : cp. Aesch. Zum. 566. Hieron, 
in this passage of Pindar, is not specially the ‘ general with full powers,’ 
but the lord of a strong and fair city, of Syracuse and its people. 

6. On the whole, I should be disposed to think that στραταγέ is 


ODE V. 467 


merely a general designation, ‘ war-lord,’ and does not refer to a special 
office. But I do not regard the latter view as inadmissible. My object 
has been to define the amount and the limits of the evidence for that 
view. 
7. 1 would only add that the fact of Pindar styling Hieron 
βασιλεύς, in Odes designed for performance at Syracuse (0. 1. 23, 
f. πὶ. 70), proves much more than the poet’s belief that the title was 
one which Hieron would like. It shows that Hieron felt no danger in 
being publicly so styled. That being so, the motive for vec/ing royal 
power under the title of στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ cannot, in Hieron’s case, 
have been very strong, whatever it may have been in Gelon’s earlier 
years of rule at Syracuse. Whether Hieron ever formally became 
βασιλεύς, we cannot say. But, if he was styled στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ, 
it would not follow that he was not also styled βασιλεύς. The former 
title came down from Gelon: if the latter was also taken by Gelon, or 
by Hieron, the military title might well remain associated with it. 


Ode V. 11 f. νάσου ξένος ὑμετέραν πέμ.- 
qe. κλεεννὰν és πόλιν 


=26f. δυσπαίπαλα κύματα νωμᾶ- 
ται δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρύτῳ χάει. 

Verses 11 and 26 are longer by a syllable than the Corresponding: ¥. 1 8: 
verses in the other strophes. It is easy to correct verse 26 by reading οἱ - 
νωμᾷ instead of νωμᾶται. (The first hand had originally written NOMAT, 
though the I has been deleted.) And νωμᾷ would be intrinsically 
preferable to νωμᾶται. But verse 11 resists emendation. The following 
conjectures may be mentioned. (1) R. J. Walker, πλεῖ for πέμπει. 
(2) A. Platt, πλέων for πέμπει (deleting, in 14, δὲ after ἐθέλει). H. 


Richards, πέμπει és θείαν πόλιν. The easiest correction would be πέμψε 
κλεινὰν és πόλιν, but πέμπει is clearly right. ὔμμι προπέμπει would 
depart too far from the ms. The conclusion must be, I think, that 
verse 11 is sound. If a corruption exists there, it is deeper than can 
now be'traced. But if v. 11 is sound, verse 26 is so also. 
The same phenomenon recurs in verse 14, =v. 29: 
12 χρυσάμπυκος Οὐρανίας κλει- 
γὸς θεράπων" ἐθέλει δέ 
28 λεπτότριχα σὺν ἵεφύρου πνοι- 
αἴσιν ἔθειραν ἀρίγνω- 
30 τος μετ᾽ ἀνθρώποις ἰδεῖν. 


31---2 


468 APPENDIX. 


Now in v. 30 per is certainly awkward (though, as I have tried to 
show in the commentary, quite intelligible); Weil suggested μέγ᾽, or 
(keeping per’) οἰωνοῖς instead of ἀνθρώποις. R. J. Walker would delete 
per (a remedy which Blass approves, p. x1, and p. 49, 3rd ed.). This 
would doubtless be preferable to altering apiyvwros into apryvus (Pind. 
JV. v. 12). But here, just as in the former case, it is the verse in the 
strophe which resists emendation. ‘There is only one way of shortening 
verse 14, viz., by deleting δέ after ἐθέλει. But an asyndeton there 
would be intolerable. If δέ is to be removed, a participle must (as 
Platt saw) replace πέμπει in 11f.; but this, again, is an improbable 
change. 

Thus the first strophe and antistrophe present two instances (v. 
11= 26, and v. 14=29) in which the metre varies from that of the 
subsequent strophes and antistrophes. In neither case does it seem 
possible to find any really probable emendation. And it would be a 
very singular coincidence if corruption of the text had produced 
precisely this peculiarity in two passages of the first strophe and 
antistrophe, but nowhere else in the other 170 verses of the ode. 
Again, it is evident that the anomalies cannot be explained by supposing 
that, in all the pairs of strophes after the first, the final long syllable of 
the verses corresponding with 11 and 14 was protracted, so that e.g. in 
V. 51 μοῖράν τε καλῶν ἔπορεν the last syllable was equivalent in time to 
—w- Iincline, then, to believe that in v. 11 (= 26) and 14 (=29) the 
text is sound ; and that for some reason or other the poet varied from 
this model in the corresponding verses of the later strophes. It seems 
possible that the slight variation was due to mere inadvertence. 


Ode V. 56—175. THE MELEAGER-MYTH. 


v.56—175 The mythical genealogy, so far as it appears in Bacchylides, is as 


follows :— 
Thestius of Pleuron, 
Porthaon (v. 70) king of the Curetes 
| 
Oeneus of Calydon, king | Ι. =A) 
of the Aetolians, + Althaea Althaea Iphiclus Aphares 
| (v. 128) (v. 110) 
| 
Meleager Agelaus Deianeira 


(v. 117) 
After the narrative in the Homeric Πρεσβεία (71. 9. 529—599), that 
of Bacchylides is the oldest complete recital of the story which we 
possess. Certain points are deserving of notice. 


ODE V. 469 


The Homeric version is in outline as follows. Oeneus, king of 
Calydon, had angered Artemis by withholding the harvest first-fruits 
(θαλύσια) due to her; and she sent the wild boar to ravage his land. 
His Aetolian subjects were aided by their neighbours, the Curetes, in 
the boar-hunt. Meleager slew the boar. Then the Aetolians fell to 
fighting with the Curetes for the boar’s head and hide. In the fight, 
Meleager slew some of Althaea’s brethren, his uncles. Thereupon his 
mother cursed him (567 πόλλ᾽ ἀχέουσ᾽ ἠρᾶτο κασιγνήτοιο φόνοιο), calling 
on Hades and Persephone to avenge her brothers.. Meleager, in wrath 
at her curse, withdrew to his house. Meanwhile the Curetes were at 
the gates of Calydon, pressing the town hard. The Aetolian elders 
sent priests to Meleager, beseeching him to come forth and help them; 
his father Oeneus, his sisters, even Althaea herself, implored his aid ; 
but in vain. The Curetes were already climbing the walls and firing 
the city, when Cleopatra, Meleager’s wife, prevailed with him. He 
donned his armour, and repelled the foe. But, so tardy had he been, 
he won no thanks. That is the point which Phoenix, in telling the 
story, wishes to urge :—If Achilles delays too long, then, even if at last 
he saves the Greeks, the service will have no grace. The Homeric poet 
was not concerned to tell Zow Meleager eventually died. He merely 
says that Althaea’s curse was heard by ‘the Erinys who walks in 
darkness’ (571). And there is no allusion to the story of Althaea’s 
brand. 

But we know from Pausanias (10. 31 ὃ 3) that, in two other epics, 
the Muvds and the Ἦοϊαι, Meleager was slain by Apollo, ‘The Homeric 
poet was probably conscious of that version, Ernst Kuhnert, in his 
excellent article ‘ Meleagros’ in Roscher’s Lexikon, supposes, indeed, that . 
the Homeric poet conceived Meleager as slain by the arrow of Apollo 
just when he had repelled the Curetes (597),—so that ‘he bought the 
victory of the Aetolians by his death’ (p. 2592), That, however, would 
destroy the force of τῷ δ᾽ οὐκέτι δῶρα τέλεσσαν (598). The point is that 
he had to yield at last, and then missed the reward which a timely 
compliance would have won. But if he died before the reward could 
in any case have been given, the moral which Phoenix wishes to draw 
is lost. The poet of the Πρεσβεία must have imagined his death as 
occurring later. 

The version of Meleager’s death which made him fall by the shaft 
of Apollo was evidently well-suited to any epic poem which aimed at 
exalting the Aetolian hero. That was a glorious end for him. To 
perish with the wasting of Althaea’s brand was a tragic, but not a 


470 APPENDIX. 


glorious, death. Such a doom was fitted, by its pathos, for lyric 
treatment ; while, as illustrating the power of destiny, it was a suitable 
motive for drama. And it is in Attic drama that the earliest extant 
notice of Althaea’s brand is found. The verses of Phrynichus have 
been quoted in the commentary (on φιτρόν in v. 142): they occurred in 
his Πλευρώνιαι, Pausanias (10. 31 § 4) prefaces his citation of the 
verses with these words :—rotrov τὸν λόγον (the story of the brand) 
Φρύνιχος ὃ ἸΠολυφραδμονος πρῶτος ἐν δράματι ἔδειξε Πλευρωνίαις. And 
he adds this comment :---οὐ μὴν φαίνεταί γε ὃ Φρύνιχος προαγαγὼν τὸν 
λόγον ἐς πλέον, ὡς εὕρημα av τις οἰκεῖον, προσαψάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ μόνον, ἅτε 
ἐς ἅπαν ἤδη διαβεβοημένου τὸ Βλληνικόν. ‘It does not appear, however, 
that Phrynichus developed the story at greater length, as a man would 
naturally do if the invention was his own; he has merely touched upon it, 
as if it were already notorious throughout Hellas.’ So, according to 
Pausanias, the reference to Althaea’s brand in the lyric passage of the 
Pleuroniae was merely a passing allusion,—just like that of Aeschylus to 
the same story in the lyrics of the Choephori (604 ff.). Kekulé, indeed 
(Fabula Meleagrea, p. 13, 1862), holds that the word ἔδειξε, used by 
Pausanias in reference to Phrynichus, implies that the story of the brand 
was a principal incident of the play. But I do not see how that view 
can be reconciled with the comment just quoted. 

What was the subject of the Pleuroniae? It has been conjectured 
that the play dealt with the Calydonian boar-hunt; that the scene was 
laid at Calydon ; and that the chorus was composed of handmaids whom 
Althaea had brought from her paternal home at Pleuron. Carl Robert}, 
however, has lately re-affirmed the view of Welcker’, that the scene of 
the play was laid at Pleuron, and that its theme was the siege of that 
town by the Aetolians. 

Bacchylides relates how the Aetolians, among whom Meleager was 
foremost, drove the Curetes in flight to Pleuron. It was under the walls 
of Pleuron that Meleager expired (ιν. 149—154). The rout of the Curetes 
was followed by the siege of their city. In the Péeuroniae of Phrynichus, 
Carl Robert suggests, the persons may have been Thestius, one or two 
of his sons, and two messengers, who narrated the boar-hunt, the fight 
for the trophies, the slaying of the Thestiadae by Meleager, and Althaea’s 
vengeance on her son. At any rate, Robert thinks it certain that the 
outline of the story, so far as Bacchylides gives it, follows substantially the 
same version which was used by Phrynichus in the Pleurontae. That 


1 Hermes, vol. XXXIII. (1898), pp. 151 ff. 
2 Die griech. Tragidien, 1. 21 ff. 


ODE V. 471 


seems probable enough: though, in the absence of more data, it seems 
difficult to speak with any confidence on the subject. One remark, 
however, at once suggests itself. Pausanias says that the lyric reference 
in the Pleuroniae to Althaea’s brand was merely a passing allusion. 
And he may be right, even though, in his day, that play was known 
only through fragments or notices. But, if he is right, then the death 
of Meleager through the burning of the brand cannot have been narrated 
in a messenger’s speech. In any case, it is clear that the story of 
Althaea’s brand is older than Phrynichus,—z.e. goes back to at least the 
sixth century B.c. The common source of Phrynichus and Bacchylides 
may have been some epic poem of which no trace remains. 

With regard to the significance of the brand, Kuhnert has collected 
(Rhein. Mus. 49. pp. 40 ff.) a number of illustrations and analogies. The 
essential idea,—that of a link between the /igh¢ of /ife within the man, and 
some external light on whose existence the other depends,—is frequent 
in mythology. A writer on modern Greece notices a belief existing 
among the peasants of Zacynthus, that in the other world there are 
countless little lights or tapers, each of which controls a human life ; 
when the taper goes out, the life is quenched (Β, Schmidt, Volksleben d. 
Neugr. p. 246). The legend that Meleager perished by the wasting of 
the brand may, indeed, be regarded as the element which connects the 
Meleager-myth with Aetolian folk-lore. 

One thing must be added. The //iad knows Althaea’s curse only, 
not her brand. The curse is, in fact, a delegation of vengeance to the 
divine powers invoked. The burning of the brand is a mode of 
vengeance which the mortal could wreak without aid. But the curse 
and the brand cannot properly be regarded as alternatives, characteristic 
respectively of two versions in which the story was current. For the 
burning of the brand might naturally be conceived as preceded or 
accompanied by some form of imprecation. The chanting of a spell 
is a normal adjunct of evil magic. Bacchylides says, 


καῖέ τε δαιδαλέας 
> , FELD 
ἐκ λάρνακος ὠκύμορον 


‘ > 4 
φιτρὸν ἀγκλαύσασα. 


If ἀγκλαύσασα be the right reading (see n. on v. 140 ff.), this con- 
sideration may help to explain it. In her passionate anguish for the 
deaths of her brothers, she invoked a curse on her son. So the 
Antigone of Sophocles (vv. 427 ff.), when she saw the corpse of her 
brother denuded of the dust which she had sprinkled on it, γόοισιν 


ἐξῴμωξεν, ἐκ δ᾽ ἀρὰς κακὰς ἠρᾶτο x.T.d. 


472 APPENDIX. 


Bacchylides, like the Homeric poet, is silent concerning Atalanta. 
It is certain that Atalanta had a place in old forms of the Meleager- 
myth. Her absence from the //ad (which merely refers generally to 
hunters ‘from many cities,’ 9. 544) is certainly not significant in a 
contrary sense. She appears on some black-figured vases in the 
Calydonian hunt: where, however, she is not especially associated 
with Meleager, but with another hero, Melanion. Euripides, in his 
Meleager, was the first who made Meleager the lover of Atalanta. 
That love was the leading motive of the play. He gave her the 
trophies of the boar. His uncles, the Thestiadae, took them away 
from her; and he then slew them. The siege of Pleuron did not come 
in. (Cp. Ovid, Mez. vin. 428—461.) 

The scholiast on /éad 21. 194 quotes Pindar for a ἱστορία to 
the following effect. Heracles, when he visited Hades to bring up 
Cerberus, was besought by the shade of Meleager to wed Deianeira. 
Heracles afterwards obtained the consent of her father Oeneus, and 
delivered his bride from the pursuit of Achelous. In the version given 
by Bacchylides, Heracles first expresses the wish to marry a sister of 
Meleager : it is only then that the latter mentions Deianeira. At first 
sight a modern reader might be disposed to think that, in telling the 
story thus, Bacchylides has the advantage of Pindar. Surely it is fitting 
that Heracles should make the proposal, rather than that it should 
proceed from Meleager? But further consideration will show that the 
version followed by Pindar is in a truer and finer harmony with the 
spirit of the myth. The significance of the scene in Hades depends on 
the antithesis of the two great heroes,—the living and the departed. 
There is no longer a Meleager on the earth; but a Heracles has 
succeeded to his renown. Deianeira is beset by a suitor whom she 
abhors. Meleager, in the shades, asks protection for his helpless sister 
from the only living champion who can worthily fill her brother’s place. 
In this conception there is a higher poetry, a deeper pathos, than in 
that which Bacchylides adopts. The Heracles of his ode seeks 
Deianeira’s hand partly through admiration for Meleager, partly through 
pity for him. There is, however, no ground for assuming that Bacchylides 
was the first to tell the story in this way. And, given this form of the 
story, his manner of telling it has a great charm of its own. It is also 
impressive that the fateful marriage should spring from an impulse 
originating in the mind of Heracles himself. 

There are some traces of Bacchylides in the later literature of the 
myth. Apollodorus 1. 8. 2. §2 follows him in the description of the 
boar (cp. verses 107—110). As the sisters of Meleager, who bewailed 


ODE V. 473 


him, were changed into pedeaypides (guinea-fowls), compilers of meta- 
morphoses treated his story. Nicander told it in the third book of his 
‘Erepovovpeva. That source was one of those used by Antoninus 
Liberalis (¢. A.D. 150) in his μεταμορφώσεων συναγωγή, c. 2; but he drew 
also on Homer, Bacchylides, and Euripides (see Carl Robert, Zc. p. 


158). 


Ode V. 106 f. καλλίχορον Καλυδῶνα. 


evpvxopos is sometimes so used in poetry as to confirm the view of V. 106f. 

Aristarchus that the old poets made it serve, metro cogente, for εὐρύχωρος : 
the strongest instance is //. 9. 478 dv “EAAados εὐρυχόροιο. Cp. Pind. P. 
vill. 55 and Eur. Bacch. 77 εὐρυχόρους ἀγυιάς. This was an illegitimate 
use: χορός is ‘an enclosed place’ (akin to χόρτος, ‘courtyard,’ and 
hortus, but unconnected with χῶρος). But is there any good reason for 
supposing that καλλίχορος was ever used in the sense of καλλίχωρος Ὁ 
This verse is more favourable to such a supposition than perhaps any 
other extant passage; yet even here it is quite unnecessary to assume 
that sense. 


Ode V. 172 ἢ. χλωραύχενα... Δαϊάνειραν. 


The sense of xAwpos, as a word of colour, is that which it derives v. 172¢, 
from χλόη, young vegetation. It means properly pale green. Then it 
is applied to verdure or foliage generally (χλωρὰν av’ ὕλην, Eur. Hipp. 17), 
But pale green may have a yellowish tinge; and xAwpos came to be 
used (in poetry at least) to mean simply ‘yellow’: χλωρὰν ψάμαθον in 
Soph, Az. 1064 is the clearest instance: χλωρὸν μέλι (14. 11. 631) is 
probably another, though ‘fresh’ is a possible sense there. As an 
epithet of the human complexion, the word means ‘pale,’ especially 
with the greenish tint of sickness or fear: χλωρὸς ὑπαὶ δείους (71. το. 376). 
Evidently, then, χλωραύχην, as an epithet of Deianeira, cannot mean 
‘with fair neck.’ 

Nor can χλωραύχην, as an epithet of the nightingale (Simonides, 
fr. 73), refer to colour: that bird’s neck is not pale green or yellow. 
The phrase yAwpyis ἀηδών in the Odyssey (19. 518) has, indeed, been 
understood by Buchholz (Hom. Real. τ. 2. 123) as denoting plumage of 
that tint ; then, however, he is obliged to suppose that ἀηδών is not the 
nightingale,—whose hue is a rcddish-brown,—but a bird of some other 
species,—perhaps the serin finch, akin to the canary. A more refined 
and poetical interpretation of χλωρηΐς is that propounded by Mr W. 
Warde Fowler, writing in the Classical Review (vol. Iv. p. 50) on Verg. 


VI. 3f. 


474 APPENDIX. 


Geo. 1v. 511 f.; viz., that it means ‘green-tinted,’ by the shadows of the 
thick foliage falling on the bird. Mr Marindin again (C/Zass. Rev. vol. τν. 
p- 231) takes yAwpyis as =‘ fresh, living, gushing’: ‘liquid’ nightingale 
in the sense of ‘liquid-voiced.’ Yet I cannot help thinking that 
there is more probability in the simple explanation of xAwpyis given by 
the scholiast,—y ἐν xAwpots φαινομένη (or διατρίβουσα), ‘haunting the 
green covert. The bird is described just afterwards as 


, > ΄ ᾿ὕ a 
δενδρέων εν πετάλοισι καθιζομένη πυκινοισίιν. 


The interpretation of χλωραύχην must be sought through the other 
sense which χλωρός takes from xAon,—that of ‘fresh,’ without any direct 
reference to colour. That sense appears in such phrases as xAwpais 
ἐέρσαις (Pind. JV. vill. 40), xAwpov...daxpy (Eur. Wed. 906, ‘the welling 
tear’): sometimes connoting vigour, as in Theocr. 14. 70, ἃς γόνυ 
χλωρόν, ‘while the knee is nimble’ (dum. .virent genua, Hor. Ep. 13. 4). 
When Simonides spoke of the vernal nightingale as χλωραύχην, he 
meant, I think, ‘ with fresh throat’; ze. with a throat of fresh, youthful, 
elastic vigour. Thus the sense which I attach to χλωρός in the com- 
pound is less special and definite than that which Mr Marindin gives to 
it, when he suggests, as one rendering of χλωραύχην, ‘with supple or 
Stexible neck’ (Class. Rev. XU. 37): but it is equally expressive of that 
quality which the Homeric poet describes ;—Oapa τρωπῶσα χέει πολνυηχέα 
φωνήν, ‘with many a trill she pours her full-toned song’ (Od. το. 521). 
An alternative version, which Mr Marindin proposes, is, ‘with “guid 
throat’; but this gives to the throat an epithet which belongs rather to 
the voice. The idea of χλωραύχην, as I conceive it, is contained in the 
phrase of Keats, when he speaks of the nightingale as singing ‘in full- 
throated ease.’ It is in favour of this explanation that, if it be right, 
the primary sense of xAwpavyny, as applied to the nightingale by 
Simonides, is the same which it bears when applied to Deianeira by 
Bacchylides. In both cases it means ‘with fresh young throat (or 
neck)’; the reference, in the case of the bird, being to the fresh life 
with which the throat pours forth song; and, in the case of the maiden, 
to the fresh bloom of youth on the neck. 


Ode VI. 3f.—Blass supplies the syllables ὦ -- -- , lost after MPOXOAIC, 
by reading προχοαῖσ{ι νικῶν], with a full stop. He then takes δ ὅσσα in 
v. 4 as exclamatory: ‘For how many victories’ has the praise of Ceos 
been sung! That seems too jerky for our poet’s style; his sentences are 
wont to flow on smoothly. I cannot doubt that ὅσσα is here the 
relative. Dr Kenyon writes προχοαῖσ[ι σεμναῖς), and takes ὅσσα as 


ODES V, VI, VII, VII. 475 


referring to Lachon’s feats: ze, ‘L. has won glory, on account of all 
which deeds (of his) young men lately sang his praises at Olympia.’ 
But πάροιθεν, followed by ποτέ, could scarcely denote so recent a 
moment. ὅσσα must (I think) refer to the whole series of victories 
gained by Ceans. 


Ode VII. 14. Verse 14 (which was the eleventh verse of the lost VII. 14 
13th column) ended with the letters ovw. After that verse, from 21 to 
24 verses were needed to complete column 13. Two fragments, 
a (= Kenyon’s frag. 7, pp. 199f. of his ed.), and ὁ (= Kenyon’s frag. 12, 
p- 202), are placed by Blass after v. 14. The appearance of the 
papyrus makes it probable that these two fragments belonged to 
column 13. They supply minute fragments of 14 verses. (See above, 
p- 298.) Blass edits them, with a few small supplements, thus (3rd ed., 
p. 69):— 

(a) φιλάγλ]αε(Ῥ) Χαιρόλαν 
—plevov εὐσεβ[ 
τωι θαν[άτω]ι df 
7: πατρίδος -ἰ 
(5) Ἰνεοκρίτουϊ 


Ἰάτεκνον[ 
* * * * 


(ὁ) joy αγων! 
ταν λιπαίραν 
Ἰναισεπαί 
παῖδας Ἑλλάνων ? 
(5) πο]λυαμπελίο. 
Jarov ὕμν[ον 
Z\nvos? ἐν κἰ 
ἽἼπερ ἀνιπίπος Ὁ 
Ἢ κ % % 

The Χαιρόλας of the first verse was (Blass conjectures) some kinsman 
of Lachon, after whose death (v. 2) Lachon has brought fresh honour to 
the family. At any rate πολυάμπελο- (ὁ 5) was the epithet of Ceos: 
cp. Vl. 5. 


Ode VIII. 99—102.—Given aivéor in v. 102, two views of the context VIII. 99— 
are possible. (1) A point may be placed after -evvras in v. 99, so that se: 
a new clause shall begin with χρυσεοσκάπτρου. That seems the more 
probable construction. (2) Or a point may be placed after Διός in 
γ. 100, when the word ending in evyvras must be construed with Διός. 


IX. 9—14 


476 APPENDIX. 


Thus Blass writes, ar εὖντας | χρυσεοσκάπτρου Διός. | ᾧ τι καλὸν 
φέ]ρεται, | τοῦτ᾽] αἰνέοι. 

Seeing that ἁμαρτέοιτε follows (103 f.), the most natural reading 
in v. 102 would be viv ὦ νέοι. (Cp. ΧΙ. 190 νίκαν... μέλπετ᾽, ὦ νέοι: 
and Pind. /. vil. 2 ὦ νέοι, addressed to the youths of the comus.) But 
the traces in the Ms. seem to prove that the letters NEOI were preceded 
either by Al or by N. Τί is possible, indeed, that the poet wrote viv ὦ 
νέοι, and that ὦ afterwards dropped out, leaving NYNNEOI. If that 
could be assumed, it would follow that there was a stop after φέρεται, 
Verses 99—101 might then have run somewhat as follows: φιλεῦντας 
| χρυσεοσκάπτρου Διὸς | εἴ τι καλὸν φέρεται (‘ welcoming, cherishing, any 
good gift that is borne to them from Zeus’). 


Ode IX. 9—r14. 


Q α..αἷι καὶ νῦν κασιγνήτας ἀκοίτας 
Io νασιῶτιν ἐκίνησεν λιγύφθογγον μέλισσαν 
II .«εἰρες ἵν᾽ ἀθάνατον Μουσᾶν ἄγαλμα 
12 ξυνὸν ἀνθρώποισιν εἴη 
13 χάρμα, τεὰν ἀρετὰν 
14 μανῦον ἐπιχθονίοισιν etc. 

From τεὰν in v. 13 it is certain that a mention of the victor’s name 
had preceded. That mention must have occurred either in v. 9 or 
in v. το. 

(1) If it occurred in v. 9, ᾿Αγλαῷ (Blass) seems to be the only 
name which agrees with all the traces in the Ms. ᾿Αγλαός occurs as 
a mythological name (a son of Thyestes, schol. Eur. Or. 5, 812: a son 
of Hermione, schol. Eur. Andr. 32), though not otherwise. There are, 
of course, several other names, beginning with A, which would scan 
here; as Αἰσίῳ, ᾿Ακτίῳ, ᾿Αλκίᾳ, ᾿Αντίᾳ, ᾿Αρχίᾳ, Αὐγέᾳ, all of which occur 
as Athenian proper names ; but none of them satisfy the indications of a 
perispomenon vowel (ὦ or ἃ) before the final 1, and of A (or A, or A) as 
the letter before it. If the name stood here, I think that ᾿Αγλαῷ is most 
probable. 

Assuming ᾿Αγλαῷ in 9, we must infer that the letters -epes in 11 
belonged to an epithet of ἄγαλμα. The first letter of the verse is quite 
uncertain, but the slight trace would suit A, A,or A. The second letter 
was (as Kenyon thinks) X or A; and so Blass (who had thought of K) 
now holds: all that remains is a trace (little more than a dot) of the top. 
The space between epes and the beginning of the verse is about the 
same as that which is usually filled by the letters AX (eg. in ᾿Αχαιών, 


ODES VIII, IX. 477 


xX. 126). But there would be room for three letters, if two of them 
were thin. 

Blass’s ἀχειρὲς therefore suits the data in the ms. The word occurs 
only in Batrachomyomachia 300 as an epithet of crabs (axeupées): here 
Blass takes it as = ἀχειροποίητον. 

(2) The other possibility is that the proper name stood in v. 11, 
τειρες being the end of a vocative. Ewyewpes is Jurenka’s conjecture ; and 
I can find nothing better. Evxe and Evyxewpos occur as names; 
Εὐχείρης does not: in view of ἀχειρής, however, that may be waived. 
A stronger objection is that the trace of the first letter in the Ms. does 
not suit E. If the name stood in v. 11, then the word or words before 
καὶ νῦν in v. g must have marked the transition from the poem 
concerning Φήμα to the immediate theme. 


Ode IX. 19—26. 


19 ἐν Ποσειδᾶνος περικλειτοῖς ἀέθλοις 

20 εὐθὺ ἔνδειξ]ας Ἕλλασιν ποδῶν ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν 
21 δεύτερον δ᾽ οὔ]ροισιν ἔπι σταδίου, 

22 θερμ[ὰν ἔτι] πνέων ἄελλαν, 

23 éoral. βρέχω]ν δ᾽ ἀξ᾽ αὖτε θατήρων ἐλαίῳ 
24 φάρεϊ᾽ ἐς εὔθροο]ν ἐμπίτνων ὅμιλον, 

25 τετρ[αέλικτον ἐπεὶ 

26 κάμψεν δρόμον. ᾿Ισθμιονίκαν εἰς. 


With regard to this passage, the following points seem fairly certain. Ix. 19—26 

(1) A sentence begins with v. το. (2) A sentence ends with δρόμον in 
26. Verses 25 and 26 complete the description of the athlete’s running; 
they stand in close connexion with vv. 23 and 24. (3) In 21 οὔροισιν.. 
σταδίου denotes the end of the course from which the runners started. 
(4) In v. 24 ὅμιλον is the crowd of spectators, and not (as Blass takes it) 
the throng of competitors. ἐμπίτνων expresses how the victor rushed into 
the crowd of spectators who pressed around the goal, as he completed 
the fourth round of the course. (5) Inv. 22 the supplement θερμ[ ἂν 
ἔτι] is scarcely doubtful. That being so, the word ἔτι, and a comparison 
with the epigram quoted in the commentary, render it certain that this 
athlete ran with success in two consecutive foot-races. In v. 20 the -as 
before “EAAaow indicates the second person singular of an aorist. 
Blass well supplies εὐθὺς @Seag]as. By εὐθύς I understand ‘at the 
outset, —t.e. in the first foot-race in which the athlete was engaged. 
Accordingly in verse 21, before οὔ]ροισιν, I supply δεύτερον δ᾽, which 
exactly fits the gap in the papyrus. 


478 APPENDIX. 


The most difficult question is that raised by verse 23. The first 
hand wrote ECTA..... NA’AIZE @ATHPON EAAIQI. Of the Ain ECTA 
only a small trace remains. The space between that A and N would 
admit. not more than about five letters. The second corrector (A*) 
changed AIRE to AYTE. We may be fairly sure that αὖτε was not a 
mere guess by A®. The first hand made several gross errors in this 
ode, as EiBo.wv for εὐβούλων in 27 f., ἐπίσταται for ἐπιστᾶμαι in 38, 
Bpwevopev for βρίσει.τὸ μὲν in 47: the true reading is in each case due 
to A®. (In 51, indeed, ΔΑ seems to have tampered with a sound reading; 
but what he meant there is doubtful.) (1) Now suppose that the 
original reading was βρέχων δ᾽ dif’ αὖτε: our poet has elsewhere, of 
dicow, only aifov (11. 1) and aigay (x11. 144): but Pindar JV. vu. 40 
uses gooe: and Bacchylides could certainly have written dé’ (aé’). 
The word suits a runner darting forward from the starting-point: cp. 
Soph. £2 711 (of chariots); ὑπαὶ σάλπιγγος ἦἧξαν. From βρέχων δ᾽ a& 
αὖτε may have come two readings, (4) βρέχων δ᾽ ἀϊΐξε, and (4) βρέχων δ᾽ 
atte. The latter violates metre; but A® regarded metre as little as the 
scribe did (p. 134). It also mars the sense, a finite verb being wanted ; 
but βρέχων may have become Bpéxev. If, then, A* found αὖτε in his 
copy, we can understand his substituting it, as he did, for aiée. 
(2) There is another possibility. Suppose that the original reading 
was Siavely δ᾽ aire. For movable v before a consonant, cp. v. το, and 
ΧΙ. 128 Angev δέ. The scribe, heedless as he was of sense (p. 127), 
may have misread αὖτε as aige, owing to the Ptolemaic forms of Y and 
= (p. 125), especially if the letters vr had been slightly damaged. But 
in this obscure matter I incline at present to the former hypothesis. 

It remains to notice the transition, in the course of verses 19—26, 
from the second to the third person. The second person is proved by 
the ending -ds in v. 20, whether the word was ἔνδειξ]ας or another. But 
in v. 23 the verb of the clause introduced by δέ cannot have been in 
the 2nd pers., since the traces of the letter before A’ suit only N. Hence 
it appears that, in v. 20, the poet continued to apostrophise the victor, as 
he had been doing in the immediately preceding verses (13 τεάν, 
18 θῆκας): but, when he came to narrate the victor’s exploits, glided 
into the third person (23 ἔστα «.7.r., 26 Kaper). 

Prof. Blass gives vv. 19g —28 as follows :— 


19 ἐν Ποσειδᾶνος περικλειτοῖς ἀέθλοις 

20 εὐθὺς ἔνδειξ]ας Ἕλλασιν ποδῶν ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν, 
21 ἐκφανεὶς οὐ͵ροισιν ἔπι σταδίου" 

22 θερ[μὰν δ᾽ ἔτι] πνέων ἄελλαν 


ODE IX. 479 


23 éoral, βρέχων] δ᾽ aige θατήρων ἐλαίωι 
24 dpe [᾿ ἐς ἵππιο]ν ἐμπίτνων ὅμιλον. 
25 τετρ[αέλικτον ἐπεὶ 

26 κάμψεν δρόμον, ᾿Ισθμιονίκαν 

27 δίς v[w ἀγκ]άρυξαν εὐβού- 

28 λων[υ -- --[ων προφᾶται. 


The words printed in thick type are those which he supplies. 
As to punctuation, he has a point after σταδίου in 21, and a full stop 
after ὅμιλον in 24. The sense (if I understand it aright) is as follows :— 


‘In Poseidon’s renowned games thou didst show thy rushing speed to the 
Greeks at the outset, when thou camest to the front (éxpaveis) at the bounds of 
the course (at the goal). Then, still breathing a storm of hot breath, he took 
his place [at the starting-line], and darted forward, sprinkling the garments 
of the spectators with olive-oil, as he dashed into ¢he throng of runners in the 
Sourfold stadion (ἵππιον ὅμιλον).᾽ 


ἵππιος δρόμος was the technical name for a foot-race in which the 
course was four times that of the stadion: Paus. 6. 16. 4: δρόμου δέ εἰσι 
τοῦ ἱππίου μῆκος δίαυλοι δύο. But the technical term is scarcely felicitous 
here: and ὅμιλον is surely the crowd of spectators. 

Then it seems far better to place the full stop after δρόμον than after 
ὅμιλον. The mention of the athlete’s two victories at the Isthmus 
(26 ff.) is linked with that of his two victories at Nemea (29). The 
word Ἰσθμιονίκαν ought therefore to begin a new sentence. 


Ode IX. 39—45. ἢ γὰρ σοφὸς... θυμὸν αὔξουσιν. 


The parallel passage of Solon (fr. 13. 4354) is as follows :— 


43 σπεύδει δ᾽ ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος: ὃ μὲν κατὰ πόντον ἀλᾶται 
ἐν νηυσὶν χρήζων οἴκαδε κέρδος ἄγειν 
45 ἰχθυόεντ᾽, ἀνέμοισι φορεύμενος ἀργαλέοισιν, 
; φειδωλὴν ψυχῆς οὐδεμίαν θέμενος" 
ἄλλος γῆν τέμνων πολυδένδρεον εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν 
λατρεύει, τοῖσιν καμπύλ᾽ ἄροτρα μέλει" 
ἄλλος ᾿Αθηναίης τε καὶ Ἡ φαίστου πολυτέχνεω 
50 ἔργα δαεὶς χειροῖν ξυλλέγεται βίοτον" 
ἄλλος ᾿Ολυμπιάδων Μουσέων πάρα δῶρα διδαχθείς, 
ἱμερτῆς σοφίης μέτρον ἐπιστάμενος" 


IX. 39-—45 


X. 93 


480 APPENDIX. 


» 
ἄλλον μάντιν ἔθηκεν ἄναξ ἑκάεργος ᾿Απόλλων, 
ἔγνω δ᾽ ἀνδρὶ κακὸν τηλόθεν ἐρχόμενον... 


(1) Verses 432-46, on ¢he pursuit of wealth, correspond with 
verses 42f. of Bacchylides, ἕτερος δ᾽ ἐπὶ maou κιτιλ. (2) Verses 47, 
on agriculture, = Bacch. v. 44. (3) The artistic handicrafts in verses 49 f., 
are included under Χαρίτων τιμᾶν in Bacch. v. 39. (4) The gift of 
poetry (σοφίης) in verses 51f. is represented by σοφός in Bacch. v. 39. 
(5) Verses 53f., on soothsaying, answer to Bacch. v. 41f. 


Ode X. 93. κατὰ ϑάσκιον ἠλύκταζον ὕλαν. 


The only other passage in which the verb ἀλυκτάζω occurs is Her. 
IX. 70: of δὲ βάρβαροι οὐδὲν ἔτι στῖφος ἐποιήσαντο πεσόντος τοῦ τείχεος, 
οὐδέ τις αὐτῶν ἀλκῆς ἐμέμνητο, ἀλύκταζόν τε οἷα ἐν ὀλίγῳ χώρῳ πεφοβημένοι 
τε καὶ πολλαὶ μυριάδες κατειλημέναι ἀνθρώπων. The sense there is, ‘ they 
were distracted.’ ἁλύω, ἀλυκτάζω, ἀλύσσω (72, 22. 70), ἀλυκτέω, ἀλυκταίνω 
(Hesych.), are verbs in which the root ἀλ (ἀλάομαι) takes the special 
sense of mental wandering, unrest, distress. ‘This notion is very easily 
associated with that of bodily unrest ; as e.g. in //. 24. 12 δινεύεσκ᾽ ἀλύων 
παρὰ θῖν ados. In Lucian, Dial. Mar. 13, περὶ τὰς ὄχθας advovea (said 
of the lovesick Tyro) means ‘ wandering forlorn.’ Here Bacchylides has 
used ἠλύκταζον in a way which blends the notions of mental and 
physical unrest: ‘roamed wildly.’ 

Blass in his 1st and 2nd editions read ἀλύκταζον, but now, in the 
3rd, he changes it to ἀλύσκαζον. The use of ἀλυσκάζω in the iad may 
be seen from //. 5. 253 f., οὐ yap μοι γενναῖον ἀλυσκάζοντι μάχεσθαι | 
οὐδὲ καταπτώσσειν, ‘Not in my blood is it to fight a skudking fight, or 
cower down’ (so Leaf). Similarly in 74. 6. 443, ai κε κακὸς ds νόσφιν 
ἀλυσκάζω πολέμοιο. In the Odyssey the verb takes an accus., 17. 581 
ὕβριν ἀλυσκάζων ἀνδρῶν ὑπερηνορεόντων, ‘avoiding,’ ‘shunning.’ If, then, 
we read here, κατὰ δάσκιον ἀλύσκαζον ὕλαν, the meaning will be, ‘they 
went stealthily’ through the forest,—seeking to shun observation. But 
that is much less suitable to the case of the frenzied maidens than the 
sense given by ἠλύκταζον. 

It is not probable that ἀλυσκάζω could mean merely ‘to wander’; 
though Apollonius Rhodius once so uses the form ἀλύσκω (4. 57): οὔτ᾽ 
dp ἐγὼ μούνη κατὰ Λάτμιον ἄντρον ἀλύσκω. Elsewhere advoxw is used 
like ἀλυσκάζω. 


ODES IX, X. 481 


Ode X. 118—120. ἄλσος... ἑσσαμένων. 


In the three epodes of this ode the ms. gives the 7th and 8th verses 
as follows :-— 
(1) Epode 1, vv. 35 f. 
γνῶμαι πολύπλαγκτοι βροτῶν 


ἄμερσαν ὑπέρτατον ἐκ χειρῶν γέρας. 


(2) Epode 2, wv. 77 ἔ. 
τεῖχος δὲ Κύκλωπες κάμον 
ἐλθόντες ὑπερφίαλοι κλεινᾷ πόλει. 


(3) Epode 3, wv. 119 f. 
Κάσαν παρ᾽ εὔυδρον mpoyo- 


ε ’ , a νῷ ἈΝ , 
νοι ἑσσάμενοι, Πριάμοι ἐπεὶ χρόνῳ... 


It is admitted on all hands that πρόγονοι ἑσσάμενοι is corrupt: this is Χ. 118-- 
proved (a) by the construction, since there is no verb for the nominative ; 12° 
and (6) by the hiatus. 

Prof. v. Wilamowitz writes προγόνων ἑσσαμένων, which Prof. Blass 
adopts. There can be no doubt that ἑσσαμένων is right. The only 
question is whether προγόνων also is right. 

In support of προγόνων, it has been pointed out by Prof. v. Wila- 
mowitz that, if we assume synaphea between the 7th and 8th verses of 
the epode, we have —vu—v in 35 f. (οἱ βροτῶν a-) answering to ---σὺ -- 
in 77 f. (-es κάμον ἐλθ-) and in 119 f. (-ov προγόνων). The ‘apparent 
choriambus’ in 77 f. and 119 f. can be regarded, Wilamowitz observes, 
as a δίμετρον δακτυλικὸν καταλῆγον εἰς συλλαβήν, or as anaclasis of the 
trochaic metre —U—v (14. of the so-called epitritus). We have before 
us, he says, a kind of metrical correspondence which must in any case 
be allowed for ionics and dochmiacs, though no exact parallel to this 
example in Bacchylides can be produced. 

Such an opinion is entitled to careful consideration. It is, however, 
difficult to believe that προγόνων is metrically tenable. Ingenious as is 
the theory just stated, there is an objection which it does not meet. The 
whole metrical structure and rhythm of the epode in this poem render it 
natural to think that verse 35, γνῶμαι πολύπλαγκτοι βροτῶν, is to be read 
as a verse complete in itself; and that in v. 77, τεῖχος δὲ Κύκλωπες κάμον 
(where κάμοντ᾽ is most improbable), the second syllable of κάμον is to 
be regarded as a sy//aba anceps. Now the defence of προγόνων rests 
essentially on the view that, given synaphea, -u~— is a permissible 
substitute for -Uu—v. But this, in turn, implies that the two verses, 


es, a j 32 


482 APPENDIX. 


between which synaphea exists, form, to the ear, a single verse; since 
a division of ‘the apparent choriambus’ — vv — which placed — vv (τον 
mpoyo-) at the end of the first verse, and — (-vwv) at the beginning of the 
second, would evidently be intolerable. But verses 35 f. certainly (and, 
to my feeling, verses 77 f. also) are strongly against the hypothesis of 
such absolute rhythmical continuity in vv. r19f. It is the teaching 
of the ear which demurs to acquiescence in the technical apology for 
προγόνων. 

As to my πρὸ vaot’, it is a tentative suggestion for which, in a difficult 
case, one may venture to ask a hearing. It may be observed that 
it has, at least, one slight recommendation: that of serving to explain 
how ἑσσαμένων came to be corrupted into ἑσσάμενοι. If the true 
reading was προγόνων ἑσσαμένων, such a corruption becomes very 
difficult to understand. The case is wholly different from that in 
vill. 46, where ἐγγόνων, immediately preceding γεύσαντο, was changed 
into ἔγγονοι. Here the nearest verb is πέρσαν in 122; and that verb 
stands in a new clause introduced by ἐπεί, 

Professor A. Platt (Class. Rev. χιι. 61, Feb. 1898) proposed mpd 
youvot’. This would be excellent if only it yielded a satisfactory sense. 
youves is usually explained as ‘fruitful land’ (from st. γεν): but Her. 
Iv. 99 has τὸν γουνὸν τὸν Σουνιακόν, where it clearly means ‘the hill- 
region of Sunium’ (Ztym. M. λέγεται δὲ youvds 6 ὑψηλὸς τόπος). So 
πρὸ γουνοῖ᾽ might mean that the ἄλσος by the river had rising ground 
behind it. But, while the mention of the river is natural, the other 
detail seems rather lacking in point ; there is nothing distinctive about 
it. As to the ναός, a mention of it was not, of course, necessary ; but it 
would certainly be natural. (See the passages quoted in the com- 
mentary.) 

Can προγόνων have been a gloss on some other word, scanned v—-, 
meaning ‘ancestors’? Dr W. Headlam thought of πατρώων, referring to 
Stesich. fr. 17, πάτρω᾽ ἐμὸν ἀντίθεον Μελάμποδα, on which Eustathius says 
(316. 16) πάτρωα τὸν κατὰ πατέρα πρόγονον εἶπεν. But that seems hardly 
probable. Still less so is προπάππων, though πάπποι can mean ‘ancestors’ 
(Arist. Pol., 111. 2, 1): and παλαιῶν would (of course) be too vague. 


[The late Prof. Arthur Palmer’s emendation, πρόγο-νοι ἕσσαν ἐμοί, was 
adopted by Dr Kenyon in the editio princeps. It was supported by Dr Otto 
Crusius in PAz/o/. tvul. ΔΛ. XI. p. 179. In the Class. Rev. XU. p. 126 
(March, 1898) I endeavoured to show what could be said in favour of it. 
Two objections (the hiatus, and ἕσσαν instead of ἕσσαντο) could be removed 
by reading θέσσαν. Even with θέσσαν, however, I now regard the emendation 


ODES X, XII. 483 


as metrically untenable. But, in justice to the memory of a brilliant 
scholar, I still desire, in one respect, βοηθεῖν τῷ λόγῳ ὀρφανῷ ὄντι. Some 
scorn has been cast on the idea that Bacchylides could have alluded to the 
Achaean founders of Metapontion as πρόγονοι... ἐμοί. I still hold that it was 
perfectly possible and natural for him to do so. As Crusius said (quoting 
Mimnermus fr. 9), ‘Neleus und Nestor sind die wichtigsten xriora der 
ionischen Inselwelt.’ We have lately acquired a fresh illustration. Timo- 
theus (Persae 246 ff.) thus speaks of his native city :— 

Μίλητος δὲ πόλις νιν a 

θρέψασ᾽ ἁ δυωδεκατει- 

χέος λαοῦ, πρωτέος ἐξ ᾿Αχαιῶν. 


The people of the Ionian dodecapolis is ‘a noble scion of the Achaean race.’] 


Ode XII. 58—63. 


I. Prof. Blass restores this passage as follows :— 
58 θάλλει παρ]ὰ βωμὸν ἀριστάρχου Διὸς 
59 Νίκας ἐ]ρ[ικ]υδέος ἀν- 
60 θρώποισιν ἄνθεα, 
61 ἃ κλυτ]ὰν δόξαν πολύφαντον ἐν αἰ- 
62 θέρι] τρέφει παύροις βροτῶν 
63 αἰεί: καὶ ὅταν θανάτοιο x.7.X. 

1. With regard to ἀνθρώποισιν, it should be observed that the 
second syllable of the word represents a syllable which is short in all 
the corresponding verses, 93, 126, 159, 192, 225. ‘This is not a decisive 
objection ; a long syllable may have been allowed there: but, so far as 
it goes, it is a reason for preferring a word which would give -U-v. 

2. Inv. 61, ἃ, after ἄνθεα at the end of 60, is questionable, seeing 
that hiatus does not occur at the end of any one of the verses which 
correspond with y. 60 :—93, 126, 159, 192. This objection would be 
removed by reading τὰ (cp. vil. 42 where ταί serves as relative pron., 
y. 41 ending with Νείλου). There is room for τὰ «Avr in the lacuna 
before -av. 

3. In 6r1f. αἰθέρι seems very improbable. The sense intended is :— 
‘The flowers of victory cherish renown for those few mortals zz heaven 
evermore’; 2.6. their fame, exalted by poetry, dwells on high with the 
immortals: cp. vill. 82 ff. τό γέ τοι καλὸν ἔργον... ὑψοῦ παρὰ δαίμοσι 
κεῖται. Blass compares also Pind. fr. 227 λάμπει δὲ χρόνῳ | ἔργα per 
αἰθέρ᾽ ἀερθέντα. Now this sense is intrinsically good enough : but it does 
not suit this context. The poet is evidently saying, in effect :—‘The 


32—2 


XII. 58—- 
63 


484 APPENDIX. 


victors are famous for the rest of their days; and then, ὅταν θανάτοιο 
νέφος καλύψῃ, they have κλέος ἀθάνατον. Clearly we need, instead of 
αἰθέρι, some word which denotes the mortal life. Further, the second 
syllable of αἰθέρι answers to one which is long in all the corresponding 
places, 95, 128, 161, 194, 227. It cannot be doubted, I think, that 
we should read ἐν αἰῶνι, as I proposed in Kenyon’s edition (p. 115, 
note). 


II. Prof. νυ. Wilamowitz would read as follows :— 


58 ἐκ τοῦ] παρὰ βωμὸν ἀριστάρχου Διὸς 
59 νίκας ἐρικυδέος ἀν- 

60 δίδωσιν ἄνθεα, 

61 καὶ κλυτ]ὰν δόξαν πολύφαντον ἐν ai- 


62 due] τρέφει παύροις βροτῶν... 


‘Thence’ [from the pancration?—or ‘From that time onwards’?], 
‘by the altar of Zeus, flowers of victory spring up, and nourish fame,’ etc. 
The intransitive use of ἀναδιδόναι seems to be somewhat rare in Greek 
of the classical age. In both places where Pindar uses it, it is transitive : 
fr. 133 (Persephone ἀνδιδοῖ ψυχάς), and 7 v. 39. But Herod. vi. 26 
has iva πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου. In ν. 61 καὶ κλυτ]ὰν is slightly too 
large for the space : καὶ καλ]ὰν would suit it better. 


III. Prof. Housman proposes :— 


58 τᾷ δὴ παρ]ὰ βωμὸν ἀριστάρχου Διὸς 
59 νίκας ἐρικυδέος ἀν- 

60 δεθεῖσιν ἄνθεα 

61 ἀγλαὰν δόξαν πολύφαντον ἐν ai- 

62 ὦνι τρέφει παύροις βροτῶν... 


‘There,...for men who have been crowned with the flowers of 
victory, [that wreath, or Zeus] cherishes,’ &c. The drawback here 
is that there is no evident subject for τρέφει. (It is hard to supply Ζεύς 
from Διὸς, or the nom. ἄνθεα from the accus.) In 60 f. the hiatus 
between ἄνθεα and ἀγλαάν is undesirable (see above). 

Adopting Housman’s ἀνδεθεῖσιν, I read ὃς viv in 58, and χρυσέαν in 
61 (see commentary). 


ODE XII. 485 


Ode XII. 71—76. 


Prof. Blass now restores the passage as follows (3rd ed., 1904) :— 
71 γεύεις] πόλιν ὑψιάγυιαν 
72 Αἰακοῦ] τερψιμβρότων 
73 αὐλῶν καὶ] ἀείρσινόων 
74 κώμων], πατρ[ώια]ν 
75 νᾶσο[ν] ὑπέρβιον ἰσχὺν 
76 παμμαχίαν ἄνα φαίνων. 

‘Through thee, the stately city of Aeacus tastes the delight of flutes XI. Τ11-- 
and exhilarating revels, as thou showest thy paternal isle to be of μὴν 
exceeding might in the feats of boxer and wrestler’ (ava παμμαχίαν). 
[I suppose Prof. Blass to intend that ὑπέρβιον should be the predicate 
of νᾶσον, and ἰσχύν an acc. of respect: since, if ὑπέρβιον were taken with 
παμμαχίαν, φαίνων νᾶσον could not mean ‘glorifying’ it. ] 

In v. 73, where the ms. has only......... A....OQN, he thinks that 
the traces after A point to B, or P, or C, or E. He supplies ἀερσινόων, 
citing οἶνον ἀερσίνοον in Ion fr. g (= Athen. 2. 35 E), where, however, it 
is only Casaubon’s conjecture: most Mss. have ἀερσίπνουν, one has 
ἀερσίπνοον. ‘Lhe word ἀερσίνοος is used by Nonnus: (1) in his para- 
phrase of the Gospel of St John, ch. viii. v. 44, where, in rendering ὑμεῖς 
ἐκ Tov πατρὸς τοῦ διαβόλου ἐστέ, he has the phrase πατρὸς aepowdov. 
The word was there translated by superdi; but might also mean, 
‘inciting’ to evil. (2) In Déionysiaca xxx. 68 f., depowdov...Oipavins, 
the Muse who inspires and elevates the mind. Here, then, ἀερσινόων, 
as an epithet of κώμων, could mean ‘exhilarating’; but I cannot think 
that the word is at all probable. 

I rather hold, with Kenyon, that the letter which followed A here, 
may have been A (only a trace of the top remains): and I would read 
αὐλῶν ὑπό θ᾽ ἁδυπνόων. (Blass, in his first ed., suggested ἁβροπνόων.) 

In his second ed. (1899) he read αὔξεις in v. 71,—a far better word 
(in my opinion) than yetes. But,—having decided to read ἀερσινόων in 
73, and having also reverted in 74 to κώμων (which in his second ed. he 
had changed to xwpyav),—he desired to find a verb which could govern 
a genitive as well as an accusative; since, with ἀερσινόων, αὐλῶν ὑπό τ᾽ 
was impossible. For my part, if that adjective was to be used at all, 
I should have preferred avges...aiAav ὑπό τ᾽ ἀρσινόων. 

With regard to 76, παμμαχίαν ἄνα φαίνων, the anastrophe of the 


XII. 127 


XII. 158— 


163 


486 APPENDIX. 


prep. does not seem quite happy, since, in this context, the hearer 
would rather expect ἀναφαίνων (‘illustrating’: see commentary). 
Dr Jurenka, in his edition (1898), restores thus :— 
avées πόλιν ὑψιάγυιαν- 
νῦν δ᾽ ὁρᾷς τερψιμβρότων 
μολπᾶν ὑπό θ᾽ ἁδυπνόων κώμων πατρῴαν 
νᾶσον, ὑπέρβιον ἰσχὺν 
παμμαχὶ σὰν ἀναφαίνων. 


Ode XII. 127. νυκτὸς ἀντάσας κ.τιλ. 


It seems certain that the letters after ἀντάσας are to be read as avare-, 
and not as ἀναπ-. But it may be of interest to record one or two of 
the conjectures made on the latter hypothesis. Crusius proposed 
ἀναπεπταμένας (tO go with νυκτός as gen. abs.), ‘when night is spread 
abroad.’ The phrase is, however, more suitable to the diffusion of light 
than to that of darkness: and, in fact, the strictly similar phrases always 
refer to light: e.g. //. 17. 371 πέπτατο δ᾽ αὐγὴ | ἠελίου ὀξεῖα: Od. 6. 44 
αἴθρη | πέπταται ἀνέφελος : //. 23. 227 ὑπεὶρ ἅλα κίδναται yos: Her. VII. 
23 ἅμα ἡλίῳ σκιδναμένῳ. 

I was more disposed to read ἀναπεπταμένῳ (with πόντῳ), ‘the open 
sea,’ which gives just the needful sense. Cp. Her. vil. 60 ἐν weddyei 
ἀναπεπταμένῳ ναυμαχήσεις: Aratus, Phaen. 287 f. μὴ κείνῳ ἐνὶ μηνὶ 
περικλύζοιο θαλάσσῃ,  πεπταμένῳ πελάγει κεχρημένος (‘at the mercy of the 
open sea’). The whole phrase from ἐν κυανθέϊ to ἀναπεπταμένῳ would 
be one, without a pause. Blass formerly read νυκτὸς ἀντάσασαν ἀπεχθο- 
μένας (with ναῦν θοὰν in 124), ‘having fallen in with hateful night.’ 
(Pind. WV. x. 83 γῆρας ἀπεχθόμενον.) [My earliest suggestion was 
ἀναπαυομένων : they were resting, on a calm sea, in fancied security, 
when the storm burst upon them. ] 


Ode XII. 158—163. ἃ τλάμονες...πόλιν. 


158. Before ὑπέρφιαλον Jurenka and Ludwich propose πνείοντες 
(Blass πνέοντες). Kenyon, χαίροντες or κλάζοντες (so also Nairn, Tyrrell). 
Platt, θάλλοντες. 

159. Nairn supplies μέγιστ᾽ ἐθάρσεον (Jurenka, μάλιστ᾽---) Blass, 
δόκεον ᾿Αχαιῶν. Tyrrell, ἔθρεψαν εὐχάν. Platt, φρόνημ᾽ ἔθρεψαν. 

160f. Nairn, Jurenka, and Tyrrell supply Τρῶες. Blass, vaas. 
Nairn and Jurenka, éx\¢Adfaow εὐσέλμους νέας. Tyrrell, ἐκφλέξαντας 
(or -avav) “EAAavwv νέας. (Desrousseaux, ἐκκαύσαντες...) Herwerden, 
ἐκπέρσασιν εὐπρύμνους νέας. Blass, ἐκπέρσαντες ἐξ ἀρχᾶς νέας (from νέος). 


ODES XII, XV. 487 


162f. Nairn, παύραις χορὸν εἰλαπίνας 7 ἐν | ἁμέραις (and so 
Jurenka). Herwerden, λεύκαις χάριν (‘joy’)—. Tyrrell, λοιπαῖς χάριν---. 
Desrousseaux, δαῖτας re παρ᾽ εἰλαπίνας τ᾽ ἐν | εὐπόροις ἕξειν (1.6. παρέξειν). 
Blass’, ἐν νυξὶ per’ εἰλαπίνας τ᾽ ἔν | θ᾽ ἁμέραις ἕξειν (1.6. μεθέξεινΛ. Blass’, 
ππὺ per εἰλαπίνας τ᾽ ἐν | καὶ χοροῖς ἕξειν. (χοροῖς Headlam: ἐν καὶ -- 
καὶ ἐν.) 
Ode XV. 1—12. 


I. Verse τ. Blass writes Πυθίου ay’ oty’, referring to Pind. O. ΙΧ. XV. 1—12 
47, €yeip ἐπέων σφιν οἶμον λιγύν. He does not, however, define the 
sense which he intends. (1) If Πυθίου (masc.) is construed with ote, 
the meaning will be, ‘ Lead me onward, thou Pythian strain’ (lit., ‘ strain 
concerning the Pythian god’). But the construction seems somewhat 
harsh, (2) On the other hand, the words could not well mean, ‘ Lead 
me, my strain, (to the temple) of the Pythian god.’ For that, we should 
expect és Πυθώου. 

The only letter between -ov and ἐπεὶ which is (approximately) certain 
is the third letter after -ov, which must have been either E or O. The 
first letter after -ov is torn out. The faint traces of the second letter | 
after -ov seem to suit Π at least as well as T. At present I can find 
nothing more probable than Πυθίου ἔπ᾽ εἶμ᾽. 


"ἡ 


II. Verse 5. The traces in the papyrus (see crit. n.) exclude such 
supplements as οἷσιν 6 Δάλιος (Crusius), and καὶ yap ὃ Δάλιος (Jurenka). 
Blass leaves a lacuna, writing -- ὦ ὦ], εἴτ᾽ etc. The only supplement 
which he mentions is θεοῦ χάριν (Desrousseaux): but this is of nine 
letters, whereas, before E, there is room only for about six. 


III. Verse 7. ἅδείᾳ may be regarded as certain. The space before 
it might have sufficed, at the most, for a word of four letters (if one of 
them was thin), but a word of three letters is more probable. Crusius 
and Jurenka supply é7i,—rightly, as I think. 


IV. Verse 8 ended with δ᾽ ἵκῃ παιηόνων. Before these words there 
was just room for six letters (if one at least of them was thin). In the 
antistrophe (v. 20) the syllables which answer metrically to those lost in 
v. 8 are -λε κόραι τ᾽ ὀβριμ-, ~~ ——v, and consist of 13 letters,—ze. of 
more than twice the number for which there was space in v. 8. Now to 
obtain σὺ ----ὖ with only six letters is extremely difficult, even when 
the only condition imposed is that these six letters should form some 
Greek word or words,—as, for example, ἀΐω δῖα. But in verse 8, besides 
the requirements of the sense, this further condition is present, that the 
first of the six letters must be either a consonant or a digammated vowel. 


488 APPENDIX. 


For there is synaphea between verses 7 and 8 of the strophe (as verses 
19, 20 prove); and therefore the last syllable of τερπόμενος in v. 7 must 
be long. To find six letters giving » -- -τ ὺ, which shall satisfy all these 
conditions, is (so far as I can see) impossible. The space after τερπό- 
μενος at the end of v. 7 excludes the possibility that syllables metrically 
belonging to v. 8 had been tacked on to v. 7. There is therefore the 
strongest probability (to my mind it is a certainty) that verse 8, as 
originally written in our papyrus, was defective. The defect may have 
existed in the archetype, or the scribe of our papyrus may have 
inadvertently omitted something. In verse 12 of this same ode, he 
omitted the letters ya of ayaxAéa: in Ode v. 129, od yap: im XII. 55, 
ἀκόλουθον. Verse 8, as written by the scribe, may have been Ivédéva]® 
ἵκῃ παιηόνων. But in the verse as written by the poet, about 5 letters, 
forming two short syllables, came before Πυθῶναάδ. All the conditions 
of sense of metre are fulfilled, if we suppose that the lost letters formed 
the word μέχρι. 

That is not, however, the only possible restoration on the lines which 
have been indicated. We might also suggest in verse 8 és ὅ χ᾽ ddeia 
(cp. ZZ. 16. 455 εἰς 6 κε δὴ Λυκίης εὑρείης δῆμον ἵκωνται, ‘ until’): and in 
v. 8 (ε)οπὶ Πυθωνάδ᾽ κιτιλ. But I prefer ὀπὶ ἁδείᾳ... μέχρι ἸΤυθῶναδ᾽, 
because, in view of the synaphea, a consonant is preferable to (F)o 
after τερπόμενος at the end of v. 7. : 

A minor question remains. Is ἵκῃ to be taken as 2nd pers. sing. of 
ἵκωμαι, Or as 3rd pers. sing. of ἵκω (subjunct.)? 

(1) If it is the 3rd pers., then there should be a stop after πεδοιχνεῖν 
in v. 9; for, zmmediately after the 3rd pers. ixy (to which Apollo is 
subject), the vocative [v6 “AoAXov in v. το would be intolerable. 
A new sentence will now begin with Ilv@¢ "AwoAXov. And therefore 
τόσα in v. τι would mean,—‘ Zhus much, Apollo, the Delphian choruses 
are wont to sing,’ etc. The reference would be to the passing notice 
of Apollo’s ἀποδημία in verses 5,6. But such an interpretation of τόσα 
would be forced and unsatisfactory. 

(2) It seems far more probable that, after v. 6, where the absent 
god is spoken of in the 3rd pers. (ἀγάλλεται), there is a transition to the 
2nd person (iy), as the thought of his return to Delphi rises in the 
poet’s mind. On this view, only a comma will stand after πεδοιχνεῖν, 
and τόσα will be the relative, with ἄνθεα for its antecedent. See ἢ. on 
Ode I. 37. 

I subjoin the text of verses 5—12 as given by Blass (3rd ed., 1904, 


pp. 129 f.) :— 


ODES XV, XVI. 489 


5 -v υἹ, εἴτ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀνθεμόεντι «που. Ἕβρωι 
δαφνᾶι ἀγάλλεται ἢ δολιχαύχενι κύκνωι, 
Ν > ἃ ε Ln ΄ ’ 
ὄφρ᾽ ἂν ἁ]δείαι φρένα τερπόμενος 
ὀπὶ Πυθόα]δ᾽ ἵκηι παιηόνων 
ἄνθεα πεδοιχνεῖν, 
το Πύθι᾽ Λπολλον, 
τόσα χοροὶ Δελφῶν 
Ν , > > | , , 
σὸν κελάδησαν παρ᾽ ἀγακ'λέα ναόν. 


A few observations may be offered. (1) The insertion of που in 
v. 5 seems undesirable: see above, p. 114. (2) In v. 6 there is 
scarcely room in the papyrus for AA®NAI, as I is the only thin letter. 
In @HPCIN [my conjecture], H and N are the only broad letters. (3) In 
v. 7 the papyrus certainly has not space for ofp’ av before ddeta: see 
above, under III. (4) Inv. 8, as Blass himself justly remarks (p. 131), 
‘pro spatio etiam οπιπυθοα (sive -Ow Suit) paene nimia sunt.’ In fact those 
words require eight letters, where there is room only for six. Nor does 
Πυθόαδ᾽ furnish -- -- ὐ, which Blass’s own scheme of the metre (p. 13) 
requires. Again, as he notes (p. 131), ‘omit (Fomi) co laborat, quod 
producenda est -vos syll., quam vim fg ap. hos poetas [1.6. the lyric] habere 
non solet.’ 


Ode XVI. 36—38. χρύσεον 
τέ Fou δόσαν ἰόπλοκοι 


κάλυμμα Νηρηΐδες. 


(1) On the hypothesis that verses 27 f. were divided thus, ἰόπλοκοι XVI. 36— 
κα-ἰλυμμ᾽ --᾿ Νηρηΐδες, the difficulty is to fill the gap. Neither ἁδύ Ἢ . 
(A. Ludwich) nor εἷμα (A. Platt) will serve. Slightly better, perhaps, 
would be ἔνθα (‘on that occasion’; cp. ποτέ in the similar mention of a 
wedding-gift, v. 115 f.). But this, too, is unsatisfactory. 

(2) The other mode of emendation would be to supply a short 
syllable after ἰόπλοκοι.Ό. As Theseus is vaunting, ἰόπλοκοί ye is not 
impossible :—‘ she was the bride of Poseidon, aye, and the Nereids gave 
her a golden veil.’ The only alternative which I can think of is ἰόπλοκοί 
σφι (-- αὐτῇ), with ro instead of fo after re. But ode is not elsewhere 
found in Bacchylides, while fox is frequent. 

Others hold that it is unnecessary to suppose the loss of a short 
syllable after ἰόπλοκοι, and that -- ὦ -- can stand here as a substitute for 
the --ο΄-- ἡ found in verses 14, 80, and 103. This is the view of Prof. 
Housman (Class. Rev. xu. p. 138). But he suspects κάλυμμα (since 
'——w~ stands in 15, 81, 104), and suggests κάλλυσμα in the sense, not 


XVI. 112 


27—30 


490 APPENDIX. 


found elsewhere, of az ornament. [Hesychius has cdppara καλλύσματα 
(sweepings). | 


Ode XVI. 112. 


The emendations of diéva fall into two classes; (A) those which 
substitute for it a word denoting some article of apparel; and (B) 
the rest. 

(A) 1. ὠΐαν is suggested by Robinson Ellis (Class. Rev. xu. 66), 
‘a purple hem,’ z.e. ‘a robe with a purple border.’ [C. Z G. 2554. 126, 
τὴν ἐπάνω ὠΐαν τᾶς πέτρας, its ‘upper edge.’ In Attic da or éa meant 
the ‘fringe’ of a garment: Ar. frag. 27, etc.] 2. πορφυρέαν σινδόνα, 
H. Richards (C. &., xu. p. 134). 3. Ἰαονίδα πορφυρᾶν, O. Crusius 
(Philol. tvu. NV. F. Xt. p. 182. ‘A purple Ionian cloak’?) 4. W. 
Headlam (C. &. xu. 67) suggests ‘some feminine substantive meaning 
“raiment,” formed like ἀμπεχόνη, and from the same root as εἷμα, 
ἱμάτιον : 4.9. εἱμόνᾳ, ἱμόνᾳ, cidva, ciavg.’ 5. ταινίαν, A. Ludwich and 
J. A. Nairn. 

(B) 1. ἀγλαΐαν, Sitzler (quoted by Jurenka, p. 129). 2. ἁδονὰν 
(in the sense of χάριν, ‘grace,’ or ‘charm’) L. Barnett. 3. ᾿Αιόνα 
R. Walker (C. &. χη. p. 436), Ze. ᾿Αόνα, Doric for Ἠϊόνη, one of the 
Nereids (Hes. Zheog. 255). ‘We thus arrive at the reading, ἃ νιν 
ἀμφέβαλεν ᾿Αιόνα πορφυρέαν,᾽ ‘where Eione threw a purple cloak about 
him.’ But the dvw of the papyrus may have been (Walker suggests) a 
corruption of ἀλλικ᾽, acc. of ἀλλιξ, a word used by Callimachus and 
Euphorion, one sense of which (acc. to Etym. Magn.) was πορφύρα. 


Ode XVII. 27—30. Πολυπήμονος.. Προκόπτας x... 


I. ‘ Procoptes dropped the hammer of Polypemon.’ This, the most 
natural interpretation of the words, has been generally accepted. But 
is Polypemon here the father of Procoptes? On the strength of Ovid, 
Ibis 409, ut Sinis et Sciron et cum Polypemone natus, that view is adopted 
by Robinson Ellis (C. &. xu. p. 66), Housman (2. p. 74), Jurenka 
(p. 135), and H. Weir Smyth (Greek Melic Poets, p. 443). C. Robert, 
however (Hermes XXXII1. p. 149), does not think that such a paternal 
relation is implied. Polypemon, he suggests, may be either (1) the 
maker of the hammer, a smith-daimon like Hephaestus and Palamaon ; 
or (2) the former possessor of the hammer, which Procoptes has somehow 
inherited. Robert does not refer to the passage of the Jézs. In Apol- 
lodorus 3. 16. 2 the son of Polypemon is Sinis; but as Sinis is 
mentioned in the verse of the /dis, the matus there can scarcely be 


ODES XVI, XVII. 491 


other than Procrustes (= Procoptes): cp. JJet. vu. 436 ff., and Heroid. 
IL. 69 ff. 

This is, however, a detail. C. Robert agrees with the other 
scholars above-mentioned as to the meaning of the words. ‘ Procoptes 
dropped the hammer of Polypemon.’ 


II. Other explanations have been proposed. (1) Blass places 
a point after σφῦραν, making it depend on ἔσχεν, and not on ἐξέβαλεν ---- 
‘Theseus stayed...Polypemon’s hammer; Procoptes let it fall.’ Poly- 
pemon is thus identical with Procoptes (Procrustes). But it is awkward 
to denote the same person by different names in two successive clauses. 
Festa’s view is similar; only he would read ἐξέβαλ᾽ ἅν. He ingeniously 
suggests that a corrector had written E over the second A in EZEBAAAN 
(= ἐξέβαλ᾽ av), and that this second A became A, thus generating the 
EZEBAAAEN of the ms. (2) Herwerden would make Theseus, not 
Procoptes, the subject of ἐξέβαλεν, and would change τυχὼν to τύχεν. 
‘Theseus struck the hammer from the hand of Polypemon; Procoptes 
met a stronger than himself.’ 


Ode XVII. 35. 


Emendations of the MS. ἢ μοῦνον σὺν ὅπλοισιν. 
In the editio princeps Dr Kenyon read ἢ μόνον τ᾽ ἀνοπλόν | τέ | νιν. 
The other conjectures may be classed as follows. 


I. Those which retain the letters συνοπλοι-. 1. A. Platt: σὺν 
ὅπλοισί vw. 2. Sitzler: σὺν ὅπλοισιν οἷς (‘with his own weapons’ 
merely, as distinguished from those of an army). 3. Stahl: σὺν ὅπλοις 
vw ots. 4. A. Ludwich: ἢ μοῦνον συνόπλοιό νιν, ‘without a comrade 
in arms.’ A very ingenious emendation. Eur. H. F. 127, has ξύνοπλα 
δόρατα, ‘allied spears’: but the adj. is very rare in classical Greek, and, 
so far, improbable here. 


II. . Emendations which suppose that the Acame from A. 1. Weil, 
Festa, Goligher: σὺν ὀπάοσιν (accepted by Blass and H. W. Smyth). 
The change of A into A led to the insertion of I after the second O, 
producing σὺν ὅπλοισιν. 2. Housman: ἢ μοῦνον συνοπαόνων (‘without 
companions’). This also gives good sense, but does not so well account 


for σὺν ὅπλοισιν. 


XVII. 35 


XVIII. 15 


492 APPENDIX. 


Ode XVIII. 15. 


The ms. has TIHN (Ἄργος ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον λιποῦσα). I. Can τί ἦν be 
retained? (i) The hiatus is, of course, quite defensible. (Cp. Aesch. 
Theb. 704 ti οὖν: Ar. Nub. 82 τί ἔστιν : Av. 149 τί οὐ: Nub. 80 τί, ὦ, 
etc.) (ii) As to metre, a trochee stands in the corresponding place of the 
antistrophe (33): but there is no reason to doubt that an iambus was 
admissible here (cp. the verse of Catullus in the same metre, meas esse 
aliquid putare nugas). (iii) The real question is as to the phrase itself. 
(a) It is assumed that τί ἦν... ὅτε was an old formula in beginning a 
story; and that is possible. ‘How was it, when the heifer fled from 
Argos...?’ But there is no other trace of that formula. (6) Jurenka 
(p. 142) takes τί as a predicate: ‘wat (=how pitiable) was Io, when, 
as a heifer, she fled,’ etc. (wie elend war). He compares Plat. Charm. 
Pp. 154 D τί σοι φαίνεται ὃ νεανίσκος ; and Plut. Osh. 3 τί γεγόνασιν ot 
Καίσαρος πολέμιοι; I doubt that interpretation. (¢c) W. Christ would 
write, τί, ἦν or “Apyos «.t.4. ‘How then? There was a time,’ etc. 
That would be intolerably jerky. 


1. Emendations. (1) tiev (G. E. Marindin, cp. Nairn in C. 2. 
XI. p. 453) is attractively simple. The construction would then be, 
λαχοῖσαν ἔξοχον γέρας tiev, guae rem eximiam celebrandam acceperis. 
The point after γέρας in the Ms, is not a grave objection ; it would have 
been added when TIEN became TIHN (ri jv). ‘The difficulty which 
I feel as to réev arises rather from its relation to the words which follow. 
The sentence, ὅτ᾽ "Apyos...gevye...Bods, has now to be taken as defining 
either ὁδόν (the strain of song), or (better) γέρας, the choice theme,— 
(namely, that) time when 70 was fleeing. This is not impossible ; but it 
seems slightly harsh. (2) On the whole, I prefer ἦεν (W. Headlam, 
C. R. xu. p. 68). The form ἦεν (from ἦα, epic form of Ionic ἔα) occurs 
in //. 12. 9, Hes. Scwt. 15. Our poet might certainly have used it. 
Kenyon’s remark (p. 187, n. on this passage) must be borne in mind: 
‘TI is very like H in the ms.’ If HEN had once been mis-read as TIEN, 
TIHN (τί ἦν) would follow. 

The formula ἦν ὅτ᾽ is most often used in contrasting the past with 
the present: Anthol. 8. 178 ἦν ὅτε ἦν ἀτίνακτος.. .νῦν δέ pe θὴρ ἐτίναξεν 
(cp. 2. 12. 44; 14. 52; 9. 344 (ἦν ὁπότε): Pind. fr. 83.) But that 
formula could also be used, of course, simply to introduce a story, 
when no such contrast was involved, as in Anth. 1. 92 ἦν ὅτε Χριστὸς 


ΕΣ 
tavevV, 


ODE XVIII. 493 


Ode XVIII. 15—18. 


... Apyos ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον λιποῦσα 

φεῦγε χρυσέα βοῦς, 

εὐρυσθενέος φραδαῖσι φερτάτου Διός, 
ἸΙνάχου ῥοδοδάκτυλος κόρα. 


(1) According to the oldest version of the story, Io was changed XVUI. 
into a cow, usually described as white (Apollod. 2. 1. 3; Ovid, Mez. isle 
I. 652, etc.). (2) In the fifth century, she was commonly depicted as 
a maiden with the horns of a cow. (3) Ata later period, she was once 
more represented as a cow. R. Engelmann illustrates this third phase 
by a gem from Mon. d. Inst. 2. 59. 9 (Roscher’s Lexikon, τι. p. 275). 
He had previously discussed the whole subject in his essay, De Jone 
dissertatio archaeologica (Halle, 1868). 

It seems probable that Bacchylides was here thinking of Io as the 
horned maiden. The epithet χρυσέα is one which he elsewhere gives to 
Aphrodite (v. 174), to Artemis (x. 117), and to an uncertain goddess 
(Hebe or Aphrodite?) in vii. 72. In such cases the word denotes 
a divine beauty or glory,—or the preciousness of the deity in the eyes 
of her votaries. Here, whatever image of Io was in the poet’s mind, 
χρυσέα means ‘precious’ to Zeus. But, if the poet imagined Io as 
transformed into a cow, the word would not be happily used ; we should 
have expected rather some epithet, such as λευκή, which should be dis- 
tinctive of her new form. Further, χρυσέα βοῦς is in apposition with 
Ἰνάχου ῥοδοδάκτυλος xdpa,—a fact which seems to strengthen the 
probability that Bacchylides was thinking of the horned maiden. 

That compromise was inevitable for a dramatist who wished to bring 
Io on the stage as a speaking person. Aeschylus adopted it in the 
Prometheus Vinctus: 588 κλύεις φθέγμα τᾶς βούκερω παρθένου; the date 
of that play is uncertain,—perhaps between 467 and 458,—but indu- 
bitably later than the Supp/ices, which may be as early as ¢. 491/90. 

Engelmann (in Roscher p. 271) assumes that the Aeschylean 
conception of Io in the Supplices (where she is only mentioned, not 
exhibited) is the same as in the Prometheus,—viz., the horned maiden. 
He infers that, if the Supplices was earlier than the Prometheus, some 
dramatist must have preceded Aeschylus in bringing Io on the scene in 
that shape. But it can (I think) be shown that the Io imagined in the 
Supplices is not the horned maiden of the Prometheus. The decisive 
passage on that point is Supp/. 299—301 :-— 


494 APPENDIX. 


XO. βοῦν τὴν γυναῖκ᾽ ἔθηκεν “Apyeia θεός. 
ΒΑ. οὔκουν πελάζει Ζεὺς ἐπ᾿ εὐκραίρῳ βοΐ; 
ΧΟ. φασίν, πρέποντα βουθόρῳ ταύρῳ δέμας. 


When he wrote the Supplices, Aeschylus thought of the transformed 
Io as a monstrous form, half cow, half woman; see verses 567—5 70 :— 


...oww ἀήθη 
βοτὸν ἐσορῶντες δυσχερὲς μιξόμβροτον, 
τὰν μὲν [v. 4. τὰ μὲν] βοός, 
τὰν δ᾽ [τὰ δ αὖ γυναικός" τέρας δ᾽ ἐθάμβουν. 


With μιξόμβροτον we may compare the description of the Sphinx in 
Eur. Phoen. 1023 f., μιξοπάρθενον | daiov τέρας. The words in the 
Supplices manifestly would not apply to a being whose form was wholly 
human, save for horns springing from the head. On the other hand, 
the Bovxepws παρθένος of the Prometheus cannot have been also 
βουκέφαλος: that would have been too grotesque for a speaking 
person in tragedy. 

It is probable, as Engelmann says (12. p. 271), that the extension of 
Io’s wanderings to Egypt dates from the time when the Greeks recog- 
nised her in Isis. See Herodotus 11. 41: τὸ yap τῆς “lows ἄγαλμα ἐὸν 
γυναικήϊον βούκερών ἐστι, κατάπερ Ἕλληνες τὴν Ἰοῦν γράφουσι. At the 
time, then, when Herodotus visited Egypt (probably between 449 and 
445 B.c.), the horned maiden was already the form under which Greek 
artists commonly depicted Io. On the older Greek vases, the black- 
figured and the earliest red-figured, Io is still the cow. (Engelmann Zc. ; 
cp. Preller, Gr. AZyth. 11.” p. 40, ἢ. 5.) 

Engelmann further remarks that, before the Greeks could have 
associated Io with Isis, they must already have been familiar with the 
representation of Io as the horned maiden. But can we be sure of that ? 
Might not the horns of Isis have suggested such an association, even at 
a time when Greeks were still wont to think of Io as changed into a cow? 
Egypt was open to Greeks from about 5508.c.; and they must have 
known the Isis of the monuments long before any dramatist (whether 
it was Aeschylus or a predecessor) had brought Io into a play. Painters 
of red-figured vases in the early part of the fifth century might have 
derived the new type of Io directly from Isis. On this hypothesis, that 
type need not have originated in the exigencies of drama. The Pro- 
metheus may have been the first play in which the βούκερως παρθένος 
figured ; and Aeschylus may have been using a type which had already 
appeared in Greek art. 


ODE XVIII. 495 


Ode XVIII. 33. 4 ῥα. 


The ms. has HPA. The cause of this is that some Alexandrian critics XVIII. 33 
wrote 4 or qe, instead of 7 or ἡέ, when that word introduced the second 
(or any later) question of a series; as in 71. τό. 12 f.:— 


ἠέ τι Μυρμιδόνεσσι πιφαύσκεαι, ἢ ἐμοὶ αὐτῷ, 
ἦε τιν᾽ ἀγγελίην Φθίης ἐξ ἔκλυες οἷος; 


Cp. //. 6. 378f. And so also where the question is indirect; Od. 1. 
174 ff. :— 
ὄφρ᾽ εὖ εἰδῶ 
ἠὲ νέον μεθέπεις ἡ καὶ πατρώϊός ἐσσι 
ξεῖνος. 


Thus ἦ or qe, after 7 or yé in direct or indirect interrogation, was 
distinguished from the simply disjunctive 7 (7é)...4 (ἠέ), ether...or (as in 
72. τ. 503 f., εἴ ποτε δή σε μετ᾽ ἀθανάτοισιν ὄνησα | ἢ ἔπει ἢ ἔργῳ). But 
the refinement was an arbitrary one ; and it is discarded in some modern 
texts of Homer. 

Blass writes 4 fa here, and ἦ in 35 (where the ms. has simply H). 
I prefer ἤ pa...#. 

Ode XVIII. 33—5r. 


The following are some of the supplements which have been xvmu. 
suggested in these verses. 88-! 

33. Jurenka: αἰνὰ yu ἔλυσαν. (Blass thinks that the general 
sense was, guamvis fortem delassaverunt. But he makes no suggestion.) 

35 f. Wilamowitz: ἢ Πιερίδες φύτευϊσαν ᾿Ινάχου κόρᾳ | καδέων ava- 
παυσίιν ἁμέραν. Jurenka adopts ἁμέραν in 36, and my ἀδύμῳ μέλει 
in 35. 

38. Wilamowitz: ἀσφαλέστατον ἅπερ ἐκράνθη λέγειν (‘to tell how 
the matter was finally ordained’). This assumes that the ms. has lost 
the letter I between A and II. Blass: ἀσφαλέστατον ἃ πρ[ίν ἐστ᾽ ἀοιδά. 
‘Acquiescit poeta in eo quod extremum proposuerat [1.6. in vv. 35 f.]; 
ea enim fuit vetus traditio.” Jurenka, ἀσφαλέστατον ἅπ[ λῶς (with ἐμοὶ 
μὲν οὖν [λέγειν in 37; but the first three words stood alone in that 
verse). 

40f. Jurenka: οἰστροδίνατος ἐντέροις | Ἰὼ φέρουσα παῖδα peya- 
λοκλέα. 

42f. Blass suggests ἔνθα νιν τέκ᾽ ἀνδρῶν. Jurenka: ἔνθα νιν πατὴρ 
Κρονίδας | λινοστόλων πρύτανίν τ᾽ ἔθηκε λαών. 

44. Blass and Jurenka: βρύοντ[α τιμᾷ. 


496 APPENDIX. 


45. Jurenka: μεγίσταν τε θνατῶν κτίσαι γενεάν (where κτίσαι 
depends on ἔθηκε in 43, ‘caused him to found...’). 

50. Jurenka: τίκτεν Διόνυσον, [ἀγλαῶν τε κώμων. Blass writes 
τίκτε Δῖον υἱὸν (instead of the Ms. Διόνυσον) as the complete verse. 

51. Wilamowitz: στεφαζναφόρων ἄνακτα (adopted by Jurenka; and 
approved by Blass, who, however, does not place it in his text). 


Odé XIX. r—11. 


ΤᾺ ἃ. 11 1. In support of εὐρυχόρῳ, Headlam refers to Anaxandrides, 
Πρωτέσίλαος το ff. :— 
μέλπειν δ᾽ wdas 
τοτὲ μὲν Σπάρτην τὴν εὐρύχορον, 
τοτὲ δ᾽ αὖ Θήβας τὰς ἑπταπύλους... 
Gomperz and Jurenka conj. εὐρυαγυίᾳ. 

2. Λακεδαιμονίων Wilamowitz: Λακεδαιμόνιαι Headlam: Aaxedat- 
povides Jurenka. 

3. κελάδησαν Gomperz, and so Jurenka.—xaraépyxov (or κατᾶρξαν) 
Headlam. 

4. καλλιπάρᾳον Kenyon: so Platt and Blass.—xadAiraxvy also 
conj. Kenyon, and so Jurenka: καλλίπαχυν és δόμους Headlam. 

6. ἰοτρόφου πὰρ ποταμοῦ Blass (referring to the river Evenus: but 
see commentary).—iorAdxayov Rossbach: ἰόπλοκον, αἷσαν Sandys: 
ἰοστέφανον Platt, Jurenka. But it seems certain that the letter after 
IO was T. 

7. ταχὺν οἶτον Jurenka: τέλος αἰπύ Pingel (quoted by Blass).— 
τελευτάν, ἐπεὶ conj. Blass. 

8. (after Ποσειδὰν) ἐπεὶ ἅρμα Jurenka: ἄρηγεν conj. Blass. 

9. (after ἰσανέμους) πόρεν Jurenka: πόρεν, ταί vw conj. Blass. 

10. ἐϊκτιμέναν Kenyon, Wilamowitz, Jurenka.—évxripévay πόρευσαν. 
ἢ pav—conj. Blass.—és ἐύκτιτον ὦρσεν Sandys. 

11. υἱὸϊν "Apyos Reinach and others.—vid[s "Ἄρηος Jurenka :—v 
᾿Αφάρηος Tyrrell. 


497 


VOCABULARY. 


* denotes a word found only in Bacchylides; +, a word which seems corrupt. 


A 


a, III. 10, XV. 30 (d25) 
᾿Αβαντιάδας, Χ. 40 

“ABas: -ντος, Χ. 6 

ἁβροβάτας: ἁβροβάταν, 111. 48 
ἁβρόβιος : -ἰων, XVII. 2 

ἁβρός: -ον, fr. 11. 4 

ἁβρότης : -ἣτι, fr. 26 

ἀγάθεος: -éav, 111. 62: -έᾳ, V. 41 
ἀγαθός: -ὧν (masc.), fr. 18, 3 
ἀγακλεής: -€a, XV. 12 
ἀγακλειτός: -αἷς, XII. 90 
ἀγάλλω: ἀγάλλεται, ΧΥ. 7 
ἄγαλμα, I. 74, V- 4, IX. τί 
᾿Αγανορίδας, XVIII. 46 


ἀγγελία: -av, 11. 3, XV. 26 

ἄγγελος, V. 19: -ov, XVIII. 30 

ἀγέλα: -as (acc.), XVII. 10: -ats, IX. 44 
᾿Αγέλαος: -ov, V. 117 

ἀγέρωχος: -οι, V. 35 

᾿Αγκαῖος : -ov, V. 117 

ἀγκύλη: -ns, fr. 18. 13 

᾿Αγλαΐα: -ᾳ, III. 6 

ἀγλαΐζω: -érw, 111. 22 


ἀγλαόθρονος: -οι, XVI. 124 

ἀγλαός: -όν, XVI. 61: -άν, V. 154: 
ΧΥῚ. 2: -ῶν, 103 

᾿Αγλαός (proper name): -@, IX. 9 (?) 

. ἄγναμπτος, fr. 20. 2 (ἄκαμπτος MSS.): 

τῶν, VIII. 73 


-ovs, 


ἀγνοέω: -noev, fr. 12 

ἁγνός : τόν, IX. 29: -οῦ, X. 25: -Gs, XIV. 
54: -ds, XVIII. 28 

ἀγορά: -dv, XIV. 43 

ἀγρός: -οῦ Epigr. 2. x (fr. 34) 

ayporépa, V. 123, Χ. 37 

ἀγυιά: -al, 111. τό, fr. 3. 12: -ds, X. 58, 
VIII. 17: -ἂν, 52 

ἀγχίαλος : -ἰάλοισι, IV. 14 

ἀγχίδομος : -δόμοις, XII. 89 

ἄγω: -ovow, fr. 16. 11: τουσα, XVI. 2: 


-ovra, XVII. 34: ἄγον (3rd pl.), XIv. 


is 


"Αδραστος: 


᾿Αθάνα, ΧΙΙ. 195: 


᾿Αθᾶναι: -ας, 


37: ἄξοντα, V. 60: ἄγονται, III. 46: 
ἄγετο, ΧΙΧ. 4 

ἀγών: -ὥνι, V. 44: -ώνων, VIII. 21 

"ἀδεισιβόας: -αν, V. 155: ται, X. 61 

ἀδελφεός: -ῶν, V. 118 

ἀδίαντος, XVI. 122 

ἄδικος: -οισιν (masc.), XVII. 42 

aduds: -ares, fr. 19. x 

ἄδματος: -arot, X. 84: ἀδμήτα, V. 167 

τον, VIII. £9 

ἁδύπνοος: -wy, XII. 73 (?) 

ἁδύς : ἁδεΐᾳ, XV. 7 

ἄεθλος : -ων, VIII. 8: 
XII. 198 

ἀείδω: -εἰν, IV. 18: ἄεισαν, VI. 6: ἀείδεται, 
Iv. 5 

ἀεικέλιος: -ἂν, fr. 19. x 

ἀεικελίως, III. 46 

delpw: -pas, 111. 36: dparo, 11. 5 

ἀέκατι, XVII. 9 

ἀέκων: -ovTa, XVI. 44 

ἀέλιος, X. 22: -lov, V. 161, X. IOI, P» 439 
(1. 55 Blass).—See ἅλιος 

ἄελλα: -αν, IX. 22 

ἀελλοδρόμαε:: -av, V. 39 

ἄελπτος: -ov, III. 29, XII. 131 

ἀέξω: ἀέξει, XII. 207: -ew, 111. 78. See 
αὔξειν 

* ἀερσίμαχος : -μάχους, XII. 100 

ἄζυξ: -γα, XV. 20: ~yas, X. 105 

ἀηδών : -dvos, III. 98 

ἀήτα, XVI. 91 

ἀθαμβής, XIV. 58 


τοῖς, VII. 54, IX. 10, 


-as, XIV. 2, XVI. 7: τᾷ; 
XV. 21 
XVII. 60: -av, XVII. I: 


-dvais, IX. 17, XVIII. Io 


᾿Αθαναῖος : -alwy, XVI. 92 
ἀθάνατος: -ον, IX. II, XII. 65: τοι, V. 


193: άτων, 86: οισ(ιν), X. 6, XIV. 45 
ἄθεος : -€wv, X. 109 
ἀθλέω: ἄθλησαν, VIII. 12 
GO péw : ἄθρησον, V.8 (MS. : but cp. ἐπαθρέω) 


33 


498 


ἄθυρμα, VIII. 87: -άτων, XVII. 57: - 
Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) 

*G@upows: -w, XII. 93 

ai (=el): al τις, V. 5: al κε, XVI. 64 

αἰαῖ, V. 153, fr. 2. x 

Αἰακίδας: Alaxidats, XII. 166 

Alaxés: -o0, XII. 183: -@, 99 

Alas: -vTa, XII. 104 

Alywa, XII. 78: -av, VIII. 
-lvas, XI. 6 

αἴγλα: -av, XII. 140 

αἰγλάεις : -evra, fr. 16. 10 

Atyurros: -ὕπτου, fr. 16. x11 

*Atéas: -a, V. 61 

ἀϊδής, XII. 209 

αἰδοῖος : -at, VIII. 65 (?) 

αἰεί, 1. 66, VIII. 81, XII. 63 

αἰέν, XII. 207, XVII. 43, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 
33) 

αἰετός, V. 19 

αἰθήρ, U1. 86: -épa, 36, V. 17, VIII. 35, 
XVI. 73: αἰθέρι, XII. 61 

αἰθός: -θᾶν, fr. 3. 6 

Al@pa, XVI. 59 

al@w: -εσθαι, fr. 3. 3 

αἴθων, XII. 50: -vos, V. 124 

αἷμα: -ατι, X. 111, XII. 153 

αἰνέω: aivet, XII. 83: -éot, VIII. 
τείτω, XII. 201: -etv, V. 16, 188 

alvés: -νά (neut.), XVI. 10? 

αἴξ: αἰγῶν, V. 101 

αἰολόπρυμνος: -ots, I. 104 

αἰόλος: -ots, XIV. 57 

αἰπεινός : -άν, VIII. 34 

αἰπύς: -tv, III. 36 

aipéw: -εῦνται, XIV. 56: 

αἴρω: see deipw 

aica, fr. 20. 4: 
XII. 66, 99 

ἀΐσσω: ἄϊξεν, τι. I: saan XII. 144. See 
also 1X. 23n. 

αἴτιος, X. 34, XIV. 52 

Αἰτωλίς: -idos, VII. 51 

Αἰτωλός: -ots, V. 114 

αἰχματάς: αἰχματάν, XII. 133 

αἰχμοφόρος: -οι, X. 89 

Ἠάϊών : ἀϊόνα, XVI. 112 

αἰών : -ὥνι, ΧΙΙ. 61 f.(?): -Gva, I. 43 

*dxapavTopéas: -av, V. 180 

ἀκάματος: -άτοις, XVIII. 20: -dras, V. 25: 
-aTq, XII. 178 

ἄκαρπος: -ov, fr. 7. 5 

ἀκίνητος : -ἥτους, V. 200 

ἀκοίτας, ΙΧ. 9 

ἄκοιτις: -w, V. 169 

ἄκοιτος : -ov, XVIII. 23 

ἀκόλουθος : -ov, XIV. 55 

ἀκούω: ἄκουσον, XVI. 53 

᾿Ακρίσιος : -ίῳ, X. 66 

ἄκριτος: -ἰτους, IX. 46 

ἀκτά: -άν, XV. 16 


55) IX. 35: 


102 (?): 


εἷλεν, X. 85 


σαν, IX. 32, XVI. 27: -ᾳ, 


᾿Αλεξίδαμος : 
᾿Αλθαία, ν. 120 


VOCABULARY. 


ἀκτέα: -éas, VIII. 34 

ἄκων : -ovTas, XVII. 49 

ἀλαθεία, XII. 204: ἀλάθεια, fr. 10. 2: 
τείας, V. 187 (where see n.): -elg, III. 
96, VII. 42, VIII. 85 

ἀλαμπής: ἀλαμπέσι, XII. 175 

ἄλαστος: -στον, III. 34 

ἀλάτας: -ταν, XVII. 36 

ἄλγος, XVI. 19 

ἀλέκτωρ, IV. 8 

-ov, X. 18 


ἀλέγκιος : -la, V. 168 
*adiwwaéras: -at, XVI. 97 ἴ. 
GME : -tkl, VII. 45 
ἅλιος : -lov, 111. 80: ᾿Αλίου, XVI. 50 
ἀλκά: -ds, X. 126 


ἄλκιμος: -ov, V. 146, XVII. 38: -ίμων, 
XVII. 13 

᾿Αλκμήνιος, V. 71 

ἀλλά, I. 66, εἰς.: after εἰ καί, XVI. 33: 


ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ, ν. 162 
ἀλλοδαμία: -iay, XVII. 37 
ἀλλοῖος : -οίαν, IX. 36, XIII. 7 


ἄλλος, ΙΧ. 36, XIII. ἴω; -αν, fr. 20. 3: 
VIII. 63: -ους, fr. 9: -ων, I. 47f.: “otal, 
v. 127, fr. 9: «αἰ, p. 437 (1. 23 


ἀλλότριος: -ov, XIV. 60 

ἄλλως, fr. 29 

ἄλοχος: -ov, XV. 29, XVI. 109 

GAs: ἁλός, V. 25, XVI. 62, 122, p. 439 
(1. 54 Blass) 

ἄλσος, ΠΙ. 19, X. 118, XVI. 85 

᾿Αλυάττας: -ττὰ, III. 40 

ἀλυκτάζω: ἠλύκταζον, Χ. 93 

᾿Αλφεός or ᾿Αλφειός : -εοῦ, VI. 3: -εόν, III. 

ἡ (Ὁ), ν. 38, 181, X. 26: -ειοῦ, VII. 49, 

nr. 193 

ἅμα, 111. ΟἹ 

ἀμαιμάκετος: -ον, Χ. 64 

ἀμαλδύνω: -tvet, XIII. 3 

ἅμαρ, 111. 29, fr. 7. 4: -Tt, X. 33: -Ta, V. 
113 

ἁμαρτέω (=6p.): ἁμαρτέοιτε, VIII. 103f. 
(Ὁ): -εἶν, XVII. 46 

ἀμάρυγμα, VIII. 36 

ἀμαυρόω: -οῦται, XII. 177 

dudxavos: -dvov, I. 171 

ἄμαχος, XV. 23 

ἀμβολά: -ds, fr. 11. x 

ἀμβρόσιος: -lwv, XVIII. 2 

ἄμβροτος: -ότου, XVI. 42 

duelBw: elas, XVII. 16: 
159 

ἀμεμφής : -éa, XVI. 114 

ἁμέρα: -ας, XVIII. 27: τᾷ, Ie 3 

ἀμέρδω : ἄμερσαν, Χ. 36 

ἁμέτερος: -ov, fr. 2.1: -ας (gen.), V. 144, 
XVII. 5: τᾷ, V- go: -as (acc.), XI. 3 


-ειἰβόμενος, V 


VOCABULARY. 


ἢ ἀμετρόδικος : -οις, X. 68 

ἄμετρος: -ον, XVI. 67 (?) 

ἀμίαντος, 111. 86 

ἀμπελοτρόφος: -ον, VI. 5 

ἀμύσσω : -εἰ, XVII. 11: ἄμυξεν, XVI. 19 

ἀμφάκης: -ες, Χ. 87: -ea, fr. 3. 8: ἀμφάκει, 
Ρ- 439 (I- 79 Blass) 

ἀμφί, with acc., IX. 34, X. 18: with dat., 
I. 39, IX. 44, XVI. 105, 124, XVII. 53: 
in tmesis, XVIII. 7 

ἀμφιβάλλω: -βάλλει, XVII. 6: -έβαλεν, 
XVI. 112: βάλωσιν ἄμφι, XVIII. 7 


ἀμφικύμων: -ova, XV. τό 

ἀμφιπολέω: -λεῖ, fr. 7. 3 

ἀμφιτίθημι: -τίθει, Epigr. 1. 4 (fr. 33) 
᾿Αμφιτρίτα: -av, XVI. 111 
᾿Αμφιτρύων : -bwvos, V. 156 


᾿Αμφιτρυωνιάδας, V. 85: -av, XV. 15 

ἀμφότερος: -αισιν, V. 188 

ἀμώμητος: -ov, V. 147 

ἄν, I. 70, V. 97, 135, 193 (9), X- 30(?), 
XVI. 41, XVII. 3 

ἀνά, with acc., v. 66: with dat., III. 50: 
in tmesis, III. 50 f. 

ἜΒΗ ΜΗ: ἀνὰ... ἔβαλλον (tmesis), III. 
5οῖ. 

ἀναβολά: see ἀμβολά 

ἀνάγκα, fr. 16. 2: -av, X. 72: -α, Χ. 46 

ἀναδέω: -δησάμενος, ΙΧ. τό 

ἀνάδημα: see ἄνδημα 

*dvadoudxas: -αν, V. 105 

ἀνακάμπτω: ἀνεκάμπτετο, XVI. 82 

ἀνακαρύσσω: ἀγκάρυξαν, IX. 27 

ἀνακλαίω: ἀγκλαύσασα, V. 142 (?) 

ἀνακομίζω : ἀγκομίσσαι, 111. 89 

ἀναμείγνυμι : ἀμμειγνυμένα, fr. 16. 5 

ἀναμιμνάσκω: ἀνέμνασεν, τι. 6 

ἄναξ, III. 39, 76, V. 84, VIII. 45, XII. 148, 
XVI. 78, XVII. 2 

*dvailados, XIX. 8 

* ἀναξιβρόντας, XVI. 66 

*dvatiuodmos: -ov, VI. 10 

ἀναπάλλω: ἀνέπαλτο, X. 65 

ἀνάπαυσις: -tv, XVIII. 36 

ἀναπαύω: dumatoas, V. 7 

ἀναπέμπω: ἀνέπεμψε, 111. 62 

ἀναπτύσσω: -ὕξας, V. 75 

ἀνατείνω: ἀντείνων, X. 100: ἄντειναν, XII. 
138: ἀντείνασα, fr. 13. 4 

ἀνατέλλω: -τελλομένᾳ, XII. 127 (?) 

ἀνατίθημι: ἀνέθηκε, Epigr. 2. x (fr. 34) 

dvaros: -o., fr. 19. 2 

ἀναφαίνω: -wy, XII. 76 

ἄνδημα, VII. 52 

ἄνδηρον : -hpos, p- 439 (I- 54 Blass) 

ἀνδροκτόνος : -ov, XVII. 23 

ἄνεμος, V. 65: -μων, Epigr. 2. 2 (fr. 34) 

ἀνήρ, Υ. 191, VI. 46, XVII. 7: ἄνδρα, 111. 
69, IX. 48, XII. 201, XVII. 31: -és, I. 
52f., fr. 25: -t, 111. 88: -as, 1. 10: τῶν, 
IX. 38, XII. 189, XIII. 8, 17, XVII. 40, 


499 


fr. 10. 2: ἀνέρων, X11. 196: ἄνδρεσσι(ν), 
V. 96, X. 114: -dow, fr. 16. 6 

ἀνθεμόεις: -εντι, XV. 5: -evTas, XII. 88 

ἀνθεμώδης : -dea, XVIII. 39 

ἄνθος: -ea, 111. 94, XII. 59, XV. 9, fr. 3. 
2: τέων, X. 18, XII. 92: ἄνθεσιν, IX. τό 

ἄνθρωπος: -wv, 1. 51, 59, VII. 44, VIII. 18, 
88, Ix. 48, fr. 1. 2, 14. 24: -οισ(ιν), V. 30, 
VII. 9, IX. 12, XII. 59, XIII. 1, XIV. 54, 
fr. 16, 8, 19. 3 

ἀνίκατος: -aTov, V. 57 

ἄνιππος (?), p. 475 

ἀνίσχω: -ovTes, XIV. 45 

ἀντάω: -doas, XII. 127 

ἀντί, I. 147 

ἀντίθεος : -ov, XIV. I: -οἱ, X. 79 

dowd: -dv, XVII. 4: -al, XII. 230: -ἂν, 
fr. 3. 2: -ais, VI. 14 

ἀολλίζω: ἀόὀλλιζον, XIV. 42 

ἅπαξ, fr. 1.x 

ἀπάρχω: -et, XI. 6 

ἅπας: -ντι, X. 125: -Ta, XIV. 51, fr. 21. x 

ἀπείρων: -ova, VIII. 20 

ἀπενθής, XII. 87: -θῆ, fr. 7. 2 

ἄπιστος: -ov, III. 57, XVI. 117 

datos: -ov, XII. 51: τοῖο, V. 62 

ἀπό, I. 57, V. 10, VIII. 21, X. 65, XV. 17, 
XVI. 55, 103, fr. 3. 10, 13. 2, 16. x1: 
ἄπο, XVII. 55: in tmesis, IV. 20, Epigr. 
2.4 

ἀπολαγχάνειν : λαγχάνειν ἄπο, IV. 20 

ἀπόλλυμι: ἀπώλεσεν, XV. 31 

᾿Απόλλων, I. 18, III. 29, 58, ΙΝ. 2, XII. 
148: ΓΛπολλον, XV. 10 

ἀποπλέω: -ων, 1. 12 

ἀπόρθητος: -ων, VIII. 52: -ous, 99 

ἀποσεύω: ἀπεσσύμεναι, Χ. 82 

ἀποτρέπω: ἀπέτραπεν, Χ. 27 

ἀποφθίνω: -φθιμένῳ, VIII. 79 

ἄπρακτος: -αν, IX. 8: -ακτα, fr. 8. x 

ἅπτω: -εἰν, 111. 49 

ἀπωθέω: -woduevov, V. 189 

dpa, X11. 164, 228, XV. 5 

dpaxva: -ἂν, fr. 3. 7 

ἀργαλέος: -éay, X. 72 

᾿Αργεῖος (Argive): -eiwv, VIII. 11, XIV. 5 

᾿Αργεῖος (proper name), I. 32, 11- 4f. 

ἀργηστής: -ds, ν. 67 

ἀργικέραυνος : -ov, V. 58 

“Apyos, ὃ: -ov, XVIII. 19, 33 

“Apyos, τό, IX. 32, Χ. 60, 81, XVIII. 15 

ἀργυροδίνας : dpyupodiva, VII. 48 

ἀρείων : -w, VIII. Qf: -ovos, XVII. 29 

dperd, 1. 71: -dp, 22, V. 32, IX. 13, fr. 
10. 2: -Gs, 111. go, X. 7: -al, XIII. 8: 
”Aperd, XII. 176 

* dpératxmos, XVI. 47 

ἀρήϊος: ἀρῇος, τ. 3(?): -#iov, 111. 69: -ηΐων, 
XVII. 57 

ἀρηΐφιλος: -ov, V. 166: -οι, XIV. 50: -ους, 
I. 10: τοις, X. 113 


33—2 


500 


“Apns, V. 130, XII. 146, fr. 20. 2: -nos, Vv. 
34, VIII. 44 

ἀρίγνωτος, V. 29: -ov, XVI. 57: τοῖο, IX. 
37: τοις, VIII. 64 

" ἀρισταλκής: ἀρισταλκές, VII. 7 

ἀρίσταρχος: -ov, XII. 58 

*dpioréxapmos: -ov, III. 1 

᾿Αριστομένειον (τέκος), VII. 10 

*dpicrowdtpa, X. 106 

ἄριστος, III. 22: -ov, XIII. 2: -ol, V. 111 

"Apxadla: -αν, X. 94 

ἅρμα, V. 177: -aow, p. 437 (I. 19 Blass?) 

ἁρμόζω: -ζει, XIII. 12 

ἁρπαλέως, XII. 98 

ἄρρητος : -ων, fr. 4. 2 

“Apres, X. 37: τἰδος, V. 99 

ἀρχά: -ἂς, X. 65 

ἀρχαγέτας: -av, III. 24 

ἀρχαγός: -dv, V. 179: -ovs, VIII. 51 

dpxatos: -av, V. 150, p. 439 (I. 52 Blass) 

᾿Αρχέμορος: -ῳ, VIII. 12 

dpxw: dpxev, XIV. 47 

taoayevovra, VIII. 13 

ἄσπετος: -ol, XVIII. 34 

ἀσπίς: -low, XX. 3 

doraxus: -ύων, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) 

ἀστραπά: -dv, XVI. 56 

ἀστράπτω: ἄστραψε, XVI. 71 

ἄστρον : -ων, VIII. 28 

ἄστυ, Ill. 43, X. 12, 57, XII. 115: -ea, 188 

᾿ἀστύθεμις : -w, IV. 3 

ἀσφαλής: -e?, XII. 66: -éorarov, XVIII. 38 

᾿Ασωπός: -ὄν, VIII. 39 

ἀτάρβακτος, V. 139 

*drapBoudxas, XV. 28 

ἀτάσθαλος: -ov, XVII. 24 

ἄτεκνος : -ov, p. 475 (?) 

ἄτερθε, XVI. 12 

᾿Ατρείδας : -εἶδᾳ, XIV. 6: -ἂν, X. 123 

ἀτρέμα, V. 7 

ἀτρόμητος, XII. 123 

ἄτρυτος : -ov, VIII. 80: -y, V. 27 

ἀτύζω: -όμενοι, XII. 116 

αὐγά: -ds, X. I10: -als, p. 439 (I. 55 
Blass) 

αὐδάεις, XIV. 44 

αὐθαίρετος: -οι, fr. 20. x 

αὐθιγενής, Il. 11 

αὐλά: αὐλᾶς, III. 32 

αὐλός: -@y, II. 12, VIII. 68, IX. 54, fr. 3. 5 

αὔξω: -ovow, IX. 45: -ew, I. 52 

Giimvos: -ον, XVIII. 23 

αὔρα: -at, XVI. 6 

αὔριον, 111. 79 

αὖτε, ΙΧ. 23 

αὐτίκα, X. ττο 

αὖτις, 111. 89, XIV. 60 

αὐτόματος: -οι, fr. 18. 3 

Αὐτομήδης : -εἰ, VIII. 25 

αὐτός: -6y, XVII. 41: αὐτ-, p. 437 (I. 22 
Blass) 


VOCABULARY. 


αὐτοῦ (adverb), v. 178 

αὐχήν : -évt, Il. 7 

᾿Αφάρης: -nTa, V. 129 

ἄφατος: -a, XVII. 18 

ἄφθεγκτος: -οισιν, fr. 2. 2 

ἀφικνέομαι : ἀφίκετο, XVIII. 40 

ἀφνεός, I. 62: -όν, V. 53: τοῦ, XVI. 34 

᾿Αφροδίτα, XVI. 116 

ἀφροσύνα: -αις, XIV. 57 

᾿Αχαιός: -Gyv, VIII. 58(?), X. 126, XIV. 39: 
-ots, X. 114 

dxeluavros: -ov, fr. 22. τ 

ἀχειρής: -és, XI. τι (?) 

᾿Αχιλλεύς, ΧΙ]. 110: -éa, IOI, 134 

ἄχος, X. 85: -éwv, 76, XIV. 52 

ἀχρεῖος : -ov, IX. 50 

aq@os, fr. 3. x12 (?) 

dws: dots, XVI. 42: "Ads, Vv. 40: ᾿Δοῖ, 
XII. 129 

ἀωτεύω: -ovTa, VIII. 13 (?) 


B 


*Badudeledos: -ov, 1. 29 

βαθύζωνος, XIV. 7 (?): -ov, I. 7: τοῖο, X. 
16: -ots, V. 9 

βαθύξυλος: -y, XII. 169 

βαθυπλοκάμου, X. 8 

βαθύπλουτος: -ον, 111. 82 

βαθύς, 111. 85: -ύν, ν. 16, XIV. 61: -είας, 
XVI. 62 

Βακχυλίδης : -ῃ, Epigr. 1. 4 (fr. 33) 

βάλλω: see under ἀναβάλλω and ἀμφι- 
βάλλω 

βαρυαχής: -éas, XV. 18 

βαρύβρομος: -ov, XVI. 76 

βαρυπενθής: -éow, XIII. 72 

βαρύς: -εἴαν, XVI. 28, 96 

βαρύτλατος, XIII. 4 

βαρύφθογγος: -ov, VIII. 9 

βάσανος : βασάνοισιν, VIII. 58 (9) 

βασιλεύς, I. 14: -εῦ, XVII. I: -εἴ, X. 63, 
XIV. 6, 38: -jes, fr. 26 

βέλος: -n, V. 132 

Bia: -αν, V. 181, XVI. 23, 45: -@, V- 116, 
X. 91, XVII. 10 

βιάω: -Grat, XII. 200, fr. 1. 2 

Bios: -ov, fr. 7. 2: τῳ, 1. 59 

Bord: -dv, V. 53 

βλέπω: -ers, XVI. 75 

βλέφαρον, V. 157: τῳ, X. 17: -άρων, fr. 
- 10 

βληχρός: -dv, XII. 227: -Gs, X. 65 

βλώσκω : see wor- 

Bod: βοᾷ, VIII. 68: -dv, 35 

βοαθόος Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 

βοαθόος: -ov, XII. 103 (?) 

Bodw: Béace, XVI. 14 

Βοιώτιος: -ίοισιν, fr. 17. 4 

Βοιωτός, V. 101 

Βορέας, XII. 125: -α, V. 46 

βορεάς, XVI. QI 


VOCABULARY. 


βορήϊος: -αι, XVI. 6 

βούθυτος: -o1s, 111. 15 

βουλά, VIL. 90 (9) : -αἶσι, Χ. 121 

βουλεύω: βούλευσεν, V. 130 

βοῦς, XVIII. 16: βοῦν, XV. 22: βοῦς (acc.), 
X. 104: βοῶν, V. 102, IX. 44, fr. 3. 3, 
Rex 

βοῶπις: -w, X. 99, XVI. 110 

βραχύς, Ill. 74 

βρίθω : -θοντι (3rd plur.), fr. 3. 12: βρίσει, 
IX. 47 

Βρισηΐς : Βρισηΐδος, XII. 137 

βροτός: -ῳ, 111. 66: -ῶν, I. 42, III. 66, gt, 
V. 63, 87, 109, 190, 194, VIII. 22, 85, 
X. 35, XII. 62, 202, XVI. 32, XVII. 2, 
fr. 26, 28: -oto(t), VIII. 74(?), XIV. 31, 
XVI. 118, fr. 11. x 

“βροτωφελής: βροτωφελέα, XII. 191 

βρύω: -e, 111. 15: τουσι, 16: -ουσα, XII. 
179: -ovTa, XVIII. 44: -ovTes, VI. 9 

βωμός: -dv, IX. 30, X. 41, 110, XII. 58: 
τῶν, fr. 3. 3 


os 


γᾶ: γᾶν, X. 70, XII. 180: γᾶς, XIV. 63: 
γᾷ, V. 42, VII. 41 

γαῖα, XII. 153: -αν, fr. 20. 4: -as, V. 24, 
Ρ. 437 (I. 6 Blass): τᾷ, vir. 38 

γαμβρός: -@, XVI. 50: -όν, p. 437 (I. 8 
Blass) 

γάμος: -@, XVI. 115 

γάρ, 111. 5, etc.: placed between a prep. 
and noun, XI. 4, XVI. 103 f. 

yapus: -w, V. 15: -υἵ, XIV. 48 

γαρύω, III. 85 

γε, with μέν, 111. 63 (Ὁ), go(?): after εἰ, 
XII. 228 (εἴ κε MS.): νῦν, VIII. 25: 
πρίν, XV. 13 

γέγωνεν, 111. 37 

*yvehavw: -woas, V. 80 

γέμω: -ουσαν, XV. 4 

γενεά: -dv, X. 74: -Gs, VIII. 49 

γένος, I. 30, XVI. 93 

yepaipw, XII. 225: -εἰ, IV. 3, VI. 14: 
-ovoa, II. 13: ἐγεραίρομεν, IV. 13 

γέρας, II. 12, VI. 8, X. 36, XVIII. 14 

γέρων : -ovTa, III. 59 

yetw: -σαντο, VIII. 46 

“γῆρας, 111. 89, fr. 21. 3 

Tiyas: -avras, XIV. 63 

γίγνομαι: γένετο, XVIII. 29 

- γιγνώσκω: γνώσει, V. 3: γνῶν, 152 

γλαυκός: -ὄν, VII. 51: -ᾷ, Χ. 29 

γλυκύδωρος: -€, III. 3, X. I: τον, V. 4 

γλυκύς: -0, 1. 65: -eta, V. 151, fr. 16. τ, 
17. 4: -elav, 11. 12: -torov, 111. 47 

γλῶσσα: -av, V. 195, IX. 51 

γνάμπτω: ἐγνάμῴφθη, XI. 52 

γνήσιος : γνησίων, VIII. 83 

γνώμα: -g, X. 35: -as (acc.), III. 79: 
καισι, fr. 27 


501 


γύαλον : -λοις, XIII. 41 

a ai -έα (sing.), ΧΙ. 8: (plur.), vil, 
a 

yulov: -ων, XVI. 104: -ols, 124 

γυμνάσιον: -lwy, fr. 3. 5 

γυνά, ν. 139: -aika, fr. 15. 2: -αικός, XII. 
136: -atkes, 111. 45: -αἰκῶν, X. 112 


A 


δα-: ἐδάη, ν. 64 
Aaidveipa: -αν, V. 173: -ᾳ, XV. 24 
δαιδαλέος: -ας (gen.), V. 140: -έων, fr. 


3. 3 

*Sadopébpos: -dpe, fr. 23. x 

δαΐζω: -ει, XII. 126 

δαιμόνιος : -ον, XV. 35 

δαίμων, V. 113, 135, VIII. 26, XV. 23, XVI. 
46, fr. 21. τ: τον, 111. 37: -ovos, XIII. 
I: -oves, XVI. 117: -oot, VIII. 84 

Δαΐπυλος: -ov, V. 145 

dais: -ras, fr. 18. 4 

δαΐῴρων, V. 122, 137 

δάκρυ, XVI. 95 

δακρυόεις, V. 94 

δακρύω: -υσα, V. 153 

Δάλιος: -ε, XVI. 130 

Δαλογενής, 111. 58, X. 15 

Δᾶλος: -e, fr. 12 

δαμάζω, δάμναμι: δάμασεν, 1. 118: δαμά- 
σειας, XVI. 44: δάμναται (midd.), fr. 3: 
ἐδάμησαν, VIII. 64 

δάμαλις: -ἰν, XVIII. 24 

δαμασίμβροτος, XII. 50 

δαμάσιππος: -ov, III. 23 

*SapacixOwv: -ovt, XV. 19 

Δαμάτηρ: Δάματρα, III. 2 

Aavaol: -ots, XII. 145 

Aavads: -o0, X. 74 

δάπεδον : τοις, X. 25 

δάπτω: -ouévay, XV. 14 

δάσκιος : -ov, X. 93 

δέ, passim (occurring about 160 times; 
cp. καί and τε): as third word of a 
sentence, I. 6, XVII. 47, Cp. XII. 127 n.: 
δέ τε, XII. 129, fr. 3. τ: τε. δέ, XII. 
115 n. (?) 

δὲ (enclit.): πόντονδε, XVI. 94: cp. X. 
1140. 

δείδω: ἔδεισεν, XVI. 102: δέδοικα, XVII. 


30 

δείκνυμι: δείξομεν, XVI. 46: δεῖξαι, fr. 

435-4 

δειλός : -οἷσιν, I. 51 

δειμαλέος : -g? Ill. 72. 

Δεινομένης : -veos, III. 7, IV. 13: -veus, V. 
35 

δεινός : -οὔ, III. 53 

δέκατος: -ον, X. 59: τάτῳ, I. 15 

Δελῴφοίΐ, III. 21: -ῶν, XV. IT 

δέμας, V. 147, VIII. 31 


502 


Δεξιθέα: -αν, 1.8 

δεξίστρατος : -ov, XIV. 43 

δέος, V. 84 

δέρκομαι: -erat, XIV. 51 

δέσποινα, X. 117, XII. 95 

δεῦρο, V. 8 

δέχομαι: ἐδέξατο, VII. 47: δέξατο, XV. 35, 

XVI. 85: δέκτο, IX. 31, X. 17 

δή, V- 142, 156, X- 95, XI. 4, XII. 121, 
£93 

δῆρις : -w, V. 111 

διά with gen.: VIII. 47, XII. 52: with 
acc.: Ill. 61, VI. 4, VIII. 30, XII. 156, 
XIV. 40 

διάγω: -εἰν, V. 33 

διαιθύσσω: -7, fr. 16. 4 

διαΐσσω: -σσεν, 111. 54 

διακρίνω: -ivet, VIII. 28, 89: -κεκριμέναι, 
fr. 24. x 

διατελέω: -eiv, fr. 7. 2 

διατρέχω: διέδραμεν, XIV. 44 

δίδυμος : -ous, 111. 78 

δίδωμι: ἔδωκε(ν), VIII. 26, X. 39, XII. 80, 
fr. 21.1: δῶκε(ν), XVI. 116: δόσαν, XVI. 
37: dolnre, VIII. 2 

διέπω: -ovet, 111. 21 

δίζημαι: -nvrat, 1. 67: -σθαι, XVII. 60 

δικ- : δικών, XVI. 63 

δίκα : -ας, X. 26, XVI. 25: -g, XII. 202: 
-as (acc.), XII. 45, XVII. 42 

Aika: -as, IV. 12 

δίκαιος : -οἱ, fr. 18. 4: -as (acc.), X. 123: 
των, XIV. 47: ταῖσι, XIII. 11 

δινάεις : -ἂντα, XII. 165: -Gvros, 78 

δινέω (-dw): δίνασεν, XVI. 18: δίνηντο, 
107 

Διονύσιος : -σίοισι, fr. 16. 5 

Διόνυσος: -ov, XVIII. 50: Διωνύσου, VIII. 
98 (?) 

dis, IX. 27, 29, XVI. 2 

δίσκος : -ov, VIII. 32 

διχόμηνις: -dos, VIII. 29 

διχοστασία: -iats, X. 67 

διώξιππος : -οι(ο), VIII. 44, X- 75 

δνόφεος : -ov, XV. 32 

δοιάζω: dolate, X. 87 

δοκέω, XVII. 12: -εἴ, fr. 16. 8 

δόλιος, XVI. 116 

δολιχαύχην : -evt, XV. 6 

δολιχός: -dv, XVII. 16: -@, 45 

δολόεις : -εσσα, 111. 75 

δόμος: -ov, III. 49, ΧΥ. 29, XVI. 100: -οί, 
III. 40: τοὺς, XVI. 63: -ows, III 

δονακώδης: -dea, fr. 22. 2 

δόναξ : -axos, XII. 92 

δονέω: -e?, V. 67: -ἔουσι, I. 69: -εῖν, fr. 

8. x 

δόξα: -av, VIII. 1, IX. 18, XII. ὅτ: -as 
(gen.), IX. 37: -@, XII. 120 

δορά: -Gs, V. 124 

δόρυ, XII. 120, XVI. go 


VOCABULARY. 


δράκων, VIII. 13 

δράω: δρῶν, 111. 83 

δρόμος: -w, V. 183: δρόμον, 1X. 26 

δύα: -g, p- 439 (I. 79 Blass), fr. 21. 3: 
-Gy, XIV. 4 

δύναμαι: -ra, fr. 7. 2: -To, XVIII. 26 

δύναμις: -ἰν, XIV. 59 

δύνασις: -w, IX. 49 

δύο, IV. 17, XV. 19, XVII. 46, 49 

δύρομαι: -évats, III. 35 

δύσλοφος: -ov, XII. 46 

Ἐδυσμάχητος: -τα, fr. 32. 2 

δυσμενής, XVII. 6: -éwv, V. 133, XII. 208 

δύσμορος, XV. 30 

δυσπαίπαλος: -a, V. 26 

δύστανος : -010, X. 102: -wy, V. 63 

δῶμα: -ατα, V. 59: -ἄσι, 173 

δῶρον : -a, XVI. 10, 76, 124, VIII. 4, fr. 
32. 2: -ots, fr. 16. 5 


E 

ἑβδομήκοντα, 11. 9 

"EBpos: -ῳ, XV. 5 

ἔγγονος : -ων, VIII. 46 

ἐγγύθεν, XVI. 128 

ἐγκύρω: éyxipoat, fr. 21. 3 

ἐγχέσπαλος: -ov, V. 69 

ἔγχος: -ea, fr. 3, 8: -έων, VIII. 43 

ey, V. 127, XII. 221: ἐμέ, XVI. 33 (κἀμέ) : 
με, ΧΙ. 5, XVI. 53: ἐμοί, V. 31, 138, 
XII. 226, XV. 2, XVIII. 37: pot, 151: 
ἄμμι, XVI. 25 

ἕδος, VIII. 46 

ἕδρα: -as, fr. 11. x 

ἔθειρα: -αν, V. 29: -as, VI. 8, XII. 197 

ἐθέλω: -εἰ, 1. 52, V. 14: ἐθέλων, V. τόρ: 
ἔθελεν, Χ. 73: cp. θέλω 

ei, with indic., I. 55, X. 27, XII. 168, 199, 
228, XVI. 28f. (εἰ καί), 57. (do.), fr. 
7. 2, 29, p. 437 (? I. 9 Blass): with 
optat., V. 190: with ellipse of indic. 
verb, XI. 4 (εἴ wore), XVII. 12 (εἴ τινι). 
Cp. ai and εἴπερ 

εἶδον : elde(v), V. 40, X. 22, XVI. IOQ: 
ἴδεν, V. 71, XVI. τό: ἰδεῖν, V. 30, XVI. 
43: ἰδών, XVI. 72, 1ΟΙ 

εἴδωλον, V. 68, fr. 25 

εἴκοσι, X. 104 

εἰλαπίνα : -as (acc.), XII. 162 

εἶμι: twev, XVIII. 12 

εἰμί: éort(v), 111. 38, V. 162, 167, XII. 203, 
fr. 3. 9, 7. 1, 12. 1: edoi, VIII. 88, 
fr. 19. 2: εἴη, IX. 12: ἔμμεναι, XVII. 14: 
ἔμμεν, V. 144, XVII. 31, 56: εἶμεν, IX. 
48: ἐών, 1. 56, VII. 46: ἐόντα, IV. 19, 
XVIII. 23: edvra, 111. 78: ἦν, XVII. 21, 
XVIII. 15: ἔσεσθαι, XII. 57 

εἵνεκεν, X11. 136 

εἴπερ, VIII. 86, XVI. 53 

εἶπον : elme(v), 111. 48, 77, V. 86, XVI. 47, 
111. 81: εἰπεῖν, VIII. 72, fr. 1. x 


VOCABULARY. 


elpnva: -ᾳ, V. 200 

Εἰρήνα, fr. 3. τ: -g, XII. 189 

elpw (dico): elpev, XVI. 20, 74 

eis, XIV. 43: see és 

els, fr. 7. 1: μία, zb., XII1. 8: ἕνα, 1. 45 

*elcdvTay, V- ILO 

εἴτε.. ἤ, XV. 5 f.: εἴτ᾽ οὖν. «ἢ ῥα..ἤ, XVIII. 
209 fi... 

ἐκ, V. 15, 82, 132, 141, VIII. 35, X. 36, 
XIII. 8, XVI. 24, 62 (?): ἐξ, ΠΙ. 46, V. 
61, X. 43, XVI. 122, fr. 4.1 

ἕκαστος : -@, XIII. 16 

*‘Exdra, fr. 23. x 

&xart, I. Of., V. 33, VI. 11, IX. 15, X. Q, 
XVI. 7 

ἐκβάλλω : ἐξέβαλεν, XVII. 28 

ἔκγονον, XVI. 16 

ἑκκαιδέκατος : -αν, VII. 3 

ἐκπίμπλημι : ἐκπλήσομεν, XVI. 27 

Εκτόρεος : ‘Exropéas (gen.), XII. 154 

ἐκτός, 1X. 52 

Ἕκτωρ: -opa, XII. 109 

ἐλαία : -as, VII. 52: -g, X. 28 

ἔλαιον : -w, IX. 23 

ἐλαύνω, IX. 51 

ἐλαφρός, I. 35: -όν, fr. 8. x 

ἐλέγχω: -ει, fr. 10. 2 

ἐλέφας: -αντι, fr. 16. 9 

*é\txoorépavos: -ov, VIII. 62 

ἔλλαθι (λημι), X. 8 

Ἕλλαν: -dywy, 111. 12, V. 1{1, VIII. 30: 
-ασι(ν), VII. 7, IX. 20, XII. 82: Ἑλλά- 
νεσσιν, 56 f. (?): “EAXavas, VII. 44 

Ἑλλάς: -da, IIT. 63 

ἐλπίς, 111. 75, Vill. 18, fr. 16. 4: -ἔδι, 1. 
54, IX. 40, XII. 220: -low, 157 

ἔλπομαι, fr. 12 

ἐμβάλλω: ἔμβαλεν, X. 54 

ἐμός: -Gs, XVI. 64: -Gv, V. 117: -als, 
XII. 229 

ἔμπεδον, X11, 178 

ἐμπίτνω: -ων, IX. 24 

ἔμπορος: -ov, XVII. 36 

ἐμπρέπω: ἐνέπρεπεν, VIII. 27 

ἐν, 11. 6, V. 27, 41, 44, 80, 88, 110, 131, 
165, 173; 200, VII. 3, 45, 53, VIII. 22, 
IX. 19, 29, X. 4, 19, 24, 32, 88, XI. 8, 
XII. 61, 81, 99, 118, 124, 135, 162, 
189, 198, XIII. 15, 41, XIV. 53, XVI. 5, 
108, I15, 120, XVII. 23, 45, 49, XVIII. 
8, 47, XIX. 1, fr. 3.6, 15. 1, 17. 5, 21. 2, 
32. τ, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) 

ἐναντίος : -a, V. 76 

ἐναρίζω: -ομένων, XII. 151 

Ἔνδαΐς : "Evdatéa, X11. 96 

ἔνδοθεν, XVI. 86 

ἐνδυκέως, V. 112, 125 

ἔνθα, 111. 33, V- 63, 107, 127, 182, XIV. 
40, XV. 17. XVIII. 42 

ἔνθεν, X. 82, 97, 113 

évvéa, XV. 18 


593 


ἐνστάζω : ἐνέσταξεν, XII. 229 

ἐντυγχάνω: ἐντυχεῖν, XVII. 44 

ἐντύω : ἔντυον, fr. 18, 2 

ἐνυφαίνω : -νετε, p. 437 (I. 4 Blass)? 

ἕξ, V. 113 

ἐξάγω : ἐξαγαγεῖν, X. 103 

ἐξαιρέω: -είλετο, V. 74 

ἐξαίσιος : -ἰοις, XIV. 58 

ἐξεναρίζω: -ων, V. 146 

ἐξευρίσκω : -ευρεῖν, fr. 4. 3 

ἐξικνέομαι: ἐξίκοντο, XII. 132 

ἐξόπιν (or ἐξόπιθε), XVI. gt 

ἔξοχος: -ov, XVIII. 14 

ἑορτά: -ais, III. 15 

ἐπαθρέω: -noov, V. 8(?): -ἤσαις, XII. 227 

ἐπαΐσσω: -wv, V. 116 

"Exagos: -ov, XVIII. 42 

ἐπεί, III. 23, 53, 113, VIII. 2, IX. 25, X. 
120, XI3+\133) ΧΡ. ;, 25.. ΧΥΙ. 42, 99, 
[21, XVIII. 39 

ἔπειμι: ἐπιόντα, XVI. 46 

ἔπειτα, V. 74 

ἐπέρχομαι: -ovrat, fr. 18. 4 

ἐπί, with gen., VII. 9: IX. δὲ, XV. 1 (2), 
XVI. 83, fr. 3.3, Epigr. 2.1 (fr. 34): 
with dat., V. 83, go, 133, VI. 3, VIII. 12, 
42, IX. 21, 42, 44, XII. 105, 193, 203, 
XIII. 16, XV. 34: with acc., I. 76, VIII. 
41, X11. 88, 149, XVII. 37, fr. 18. x, 


IS 

ἐπιβαίνω : ἐπέβαινε, 111. 34: ἐπέβασε, 
ἄς 15 

ἐπιγίγνομαι: -γιγνομένοις, VIII. 81 

ἐπιδείκνυμι : ἐπεδείξαμεν, 11. 9: ἐπεδείξαο, 
III. 93 ὲ 

ἀρ Saale -δέγμενοι, XVI. 96 

ἐπίζηλος: τῳ, V. 52 

ἐπικείρω:: ἐπέκειρεν, V. 108 

ἐπικλώθω: ἐπέκλωσεν, V. 143 

ἐπικουρία : -av, XVII. 13 

ἐπιλέγω: -λεξαμένα, V. 136 

ἐπίμοιρος : -ov, I. 48 

ἐπίμοχθος, I. 71 

ἐπινίκιος : -lots, Il. 13 

ἐπισκήπτω: των, V. 42, VII. 41 

ἐπιστάμα : -ἂμαι, IX. 38 

ἐπιτάσσω: ἐπέταξε, fr. 9 

ἐπιτίθημι: ἐπέθηκεν, XVI. 113 

ἐπιτνυγχάνω: -τυχόντι, fr. 82. 3 

ἐπίφρων : -ova, XV. 25 

ἐπιχθόνιος : -ἰων, IV. 15, V. 5, 54: τίοις, 
v. 96, IX. 14 

ἐπιχρίμπτω: -et, fr. 20. 3 

ἐπιχωρίαν, XII. 92 

ἐποιχνέω : -εἴς, IX. 1 (?) 

ἕπομαι: ἕπεται, 1. 60: ἕπεσθαι, V. 
ἕσπεο, X. 115 

ἐποπτεύω : -εύοις, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) 

ἔπος : -έων, fr. 4. 2 

ἑπτά, XVI. 2 

ἑπτάπυλος: -ols, XVIII. 47 


194: 


504 


épavvds: -dv, XVI. 42 

éparés: -G, XVI. 129: -ῶν, X. 43, fr. 3. 12: 
τοῖσιν, XVI. 110 

ἐρατύω : épdrvev, XVI. 12 

“ἐρατώνυμος, XVI. 31 

ἔργμα: -ατι, XIII. 17 

ἔργον, Vill. 82, fr. 11, τ: -α, xvii. 18: 
τοισ(Ψ), IX. 44, XII. 203 

épdw: -ων, I. 53, V- 36: -ovra, XIII. 18, 
XVII. 43: ἐργμένον, XII. 207: ἐρχθέντος, 
XII. 65 

épeirw: ἤρειπον, X. 68 

“ἐρειψιλάοις, XII. 167 (?) 

“ἐρειψιπύλας: -av, V. 56 

ἐρεμνός : -ὁν, XVI. 116 

ἐρέπτω: -ew, IV. τό: -έψωνται, VIII. 24: 
ἐρεφθείς, XII. 70 

ἐρεύθω : ἔρευθε, XII. 152 

Ἔρίβοια, XVI. 14: -as, XII. 102 

ἐριβρύχας, V. 116 

ἐρίζω: -er, 1. 58 

ἐρικυδής : ἐρικυδέος, 
(sing.), 190 

ἐρισφάραγος: -ov, V. 20 

ἔρνος, V. 87 

éptxw: -ev (inf.), XVI. 41 

ἔρχομαι: ἐρχομένων, XV. 33: ἤλυθεν, 1. 4: 
ἦλθε(»), ν. 184, VIII. 41, XVII. 16, 
Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34): ἔλθῃ, Xvi. 28: 
ἐλθόντα, XI. 7: -ες, X. 78: -as, fr. 11. 
3 f. 

ἔρως: ἐρώτων, VIII. 73 

és, I. 12, II. 2, III. 59, 62, V. 12, 61, τού, 
VIII." 57, 20; 34. X- 48, 55,72, XE 4, 
XII. 143, XIII. 8, XIV. 61, XVI. 63, 73, 
76, XIX. 10: probably to be inserted in 
v. 184 and xX. 114. See els 

ἐσεῖδον : ἐσιδόντες, XII. 139 

ἐσθλός : -ὄν, V. 129, IX. 47 (εσέλων A), 
XIII. 3: τῶν, IV. 20, V. 198, XVI. 132 

ἔσχατος : ἔσχατα, VIII. 41 

ἔσω, XVI. 22 

ἕτερος, ΙΧ. 42, fr. 4. τ: -ου, fr. 4. τ: -αν, 
XVI. 89 

ért, III. 31, IV. I, V. 174, X. 47; fr. 8. x 

ἔτος, X. 59: -ea, III. 81 

ἐτύμως, XII. 228 

εὖ, I. 41, 53, 1Π. 94, V. 36, 78, 100, 
VIII. 72, XII. 65, XIII. 1, 18 

*edalveros: -€, XVIII. 11 

edavdpos: -ovs, VIII. 17 

Εὔβοια: -av, IX. 34 

εὔβουλος, XIV. 37: -ου, p. 437 (I. 7 Blass): 
-ων, IX. 27 

*eiyuos: -ων, X. τὸ 

εὐδαίδαλος: -ov, XVI. 88, fr. 11. 3 

εὐδαιμονία : -as, V. 186 

εὐδαίμων, V. 55 

εὔδενδρος: see ἠῦ- 

Εὔδημος, Epigr. 2. 1, (fr. 34) 

ἐὔδματος: -arov, VIII. 54 


XII. 59: ἐρικυδέα 


VOCABULARY. 


εὔδοξος, VII. 9: τον; XIII. 22: τῶν, VIII. 21 

* eveyx7s, XII. 147 

εὐειδής: -€os, XII. 102 

εὐεργεσία: -av, 1. 47 

εὐθαλής: -és, VIII. 5 

ἐὔθρονος, XV. 3 

εὐθύδικος: -ov, V. 6 

εὐθυμία: -g, XVI. 125 

εὐθύνω: εὔθυνε, imper., XI. 2 

εὐκλεής: -έα (acc.), V. 196 

εὔκλεια: -as, 1. 74: Εὐκλείᾳ, X11. 183 

εὐκλείζω: -ξας, VI. 16 

Εὔκλειος: Διὸς Εὐκλείου, 1. 6 

εὐκτίμενος : -av, V. 149, X. 122, XIV. IO: 
ἐὐκτιμέναν, XIX. τὸ (?) 

ἐὔΐκτιτος: -wy, 111. 46 

*evuapéw: -εῖν, 1. 65 

εὐμαρέως, V. 195 

εὐμενής, fr. 17. 3 

εὐνά: -ais, VIII. 64 (?), XII. 99 (?) 

*edvans: -et, VIII. 42: -ἣ, Pp. 439 (1. 75 
Blass) : 

Evvoula, X11. 186: -as, XIV. 55 

Εὐξαντιάδας : -αδᾶν, p. 437 (1. gf. Blass)? 

Εὐξάντιος : -ov, I. 15 

Εξαντίς : -ida, 11. 8 

εὔοχθος : -ous, fr. 18. 4 

εὔπακτος: -wv, XVI. 82 

εὔπεπλος: -ov, VIII. ὅτ: -ol, X. 42% τοισι, 
XIV. 49 

εὐπλόκαμος, I. 16: -ots, III. 34 

εὐποίητος: -ov, V. 177 

εὔπρυμνος: -ows, XII. 150 

éUrupyos: -ous, V. 184 

εὑρίσκω: εὑρήσει, X. 124 

*etpudvat: -ακτος, V. τ 

evpuBias, XV. 31: -Bla, X. 52: -βίαν, V. 
104 

*evpudlvas: -αν, 111. 7, V. 38 

* εὐρυνεφής : -el, XV. 17 

εὐρύς: -εἴαν, XIV. 40: -elas, VIII. 47: 
-elats, IX. 17 

εὐρυσθενής: -éos, XVIII. 17 

evptxopos: -ov, IX. 31 

Εὐρωπιάδας, 1. 14 

εὐρώς, fr. 3. 8 

εὐσέβεια: -αν, III. 61 

εὐσεβής: -ἔων, XII. 188 

εὖτε, I. 73, III. 25, XII. 118, fr. 13. x 

εὔτυκος, VIII. 4 

εὔτυκτος: -ov, XVII. 50 

εὐτυχία: -as, fr. 7. τ 

εὔυδρος: -ov, X. 119 : 

εὐφεγγής, VIII. 29: -έας, XVIII. 26 

εὐφραίνω: εὔφραινε (imper.), III. 83 

εὐφροσύνα, III. 87, IX. 53: -ὕναι, X. 12 

εὐχά: -άν, XVI. 67: -ἂς, 65: -άς, VII. 50 

εὔχομαι : εὔχοντο, XIV. 46: εὐχομένου, X. 
107: εὐξαμένῳ, Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 

εὐώδης : -dea, XIII. 40 

ἐφαμέριος : -ἰων, 111. 76 


VOCABULARY. 


ἐφάμερος : -ov, III. 73 

ἐφίημι: -σι, XII. 48 

ἐφίστημι: ἐπιστάσας, 111. 55 

ἐχθρός : -ά (neut.), III. 47: ἔχθιστος, 52 

"Εχιδνα: -ας, ν. 62 

ἔχω: -et, I. 57, X. 124, XIII. 7, fr. 7. 5 
-ovow, III. 63: -ew, I. 50, XVII. 48: 
των, fr. 7. 2: -ovra, XVII. 32: ἔσχεν, 


V. 104, XII. 106, XVII. 27, 41: ἕξειν, 
XII. 163 
Z 
ζάθεος: -éav, 11. 7: -éas, V. 10: -éots, 


X. 24 

ζεύγνυμι: ζεύξασα, X. 46 

Ζεύς, 111. 55, V- 200, X. 73, XIV. 51, XVI. 
68: Zed, VII. 48, XVI. 53: Ζηνός, III. 
II, 26, V. 20, VIII. 5, IX. 29: Ζηνί, 
X. 5, XV. 18: Acds, I. 6, III. 70, V. 79, 
VI. 1, X. 52, XII. 58, XV. 28, XVI. 20, 
30, 75, 86, XVIII. 17: Ala, Vv. 178 

Ζέφυρος: -ov, V. 28: τῳ, Epigr. 2. 2 
(fr. 34 

fd: -dv, UI. 82: ds, V. 144 

(ow: -Ὦ, 1. 70: -εἰν, 57 


H 


ἤ, pas (1) single, v. 87, VIII. 36, Xu. 
169: (2) repeated, ‘either’...‘or,’ x. 
34) IX. 39-41: (3) after an ἐρνειεοῤαιῖνο, 

ἧ..ἤ..ἢ..} XVII. 5-11: πότερα..ἤ.. 
Ἐπ 35: (4) after εἴτε, xv. 6: εἴτ᾽ ofp 
--% pa..H.., XVI. 33-35.—#, ‘than,’ 
Iv. 18, fr. 2. 2 

, (1) affirmative, XII. 54, 71, 147; 157; 
XVII. 41: (2) interrogative, XVII. 5 

7, ‘where,’ V. 9 

nBa: -av, III. go, V. 154 

ἤδη, X. 59, XII. 196 

ἡδύς. fr. 17. 5; cp. adds 


ἠΐθεος : τοι, XVI. 128: -έων, 43, 93 

ἥμερος: ἡμέρα, X. 39 

ἡμίθεος: -οἱ, VIII. 10, X. 62: -έοις, XII. 
"155 

ἥμισυς: -v, 1. 9 

ἠπιόφρων : -ov (voc.), XII. 78 


ἦρα (-: χάριν), X. 21 

Ἥρα, v. 89, Vill. 8, X. 44, XVIII. 22: 
-av, X. 107 

Ἡρακλῆς: -κλεῖ, VIII. 9 

ἥρως, V- 71, XIV. 37, XVI. 47, 73) 94: as 
voc., 23: τῷ (acc.), VIII. 56, XII. 104: 
-wes, X. 81 

“Helodos, Vv. 192 

ἠύΐδενδρος: -ov, XVI. 80 

ἠῦτε, XII. 87 

Θ 

θαητός : -dv, X. 14, XII. 115 

θάλασσα: -as, XII. 149: θάλασσαν, 181 

θάλεια: -εἰαν, ILI. 89 


5°5 


θαλία: -tas, XII. 187: 

θάλλω: -ovew, V. 198: 
τέθαλεν, IX. 40 

θάλπω: -er, fr. 3. 11: θάλπῃσι (subjunct.), 
fr. 16. 3 

θάμα, XII. 193 

θαμβέω: θάμβησεν, V. 84 


-tats, XIII. 15 
-ovoa, XIV. 58: 


θάνατος: -ov, V. 134: -ov, XIX. 7: τοῖον 
XII. 63 

θάπτω: -ομεν (impf.), V. 115 

θαρσέω: -e?, V. 21 

θάρσος, XVI. 50 

*@arnp: -ἥρων, 1X. 23 

θαῦμα, XVI. 123 

θαυμάζω: -ασθείς, I. 42 

θαυμαστός, V. τ: τόν, VIII. 31 

Ged, V. 103: -Gs, X. 49, XVI. 9 

Θεανώ, XIV. 7 

θεῖος, VIL. 3 

*Oednuds: -όν, XVI. 85 

Ἐθελξιεπής: -εἶ, XIV. 48 

θελξίμβροτος : -ov, V. 175 

θέλω: -et, XII. 51: τῇ, V. 135: -otme, 
XVI. 41: των, V. 169, XVI. 69: -ἥσει, 


Ill. 64: cp. ἐθέλω 

θέμις, III. 88: Θέμιτος, XIV. 55 

θεόδματος : -ov, XI. 7, XII. 163: -ot, 
P- 437 (I. 14 Blass): τους, x. 58 

θεόδοτος : -ους, VII. 50 

Θεόκριτος, fr. 14 

θεόπομπος: -ov, XVI. 132 

θεός, V. 36, 50, X. 34, XIII. 18, XVII. 41: 
τόν, III. 21 (625) : -ol, VIII. 50: -οὔς, I. 
53: τῶν, III. 38, 57, Υ. 95, 179, VIII. 
63, 89, X. 121, XVI. 24, 100, 124: 
-oto(w), IV. 18, XII. 138, XIV. 14, 45, 
fr. 3. 3 

θεοτίματος : -ov, VIII. 98 

θεότιμος: -ov, X. 12. 

θεοφιλής: -és, X. 60: -λῆ, III. 69 (ἢ) 

θεράπων, V. 14 

θερμός : -μᾶν, IX. 22 

Θερμώδων : -οντος, VIII. 43 

*Oepovemys, XII. 199 

θεσπέσιος : -ἰῳ, XII. 108 

Θεσσαλία: -as, XIII. 40 (?) 

Θεσσαλός: -dv, XVII. 54 

Θέστιος : -iov, V. 137 

θευπροπία: -αν, IX. 41 

Θήβα, IX. 30: -as, VIII. 54 

Θῆβαι: -as, VIII. 20 

θηροσκόπος, X. 107 

Θησεύς, XVI. 16: -εῦ, 74: 

θιγγάνω: Olyev, XVI. 12 

Gis: θῖνα, XII. 149 

θνάσκω: θνᾷάσκοντες, XII. 166: θάνῃ, 1. 73: 
θανεῖν, 111. 47 

θνατός, I. 56: -ὄν, 111. 78: -ὧν, III. 61, 
XVII. 21, fr. 21. 1: -οἷσ(ι»), 1. 66, ΠῚ. 
51, 93, V- 160, IX. 53; Χρὴ; ΕΣ gs 
XIV. 52, XVIII. 45, fr. 3. 1, 9. x, 20. x 


-€a, 99 


506 


Golva: -as, fr. 18. 2 

Gods: Body, XVI. 55: θοούς, V. 129: -ds, 
III. 3 

θοῶς, XIV. 59, XVI. 98 

θράσος: -e, XVI. 63; cp. θάρσος 

θρασυκάρδιος, XIX. 5: -ov, XII. 106 

θρασυμέμνων : -ovos, V. 69 

θρασυμήδης: -ea, XV. 15 

Opavs: -ὖν, XVII. 39 

*@pacixetp: θρασύχειρος, 11. 4 

θροέω: θρόησε, III. 9 

θρῴσκω: -ουσα, XII. go: Odpev, XVI. 94 

θυγάτηρ, Ν. 124, XVI. 34: θύγατερ, VII. 1, 
XII. 77, fr. 23. 2: θύγατρες, I. 28, X. 
84: -@v, V. 167, VIII. 50: -άσι, III. 35 

θυμάρμενος : -ov, XVI. 71 

θυμός, XVI. 82, fr. 17. 3: τόν, I. 33, 69, 
III. 83, V. 80, IX. 45, XII. 220, XVI. 23, 
fr. 7. 2, 16. 3 

θυσία: -αισι, V. IOI 

θύω: Over (inf.), XV. 18: θύσω, X. 104 


I 


ἰαίνω : -εἰ, XII. 220: lavOels, XVI. 131 

idwrw: -erat, fr. 7. 5 

laropia: -g, I. 39 

Ἰάων : -όνων, XVI. 3: cp. Ἴων 

Ἴδα: -as, V. 66, XVI. 30 

ἰδέ (ΞΞ ἠδέ), XIII. 5 (9) 

*idpwes: -evTa, XII. 57 

ἱερόν (subst.): ἱερά, 111. 15 

ἱερός : -άν, Il. 2, IX. 34: -ἂν, XVII. 1 

Ἱέρων, Ul. 64, 92: -wva, IV. 3, V. 16: 
-wvos, III. 4: των, V. 49, 185, 197 

ifjw: ἑσσαμένων, X. 120 

ἵἕημι: ἵησι, fr. 13. 2: ἱεῖσαι, X. 56: ἵεται, 
v. 48: ἵετο, XVI. 90 

᾿θακήσιος : -ου, fr. 25 

ἐθύς: -εἴαν, XIV. 54 

ἰἐἰθύω: ἰθύσας, IX. 51 : 

ἱκάνω : ἵκανεν, X. 96: ἵξον, XII. 149 

ἔκελοι, fr. 19. 3 

ἱκνέομαι: -εἶσθαι, fr. 21. 3: ἵκετο, VIII. 39, 
Xv. 16: iky, XV. 8: ἱκέσθαι, X. 30 

ἴκριον : των, XVI. 83 

ἵλεως : τῳ, X. 15 

ἼΛιον : του, XII. 115 

ἱμείρω: -ει, I. 62 

*ipepdpmvé : -πυκος, XVI. 9 

*imepbyuios: -ou, XII. 137 

ἱμερόεις : -ev, X. 118: -evra, Epigr. 1. 2 
(fr. 33) 

iweprés: -άν, I. 13 

wa, (1) ‘in order that,’ IX. 11, p. 437 
(I. 5 Blass): (2) ‘where,’ x. 79 

Ἴναχος: -ov, XVIII. 18 

loBdégapos: -οἱ, XVIII. 5: τῶν, VIII. 3 

*Téda: -av, XV. 27 

ἰόπλοκος : -ov, VIII. 72: τοι, XVI. 37: τῶν, 
III. 71 


VOCABULARY. 


ἰός (‘arrow’): ἰόν, ν. 75 

ἰοστέφανος : -ov, III. 2: τοῦ, XII. 122: τῶν, 
Vv. 3 

ἱππευτάς: -αἰ, XII. 160 

ἵππιος : -ov, XVIII. 15: -ov, XVI. 99 

ἱππόβοτος: -ov, X. 80 

*immodlvynros: -ων, V. 2 

ἱππόνικος : -ov, XIII. 22 (?) 

ἵππος: -ovs, III. 4, XIX. 9, Ρ. 437 (1. 19 
Blass): των, IV. 6, V. 44 

ἱπποτρόφος: -ov, X. 114 

*inmakns: -€0s, X. 101 

ἰσάνεμος : -ους, XIX. 9 

᾿Ισθμιονίκας : -αν, IX. 26 

᾿Ἰσθμιόνικος : -ον, 1. 46 

Ἴσθμιος : -ἰαν, XVII. 17: 
(I. 6 Blass) 

Ἰσθμός: -ὄν, VII. 40: -οὔ, 11. 7 

ἰσόθεος : -έων, ΧΙΙ. τ56 

ἰσόρροπος : -ον (neut.), Iv. τα f. (?) 

ἴσος, V. 46: ἶσον, I. 62, fr. 2. 2 


τίας, Pp. 437 


 ἵστημι: ἵσταν (impf.), X. 112: ἔστα, ΙΧ. 


23, fr. 18.1: στᾶθι, V. 80: στᾶσον, 177: 
στασάμεθα, V. 112: σταθείς, XII. 105, 
XVI. 84: σταθέντων, 111. 18 

ἱστίον, XII. 131 

ἱστός: -ol, fr. 8. 7 

ἵστωρ: -opes, VIII. 44 

ἰσχυρός : -dv, XVII. 38 

ἰσχύς: -ὕν, XII. 75: τύι, V. 22, XVII. 20 

ioxw : -ουσι, V. 24: ἴσχε (imper.), XVI. 23: 
ἴσχεν (inf.), 88 

Ἰτωνία: -as, fr. 11. 2 

Ἴφικλος: -ov, V. 128 

Ἰώ, XVIII. 41 

Ἴων: -es, fr. 26: -ων, XVII. 2; cp. Ἰάων 


K 


Κάδμος, XVIII. 48 

κᾶδος: -éwv, XVIII. 36 

καθαρός: -dv, fr. 27 

kal, passim (occurring about 70 times; 
cp. δέ and re): in crasis, κἀμέ, XVI. 33: 
κηὔτυκτον. XVII. 50: xwrt, III. 81 

καιρός : -@, fr. 21. 2 

καίω: καῖε, V. 140 

κακομάχανος: τοι, XVII. 8 

κακόποτμος, V. 138 

κακός: -dv (nom. neut.), fr. 2. 2: -@ (neut.), 
XVII. 44 

καλέω: -et, 11. 10: κέκληται, VII. 9 

καλλίζωνος, V. 89 

καλλικέρα (fem.): -αν, XVIII, 24. Cp. 
ὑψικέρα 

Καλλιόπα, ν. 176: -ας, XVIII. 13 

καλλιπάρᾳον, ΧΙΧ. 4 

Ἑκαλλιρόας : -αν, X. 26, 96 

καλλίχορος : -ον, V. 106: -ῳ, X. 32 

καλός, fr. 14: -ὁν, VIII. 82, ror: -ὥὧν, 
I. 146, 11. 6, III. 96, V. 51: KaX-, 


VOCABULARY. 


P- 439 (I. 36 Blass): κάλλιστος, XIII. 
17: τον, VIII. 86, IX. 47, X. 79: κάἀλ- 
λιστα, 111. 93 

Καλυδών : -ὥνα, ν. 106 

καλυκοστέφανος : του, 
108 

κάλυμμα, XVI. 32, XVII. 38 

καλύπτω: -ύψῃ, XII. 64 

καλῶς, XII. 206 

κάμνω: κάμον, X. 77: κάμοι, V. 36 

κάμπτω: κάμψεν, IX. 26 

καναχά, XIII. 15: -dv, 11. 12 

κάπρος: -ov, V. 105 

κάρα: κρατός, XVII. 51 

καρδία: -av, Xvi. 18, fr. 8. 2; cp. xpadla 

Kap@aios: -αἰων (Κρανναίων ms.), Epigr. 
1. 2 (fr. 33)? 

καρπός: -év, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) 

καρτερόθυμος, V. 130 

καρτερός: -dv, XVII. 27: -ᾷ, X. 46 

καρτερόχειρ, I. 31 

κάρτος, V. 114 

κἂρυξ, XVII. 17: -uKes, XIV. 40 

καρύσσω: -ύξοντι (3rd plur.), XII. 231 

Kapxapédous: -ovTa, V. 

Kdoas: -av, X. 119 

κασιγνήτα: -as, IX. 9 

κασίγνητος : -οις, X. 65 

Κασταλία: -as, 111. 20 

κατά, with gen., XVI. 94: with acc., VII. 
44 f.(?), 1X. 32, X. 93, 94, XII. 180, 
XVI. 80, 87, XVIII. 26, fr. 16. 10 

κατακτείνω: κατέκτανον, V. 128: -ver, 
XVII. 25 

καταναίω: κατένασσε, 111. 60 

κατανεύω: κατένευσε, XVI. 25 

καταφεν- : κατέπεφνεν, V. 115 

*xataxpalyw: κατέχρανεν, V. 44 

κατέχω: -εχον, X. QI: -exe, XVI. 28: 
κατέχουσι, X. If 

κατορθόω: κατορθωθεῖσα, XIII. 6 

ke(v), IV. 13, V. 169, XVI. 64 

κέαρ, I. 55, XIV. 23, XVI. 8, 87, 108, fr. 
3. 11, 7. 5, 16. 12 

κεδνός : -@, XVI. 29: τᾷ, III. 33: -ῶν, ν΄. 
118 

κεῖθι, VIII. τὸ 

κεῖμαι: κεῖται, VIII. 84, XIV. 53, fr. 82. τ 

κεῖνος: -a, XIV. 62: -ov, V. go: -ο, 164: 
τῷ, X.. 23: τῶν, VIII. 21 

κελαδέω: -δησαν, XV. 12: -δῆσαι, XIII. 21 

κελάδων: -δοντος, VIII. 65 

Κελεός, fr. 36 

κέλευθος, V. 31, XVIII. 1, fr. 29: -ov, IX. 
36, X. 26, XVII. 17: -ov, V. 196, VIII. 


V. 98: -ous, xX. 


47 

κελεύω : κέλευσε(»), III. 48, XVI. 87, XVIII. 
21 

κέλομαι, XVI. 40 

Κέος: -ον, Il. 2, VI. 5, 16 

*xepauwveyx7s: -ἔς, VII. 48 


507 
κέρδος, fr. 1. 2: -ἔων, III. 84: -εσσι, XIV. 


57 
Κερκνών : -όνος, XVII. 26 


'κεῦθος: κεύθεσι, IX. 4.(9) 


κεφαλά: -dv, IX. τό: -G, ν. οἵ 

Κήϊος: -ἴα, XVIII. 11: -tas, 111. 98: -ty, 
Epigr. 1. 4 (fr. 33): -twv, xvi. 130 

Kyvatos: -ῳ, XV. 17 

κιγχάνω: κιχεῖν, 1. 67, XIV. 53: κιχήσας, 
ν. 148 

κικλήσκω: κίκλῃσκε (impf.), X. 99 

κινέω: ἐκίνησεν, IX. τὸ 

Κίρρα: -ας, Χ. 20 

κίω: -κίον, Χ. 48 

κλάδος: -ον, VIII. 33 

κλάζω: ἔκλαγεν, XVI. 
ἔκλαγον, III. 49 

κλεεννός, V. 182: -dv, V. 12: -@, II. 6 

κλεινός, V. 13: -&, IX. 30: τόν, XVIII. 9: 
τάν, VIII. 74(?): -ᾷ, Χ. 78: -ol, VIII. 
22: -ots, VII. 54 

Κλειώ, X11. 228: το, ITI. 3, XI. 2 

Κλεοπτόλεμος: -w, XIII. 19 

κλέος, VIII. 40, XII. 65, XVI. 80 

κλέω: κλέομεν, XV. 13 

κλισίη: -now, XII. 135 

KAovéw: -ων, XII. 118 

Κλύμενος: -ov, V. 145 

κλυτός: -dv, X. 80: -dv, XVI. 73: -Gs, XVI. 
7: -ds, 101 

κλυτότοξος, 1. 147 

κλύω: ἔκλυε, X. 106: κλύε (impf.), XVI. 
67: κλύον, XII. 133: κλύῃ, XVI. 74 

κνίζω: κνίσεν, XVI. 8 

Κνώσιος: -ov, XVI. 120: -wy, 39 

Κνωσός: -όν, I. 13 

κοινόω: κοινώσας, XIV. 49 

κολπόω: κόλπωσαν, ΧΙΙ. 130 

κόμα: -αν, VIII. 24: -atot, XVI. 113 

κομπάζω: -άσομαι, VIl. 42 

κόνις, Υ. 44 

κόρα, XVI. 32, XVIII. 18: -αν, I. 117, 
XIX. 5: -g, XV. 20: -at, p. 439 (I. 48 
Blass)?: -as (acc.), XVI. 103: cp. 
κούρα 

κορυφά: -αἰ, V. 24 

κορώνα: -as, V. 73 

κοσμέω: κοσμῆσαι, XI. 7: ἐκόσμησας, VII. 
II 


128, XVII. 3: 


“κόσμος: -ov, III. 95, XVI. 62 


κούρα, V- 104, 137, X- 9, XVI. 53: -αν, 
III. 2: -at, VIII. 44, X. 42, XVI. 125: 
-as, X. 109: -ats, III. 60 

Κουρής: -ἣσι, V. 126 

κοῦρος : -ous, XVI. 3 

κοῦφος: -ἃ, XII. 89: -όταται, 1. 68 

κράδεμνον : -a, fr. 16. 7 

κραδία: -αν, X. 85, XVII. 11: cp. καρδία 

κραίνω : των, XII. 45 

ἘΚρανναίων : see Καρθαῖος 

κραταιός : -οὔ, XVII. 18 


508 


κρατερός: -dv, XVII. 40: -dv, XII, 143: 
-Gs, X. 20: -G@, V. 21 

Kparéw: -εῦσαν, VI. 7: -ἦσας, VI. 15 

Κρεμμυών: -Ovos, XVII. 24 

Κρέουσα: -as, XVII. 15 

κρέων : κρέουσαν, III. 1 

Κρής: -τῶν, 1. 5 

Κρητικός: -ὁν, XVI. 4 

κρίνω: -εἰς, Χ. 6: -εἰ, V. 131: -ειν, 116: 
-εἶ, XVI. 46 

Κρίσα: -ας, Iv. τ4 (?) 

κριτός : -ol, VIII. 11 

Κροῖσος: -ov, 111. 28 

Κρονίδας, I. 45, X. 73, XVI. 77: -av, V. 
178: -a (gen.), IX. 29, XVII. 21 

Κρόνιος, XV1. 65 

κρόταφος: -ov, XVI. 30 

κρύπτω: -ειν, III. 14: κρυφθεῖσα, XII. 177 

κτείνω: ἔκτανεν, V. 89: κτανεῖν, XVIII. 31 

κτίζω: -ew, X. 72 

κτύπος, fr. 3. 9 

*xvavavOnys: -éi, XII. 124 

κυάνεος : -ov, XII. 64 

κυανοπλόκαμος : του, V. 33, VIII. 53: τοί, 
x. 83 

κυανόπρῳρα, XVI. 1 

κυανῶπις : -ἰδας, XII. 160 

κυβερνάω: -Gs, XVI. 22: -@, XII. 160: 

_-GTat, XII1. 10 

κυβερνήτας, ΧΙ. 1: -av, V. 47 

Kddos, I. 50, VI. 3, IX. 17 

κυδρός : -οτέρᾳ, 1. 54 

κύκλος: -ον, VIII. 30 

Κύκλωψ: -πες, X. 77 

κύκνος: -@, ΧΥ. 

κύλιξ: -ἰκων, fr. 16. 3 

κῦμα: -ατα, V. 26: -ασιν, XII. 125 

kuvéa: -av, XVII. 50 

Κύπρις: -δος, V. 175, XVI. 10, fr. 16. 4 

κυρέω: -ρῆσαι, 111. 8 

κύων: κύνα, ν. 60 

Κωκυτός: -οὔ, ν. 64 

κῶμος: τοι, Χ. 12: τῶν, ἔτ. 3. 51 τοῖς, VIII. 
103 


A 


λαγχάνω: -vew, IV. 20: ἔλαχεν, 1. 56: 
λάχε(ν), 70, VI. 2: λάχῃσι, XVIII. 3: 
λαχών, I. 41, III. 11: λαχόντας, Χ. 70: 
λαχοῖσαν, XVIII. 13: λέλογχεν, ΧΙ]. 
187: λελογχώς, ΙΧ. 39 

λάϊνος : -ov, fr. 18. x 

Rais: -dos, XV. 17 

λαιψηρός: -ὥν, VII. 6 

Λάκαινα: -αν, XVII. 50 

Λάμνιος : -lav, XVII. 55 

λαμπρός: -dv, 111. 54 

λάμπω: -εἰ, Ill. 17, VII. 43: λάμπε 
(impf.), XVI. 104, 123: λαμπόμενον, V. 
72: -μένα, IX. 3(?) 

Λάμπων, XII. 226: -wvos, 68 


VOCABULARY, 


λανθάνω: λαθεῖν, XVIII. 27 

Λαομέδων : -οντος, XII. 142 

λαός: -@, XII. 231: -ovs, X. 67: -ῶν, I. 9, 
VIII. 35, X. 117 

λαοφόνος: -ov, XII. 120 

λάρναξ: -ακος, V. 141 

Λατοΐδας, III. 39 

Λατώ: -οῦς, V. 124, Χ. 16, 98 

Λάχων, VI. 1: Adywva, VII. II 

λέγω: -et, XVII. 18, 32, 47, fr. 29: 
V. 57: -ew, III. 67, V. 164 

λείπω: -εἰ, I. 73: λεῖπον (3rd plur.), XII. 
116: λίπον, V. 172: λίπεν, I. 9: λιπεῖν, 
XV. 13: λιπών, I. 44: λιποῦσα, XVIII. 
15: λιπόντες, 11. 8, X. 60, 81, XII. 141: 
λιποῦσαι, X. 57: λείπεται, VIII. 87, XII. 
64 

λείριος : -ων, XVI. 95 

λεπτόθριξ : -ἰχα, V. 28 

*\errémpuuvos: -ov, XVI. 119 

λευκός: -dv, XVII. 3: -Gv, XVI. 13 


τουσι, 


λευκώλενος, VIII. 7, XVI. 54: -€, V. 176: 


τον, XV. 27: του, V. 99 

λέχος: -εἰ, VIII. 56, XVI. 30 

λέων: -ovTa, VIII. 9: -ovTos, I. 32: -ovTl, 
XIl. 47 

λήγω: λῆξεν, XII. 122, 128 

λῃστάς: -al, XVII. 8 

*\eyurAayyns: -ἢ, ν. 73: τ-εῖς, XIII. 14 

λιγύφθογγος: -ov, IX. 10: -οἱ, V. 23 

λίθος (fem.), fr. 10. x 

λικμάω: -μήσῃ, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) 

λινόστολος : -όλων, XVIII. 43 

λιπαρόζωνος : -ων, VIII. 49 

λιπαρός: -ἄ, VII. 1: τόν, XV. 29: -άν, ν. 
169, Χ. 38: -Gs, p. 437 (I. 13 Blass): 
τῶν, I. 47 

λίσσομαι: -duevos, V. 100: λίσσοντο, X. 69 

λόγος, XIV. 44: τον, XIV. 31: τῶν, XIV. 
47 ; 

λογχωτός: -ἄ, fr. 3. 8 

Λοξίας, XII. 148: Λοξίᾳ, 111. 66 

Λοῦσος: -ov, X. 96 

λόχος: -ov, XVIII. 32 (?) 

Avyxets: -éos, X. 75 

λυγρός: -ais, X. 68 

Λυδία: -as, III. 24 

Λύδιος: -ia, fr. 10. x 

Αὐκιος: -lwv, XII. 147 

Λυκόρμας: -g, XV. 34 

λύσσα: -as, X. 102 

* Avratos: -ov, XVII. 21 

Avw: -εἰ, fr. 16. 7: ἔλυσεν, I. 43, XII. 113 


M 


Maia: -as, XVIII. 25 
μαίνομαι: -otTo, XII. 119 
μάκαρ: -pov, X. 121 
Maxed, p. 439 (I. 73 Blass) 


VOCABULARY. 


μακράν (adv.), IX. 51 

μάν, XII. 182 

μανία: -ἂν, X. 109 

μᾶνις: μᾶνιν, XII. 111 

Μαντινεύς: -έες, fr. θ. 2 

μανύω: τύει, fr. 10. 1, 33: -ῦον, ΙΧ. 14 

μαρμαίρω: -ovow, fr. 16. 9 

μαρμαρυγά : -ats, III. 17 

μάρναμαι: -άμεθα, V. 125 (impf.): -αντο, 
XII. 151 

Μάρπησσα: -av, XIX. 6 

ματεύω: -eL, IX. 35 

μάτηρ, V. 138: ματρί, III. 50 

μάτρως: -was, V. 129 

μάχα: -αν, XII. 117: -as (gen.), I. 34, 11. 
4, XVII. 59: -ats, X. 68, XIII. 13 

μεγάθυμος, XII. 195 

*ueyaivynros: -νητε, 111. 64: -ous, I. 44 

Ἐμεγαλοκλεής: μεγαλοκλέας, VII. 49 

*weyaddxoAros: -ou, fr. 31. 2 

μεγαλοσθενής : -σθενές (voc.), XVI. 52 

*ueyadodxos: -ov, XVI. 23 

μέγαρον, XVI. 100: -wy, III. 46: τοις, V. 
119, 165 

μέγας: -a, XII. 155: -av, XVI. 98: -άλου, 
Vv. 79: -dda, fr. 3. τ: -άλαν, IX. 49, 
XII. 79: -άλας (gen.), V. 24: -άλων, I. 
63, XIV. 52: -άλαισιν, XII. 157: μεῖζον, 
fr. 2. 2: μέγιστον, 1. 49, 111. 19, fr. 16. 
11: -av, XVIII. 45: τοῦ, VI. 1, VIII. 55: 
-a, III. 61 

μεγασθενής, XVI. 67 

*weyuoTodvacoa, XVIII. 21 

*ueyororarwp, V- 199 

μείγνυμι: μειγνύμεν, IX. 65: μειχθεῖσα, 
XII. 99: μιγεῖσα, XVI. 31 

μειλίχιος: -οις, X. go 

μείρομαι: εἱμάρθαι, XIII. I 

pels: μηνί, 1. 16: μῆνες, VII. 2 (ἢ) : μῆνας, 
Χ. 93 

μείων, 1. 63 

Ἐμελαγκευθής: -és, III. 55 (9), fr. 2 (Ὁ) 

μέλαθρον : -ων, Χ. 44 

*uekappapys: -ἐϊ, 111. 13 

μελάμφυλλος: -ov, VIII. 33 

μέλας: -awa, XII. 153: -av, XVI. 17 

Μελέαγρος, V. 93: -ov, 77; 171 

μελέτα: -av, XII. 191 

μελέγλωσσος: -ov, 111. 97: των, fr. 3. 2 

μέλισσα: -av, IX. τὸ 

μελίφρων, fr. 3. το: -ovos, p. 439 (I. 50 
Blass) 

μέλλω: -et, V. 164: μέλλον (part.), VIII. 
96, IX. 45: -ovros, VIII. 14: τόντων, fr. 
7. 4: ἔμελλε, ππ|. 30: μέλλε (impf.), 
XV. τ: μέλλον (impf.), XII. 164 

μέλος, XIX. 3: -έων, XVIII. 2, p. 437 (I. I 
Blass) 

μέλπω: τ-ουσι, XII. 94: -ετε, 100 (imper.) 

μέλω: -εἰ, V. 92: -ev, fr. 8. 5 

Μέμφις: -ἰν, fr. 22. τ 


599 


μέν, I. 30, III. 15, 63, 85, 90, V- 3, 37» 
144, IX. 47, X. 02, XII. 114, 203, XIII. 
By XVI. 1,24, 75, XVI. 37; fe: te. 3, 
10. 1, 12, 19. 1, 24.1 

Μένανδρος: -ov, XII. 192 

μενέκτυπος: -ov, XVI. I 

Μενέλαος, XIV. 48: -ῳ, 6 

μενεπτόλεμος, XVI. 73: του, Υ. 170: τοις, 
126 

μένος, III. 54 

μέριμνα, 111. 57, X. 86, XVIII. 11: -at, I. 
69, XVIII. 34: -as (acc.), fr. 16. 6: -ἂν, 
Υ͂. 7 

μέρος. 111. 71 

μέσος: τῳ, XIV. 53: τοισι, fr. 82. x 

μετά, with gen., X. 123: with dat., v. 30 

Μεταπόντιον, X. το, 116 

μεταπρέπω: μετέπρεπεν, V. 68 

μή, UI. 13, 68, V. 36, 81, 160, X. 27, XII. 
IgQ, XVII. 44 

μηδέ, V. τότ 

μήδομαι: μήσεται, XVII. 42: ἐμήσατο, XV. 
30: μησάμενον, IV. 16 

μηλόβοτος: -ous, V. 166 

* μηλοδαΐκτας: -av, VIII. 6 

μηλοθύτας: -av, VII. 39 

μῆλον: -a, V. 109: των, X. III, XVII. 9 

μηλοτρόφος: -ov, Χ. 95 

μήν, see pels 

μῆρα, fr. ὃ. 4 

Maris: -w, XV. 25, XVI. 29, 52 

μιμνάσκω: μεμνᾶσθαι, XVII. 58 

μίμνω: -ew, 111. 31: -ovTa, XII. 135 

μιν, X. 111; Cp. vey 

μινύθω: -ει, 111. Qo (ἢ μινύνθη), XII. 209 

Ἐμίνυνθα, V. 151 (ὃ μινύνθη) 

Μίνως, 1. 3: -wi, XVI. 8, 68 

μίτρα: -αισιν, XII. 196 

μοῖρα (fate), ΚΝ. 121, 143, VIII. 15, XVI. 
27, 89: -ay (‘portion’), Iv. 20, V. 51 

Μοῖσα: -ἂν, ν. 4, fr. 27 A 2; cp. Μοῦσα 

pod-: μόλε(ν), XVI. TOI, 122: μόλοι, V. 
110: μολών, III. 30: μολοῦσα, XIII. 4 

povapxéw: -ήσειν, fr. 16. 8 

μόνος, fr. 14: -ous, XVII. 46 

* μουνοπάλα: -av, XI. 8 

μοῦνος : -ov, III. 80, IV. 15, V. 156, XVII. 
35: τῳ, fr. 15. x 

Μοῦσα, 11. r1, III. 92, XIV. 47, fr. 17. 4: 
-ἂν, III. 71, V- 193, VIII. 3, IX. II, 
XVIII. 4, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33): cp. 
Μοῖσα 

μῦθος: τον, XIV. 39: τοῖσι, X. 00 

μύριος: -ia, V. 31, VIII. 48, XVIII. 1: -ίαι, 
IX. 38, X11I. 8, fr. 24. 2: -id, fr. 7. 3: 
-tas, X. 126: -ίων, III. 41, XII. 196 

μύρω: -ομένοις, V. 163 

μυχός: -ots, 1V. 14 

μῶῷμος, XII. 202 


510 


N 


ναίω: -els, X. 116; -εἰν, VIII. 99: vaiov 
(impf.), xX. 61, 80 

ναός: -6v, XV. 12, fr. 11. 3: -οὔ, III. 19; 
cp. νηός 

νάπα: -ats, XVII. 23 

νασιώτας: -av, VIII. 77 (?) 

νασιῶτις : -ἰΨ, IX. 10 

νᾶσος: -ov, II. 8, IX. 35, XI. 6, XII. 75 (ἢ), 
182: -ov, V- 11, p. 437 (I. 14 Blass): 
τοιο, 20. (I. g Bl.) 

ναυβάτας: -at, XVI. 48 

vais, XVI. 1: vada, 89, 119: νᾶες, fr. 16. 
τι: νᾶας, XII. 74: ναυσί, I. 5, XII. 150 

veavias: -at, VI. 9: -as, fr. 13. 3 

νεβρός, XII. 87 

νεῖκος, X. 64 

Νεῖλος: τον, XVIII. 40, fr. 22. 2: -ov, 
VIII. 41 

Νεμέα: -€av, VII. 40: -ég, VIII. 82, XI. 
8, XII. 67 

Νεμεαῖος: -aiov, VIII. 4 

νέμω: veluns, VII. 8: νείμας, I. 12: νέμον- 
Tat, IX. 33 

*vedxpiros: -ου, p. 475 (fr. of VII.?) 

*yedxporos: -ov, V. 48 

νεόκτιτος : -ῳ, XVI. 126 

νέος : -ον (neut.), XVII. 3, 16: -οι, XII. 
Ι00, XVI. 129: τῶν, X. II, 12, QI, XVII. 
14: τοις, fr. 3. 5 

Νέσσος: -ov, XV. 35 

νευρά: -dv, V. 73 

νέφος, 111. 55, X11. 64, fr. 20. 3 

νηέω: ναήσατο (Dor.), 111. 33 

vhs: νῆιν, V. 174 

νηός: νηόν, Epigr. 2. x (fr. 34): cp. ναός 

Νηρεύς: -éos, XVI. 102: Nypéos, I. 8 

Νηρηΐς : -qd0s, XII. 123: -tdes, XVI. 38 

νίζω: νιψάμενος, X. 97 

νίκα: -αν, 11. 5, V- 49, VIII. 82, X. 39, 
XII. 190: -as (gen.), VI. II, VII. 9, 
VIII. 67, IX. 52: -as (acc.), VII. 47: 
-Gy, XII. 205 

Nixa, X. I, XI. 5, Epigr. 1. x (fr. 33): 
-as, V. 33, IX. 15: -@, Ill. 5 

vikdw: -ἂν, XII. 205: -doas, V. 183: 
-άσαντα, 40: -άσαντι, VIII. 25 

vw (sing.), III. 92, IV. 14(?), V- 24, 43, 
78, 159, VIII. 26, IX. 27, X. 15, 22, 86, 
89, XII. 230, XIV. 56, XV. 31, XVI. 84, 
QI, 112, XVIII. 27, 42: (plur.), VIII. 
15, p- 439 (1. 76 Blass).—Cp. μιν 

νόημα, X. 54 

νόος: -ov, ἡ. 95: τῷ, IV. 9, V- 8 

νόσος: -wv, I. 60: cp. νοῦσος 

νόσφιν, I. 60 

véros: -ov, XII. 130 

νοῦσος: νούσων, fr. 19. 2 

viv, V. 4, 31, VI. 10, VIII. 25, IX. 9. Χ. 
10, 37, XI. 3, XIII. 20, XVI. 55, fr. 4. 1 


VOCABULARY. 


νυν (enclitic), XVIII. 8 

νύξ: νύκτα, fr. 7. 4: -6s, VIII. 29, go, XII. 
127, 175: -as, XVIII. 28 

Nvé: Νυκτός, vit. 2, fr. 23. x 

νωμάω: νωμᾶται, ν. 26 


{Ξ} 


"ξανθοδοδερκής, VIII. 12 

ξανθόθριξ: -τριχα, V. 37 

ξανθός: -dv, 111. 56, VIII. 24, IX. 15: -Gs, 
X. 51, XII. 136: -¢, V. 92, fr. 8. 4: -al, 
XIX. 2 

ξεῖνος: -a, X. 85: των, I. 40: τοισι, XI. 5 

fevia: -αν, ΧΙ]. 224 

ξένος, V. τί 

ξεστός: -οὖς, XVII. 49 

ξίφος, XVII. 48: -ea, fr. 8. 8 

ξουθός: -αἴσι, V. 17 

ξύλινος : τον, IIT. 49 

ξύνειμι: -έασιν, fr. 26 

ξυνός: -ὁν, IX. 6, 12 


Oo 


6: (1) As definite article, passim. (2) As 
demonstrative pron., always the first 
word of the sentence, and (a) often 
followed by 6(é): ὁ δέ, XVI. 71: τοῦ δ᾽, 
X. 106: χῷ δ᾽. V. 76, I11, XVI. 81: 
τὸν δ(έ), V. 71, 93, 170, X. 85: of δ᾽, 
IX. 44, and rol δέ, v. 149, fr. 18. 2: 
ταὶ δ(έ), X. 110, XII. 91: τὰ (nom.) δέ, 
V. 91: ταῖσιν δέ, V. 68, X. 53: but also 
(ὁ) with asyndeton, τᾷ ποτ᾽, X. 40: τάν, 
V. 169: τάς, X. 42: τῶν, XII. Too. (3) 
As relative pron., in the oblique cases: 
τοῦ, VIII. 40: τόν, V. 142, VIII. 12, 
XVI. 115: τάν, XII. 193, 226, 228: τῶν, 
XII. 67, 168: τοῖσιν, I. 11, V. 135 

* 6Bpimodepxhs: -εἴ, XV. 20 

* 68piudcmopos: -ov, XVIII. 32 

ὅδε: τόνδε, I. 70, XVI. 60, Ep. 2. τ 
(fr. 34): τάνδε, XII. 203: τᾷδε, VIII. 
89: τάδε, IV. 15, 163, IgI, 
XVI. 74: τοῖσδε, fr. 13. 3 

ὁδός, fr. 7. x: -6v, XVI. 89, XVIII. 13: 
τοῦ, IX. 52 

ὁδούς: -όντι, V. 108 

ὀδύρομαι: -duevor, fr. 8. x 

᾿Οδυσσεύς: -e?, XIV. 5 

ὅθεν, XVIII. 46 

ὅθι, VIII. 6 

οἱ, dat. pron. 3rd pers. (=atr@), I. 19, 
45, X. 110, XVI. 18, 37, I15, XVII. 46, 
XIX. 9, Ep. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 

οἶδα, IX. 49: olde, III. 13, VIII. 53: εἰδώς, 
v. 78, IX. 42: eloeat, XVI. 64 

οἰκεῖος : -ων, I. 57 

οἰκέω: -εῦσι, VIII. 43 

οἰκίζω: ᾧκισσαν, VIII. 51 


VOCABULARY. 


*OtkAeldas, VIII. 16 © 
οἶκος : -ot, fr. 16. 9 
οἰκτίρω: -ovTa, V. 158 
Olveidas: -ats, 1X. 18 
Oiveds, V. 97: -έος, 120: 
οἶνος, fr. 17. 5 
οἷος : -ov, XV. 30: -av, XII. 46: ofa (adv.), 
XVII. 36: οἷά τε, V. 65: -αισιν, XVI. 
120 


τ-ῆος, 166 


ὀϊστός : -dv, V. 82 
Οἰχαλία: -av, XV. 14 


οἴχομαι: ᾧχετο, I. 12 

ὄλβιος, V. 50, fr. 28: -ov, 111. 8: -av, 
XI. 4: τοῖο, XVI. 102: -wy, XIV. 56: 
ταῖς, XVIII. 10 


ὄλβος, fr. 20. 2: -ov, ΠΙ. 902: τῶν, 22 
ὄλεθρος : -ον, V. 139 

"ὀλιγοσθενέω: -ων, V. 139 

ὁλκάς : -dda, XV. 2 


ὄλλυμε: ὥλεσε, V. 121: ὥλεσσεν, XIV. 63 

ὀλολύζω : ὠλόλυξαν, XVI. 127 

ὁλοός : -οά, V. 1531 

᾽᾿λυμπία: -ᾳ, VI. 6, VII. 3 

ΠΟλυμπιοδρόμος : -ous, 111. 3 

᾿Ὀλυμπιονίκα : -as, IV. 17 

Ὀλύμπιος: -ov, V. 179 

Ὄλυμπος: -y, Χ. 4 

ὁμιλέω: -εἴ, I. 51 

ὅμιλος : -ov, IX. 24: τῷ, I 

ὄμμα, XVI. 18: -άτων, 95, XVII. 54: -act, 
XVIII. 19 

ὀμφά, XIII. 13 

ὀμφαλός: -dv, IV. 4 

ὀξύς: -εἴαν, XII. 117 

ὀπάζω: ὄπαζε (imper.), XVI. 132: ὥπασεν, 
XIV. 60: ὄπασσας, VII. 50 

ὅπᾳ, XVII. 30 

ὀπάων : -oow, XVII. 35 

ὀπίσσω, XII. 53 

ὁπλότερος: -ov, X. 71 

ὁπότε, I. 143: ὅπποτε, XII. 110 

ὁράω: ὁρᾷς, fr. 14: ὄψεαι, 111. 79 

ὀργά: -al, fr. 24. τ 

ὀρέγω : ὄρεξεν, V. 114 

ὀρθόδικος : -ov, Χ. 9, XIII. 23 

ὀρθός: -ἂς, X. 27: ὀρθόν, IV. τι 

ὀρθῶς, τ. 72, IV. 6 

ὀρίνω: ὠρίνατο, XII. 112 


ὅριον : -a, XVII. 6 

ὁρμά: -άν, IX. 20, XII. 156 

ὁρμαίνω: -et, fr. 16. 12: -οντα, XII. 106 
ὁρμάω: -G, XVII. 41 

ὄρνιξ : -ἰχες, V. 22 


ὄρνυμι: ὥρσαν, XII. 145: ὄρνυο, XVI. 76: 


ὀρνύμενον, V. 45: 
ὄρος, Χ. 55 
ὅρος, fr. 7. τ: ὅρον, V. 144 
épodw: ὄρουσε, XVI. 84 
*dpalados: -w, XV. 19 
“ὀρσιβάκχας: -av, XVIII. 49 
Ἀὀρσίμαχος : -ov, XIV. 3 


-ol, XIV. 41 


511 


ὄρχος : -ους, V. 108 
és, relative pron., III. 11, XIII. 23, XIV. 
I, XVII. 20, XVIII. 3, fr. 4. 11; 7. 3: 

ἅ (fem.), VIII. 19, IX. 50, XII. 97: 187, 
XVI. 112, XVIII. 49: ὅν, V. 193: ds, IV. 
8: ᾧ, Vil. 8: οἵ, VIII. 23, IX. - 33» 34, XII. 
114: Gs, VIII. 50. Also ὅς τε (epic), 
XII. 105, XVII. 39 (?) 

ὅς, possessive pron.: ὅν, V. 47 

ὅσιος : -ov, XVI. 21: -td, III. 83 

ὅσος: -o1, III. 63: -at, VIII. 63: -d, τι. 6. 
Also ὅσσος: -ov, I. 70: -d, VI. 4, 
IX. 85 

ὅστις, 111. 67 f., V. 110, X. 124: ὅτι, ΠΙ. 
57, V- 164, IX.6: ὅντινα, I. 68: ἅντινα, 
IX. 37: ᾧτινι, V. 50 

ὅταν, XII. 63, XVI. 27, p- 439 (1. 3 
Blass) 

6re, X. Q5, XII. 121, XV. 34, XVIII. 19, 
50, XIX. 4 

ὅτι, 11. 4, lI. 61, 79, 81, VI. 15, XV. 27 

ὀτρύνω: ὥτρυνε, VIII. 35, XII. 146 

ov, οὐκ, οὐχ: I. 36, III. 30, 87, 88, go, 95, 
V. 24, 53, 84, 122, 129, 136, 162, VIII. 
15, 53) X- 22, XII. £75, XIV. 30, 52, 
XVI. 41, 81, XVII. 43, fr. 3. 9, 11. 1, 12, 
14, 17. 1, 20, 32.1 

οὐδέ, V. 25, XVIII. 25, fr. 3. 10, 4. 2, Ll. 1x 

οὐδείς, fr. 28: -ἐν, 1. 65, 111. 57, XVI. 118, 
fr. 19. 3 

οὐδός : -ὄν, fr. 18. x 

οὐκέτι, XVI. 11,21 

“οὔλιος Ξε οὖλος : -ἰον, XVII. 53 

ovAos: -αἰς, XVI. 113 

οὖν, XVIII. 29, 37 

οὕπω, V. 43 

Οὐρανία, XV. 3: -as, V. 

οὐρανός: -o0, XVI. 55 

οὔριος : -la, XII. 130 

οὖρος : -ov, XVI. 87 

οὔτε.. οὔτε, XVIII. 26 ff.: 
οὔτε, fr. 20. 2: ov.. οὔτε. 
of οὐδέ), fr. 17. xf. 

οὔτις, 111. 63, VII. 44 

οὔτοι, V. 84 

οὗτος : τοῦτο, III. 83: τοῦτον, XVII. 31: 
ταῦτα, V. 136, XVII. 30 

ὀφθαλμός: -dv, p. 437 (I. 7 Blass): -otow, 
1X: ἢ 

ὄφρα, XVII. 42, Ep. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 

égpts: -ύων, XVI. 17 

ὄχθα: -αισιν, VII. 49 

by: dl, XVI. 129, p. 439 (I. 77 Blass) 


II 


παγκρατής, Χ. 44, XVI. 24, fr. 10. 2 

παγκράτιον : παγκρατίου, XII. 56 

πάγνυμι: πᾶξαι, Χ. 88 

πάγξενος or -ξεινος : παγξείνου, XII. 95 (?): 
-ένῳ, X. 28 


13, VI. II 


οὔτε.. otre.. 
- οὔτε (instead 


512 


πᾷ, IX. 47 

παιανίζω: παιάνιξαν, XVI. 129 
παιδικός : -ol, fr..3. x2 
παιήων : -όνων, XV. 8 


παῖς, VII. 46: παῖδα, V. 146, 156, X. 14, 


32, XII. 103, XVII. 56, XVIII. 41: -δί, 
VIII. 103, XVI. 70: -des, V. 36, XIV. 56: 
-das, I. 43, X- 69, XIV. 63: παῖδας, 
p- 475 (fr. of VII.): -δεσσι, XIV. 39 

Πακτωλός, 111. 45 

πάλα: -as, VIII. 36, X. 21 

πάλαι, fr. 4.1 

παλαιός: -o0, VIII. 64 

παλαίστρα: -av, XVII. 26 

πάλιν, Vill. 16, XVI. 81 

παλίντροπον, X. 54 

Πάλλας: -avros, Ep. 1. x (fr. 33) 

Παλλάς: -ddos, XIV. 3: -ddt, V. 92 

παμμαχία: -ἰᾶν, XII. 76 

πάμπαν, p. 439 (I. 81 Blass) 

*rdaubepors, fr. 20. 2 

πανδαμάτωρ, XII. 205 

πανδερκής: -€a, XVI. 70 

Πανδίων : -ovos, XVI. 15, XVII. 15 

πάνδωρος, fr. 20. 4 

Πανέλλανες : -ων, XII. 198 

ἡ πανθαλής, XII. 229 


πανθαλή- ‘Dor. for πανθηλ-): -έων, XII. 
69 
Πανθείδας: -a, 11. 14: Πανθείδᾳ, 1. 37 


*mdvyiKos: -οιο, X. 21 

παντᾷ, V- 31, VIII. 48, XIV. 44 

παντοδαπός: -ὥν, IV. 19 

πάντοθεν, XVIII. 20 

παντοῖος : -atot, XII. 49 

παρά, with gen., III. 11, XIII. 1(?), 10 
(πάρ), XV. 35, XVIII. 3, 13: with dat., 
Ill. 20, V. 64, VIII. 84, XII. 150 (wapat): 
with acc., III. 6, 1V. 4, V. 38, VIII. 39, 
IX. 29, X. 26, 119, XII. 58, XV. 12, 
XVI. I19, XVIII. 39, fr. 7. 4, 11. 3, 
15. 2 

παραπλήξ: -ἣγι, Χ. 45 

παρατρέπω: -τρέψαι, Ν. 95 

παράφρων: see πάρῴφρων 

πάρεδρος: -ου, Χ. 51 

πάρειμι : -εστι(ν), 111. 67, Iv. 
SVU. 1, 40 17, x 

παρηΐς: -ἰδων, XVI. 13 


14(?), 


παρθενικά: -Gs, XVI. 11 
mapbévios: -ig, Χ. 47 
παρθένος: -ῳ, XV. 21: τοὶ, 111. 50, XII. 94 


παρίημι: παρέντα, 111. 88 

παρίστημι: παρισταμένα, X. 5 

πάροιθε(ν), 111. 19, VI. 4 

πάρος, ΧΙ. 4 

πάρφρων: -ονος, Χ. 103 

πᾶς: πᾶν, VI. 43: πάντα, V. 55, XIV. 38, 
XVII. 45, fr. 28: πᾶσαν, VIII. 40: 
παντί, L. 58, XIL 231: πάντων, I. 64, 
xvi. 66, Epigr. 2. 2. (fr. 34): πάντεσ- 


VOCABULARY. 


σι(ν), XII. 81, 203, XVI. 123, fr. 9. τ: 
πᾶσι(ν), XIV. 54, fr. 16. 8 

πᾶσις: dot, IX. 42 (?) 

πασιφανής, XII. 176 

πασσυδίᾳ, XII. 141 

πατήρ, Ν. 101, Χ. 96, XIV. 37, XVI. 78: 
πάτερ, XVI. 53: πατέρα, X. 51: πατρός, 
XVI. 63, 99, 109 

πάτρα: πάτραν, x. ‘di 

πάτριος: -lwy, 1. 

πατρίς : -ίδος, p. 475 (fr. of vit) 

πατρῴαν, XII. 74 

παῦλα: -αν, IX. 8 (?) 

maipos: -ow(t), VIII. 95, XII. 62, fr. 21. x: 
παυροτέρων, I - 64 

παύω: παύσει, ΧΙΙ. 45: παῦσεν, Vv. 98, 
X. 108: παῦσαι, 76: παύσασθαι, XIV. 
46 

πεδίον, XII. 143: τῷ, X. 19, XII. 118 
* πεδοιχνεῖν, XV. 9 

πέδον, VIII. 5 

πείθω: πεῖθε (impf.), VIII. 16: πιθοῦσα, 
X. 107: πειθόμεθ᾽, V. 195 


πεισίμβροτον, VIII. 2 


πέλαγος, XVI. 4, 77 

πελάζω: πέλασσεν, X. 33: πελάσσας, 
VIII. 38: πλαθεῖσα, XVI. 35 

Πελλάνα: -αν, ΙΧ. 33 

Πέλοψ: -οπος, V. 181, VII. 
Ρ. 437 (1- 13 Blass) 

πέλω: πέλονται, ΙΧ. 38, fr. 3. 7: ἔπλετο, 
1. 31 


πέμπω: 


53, Χ. 25, 


«εἰ, V. 11, XIV. 61, fr. 16. 6: -οι, 
XV. 29: -ew, V. 197: -εν, VIII. 20: 
ἔπεμψεν, XV. 2: πέμψαι, Ill. 66: 
πέμψει, V. 91 

πενθέω: -εῖν, fr. 2. 2 

πενία: -ας, I. 61 

πεντάεθλος : -οιἱσιν, VIII. 27 

πένταθλον : πεντάθλου, VIII. 104 

πέντε, 1. 43 

πεντήκοντα, I. 5, ILI. 81, VII. 2 

πεπρωμένα : See Top- 

πέπων : -όνων, Ep. 2. 4 (fr. 34) 

πέρθω: wépoav, Χ. 122 

περί, with gen., V. 124, XVII. 51 (ὕπερ 
MS.): with dat., VII. 50, XII. 55, XVII. 


47 

περικλειτός: -é, fr. 12: -ol, X. 81: 
-κλειτῶν, VIIL. 8: -οἵσι(ν), V. 12, IX. 19 

Πέρσας: -ἂν, 111. 27 

Περσείδας, ΧΙΙ. 48 

πέταλον, V. 186 

πετάννυμι: πέτασε, XVI. 72 

Ilerpatos: -alov, XIII. 20 

Πηλεΐδας, XII. 110 

πῆχυς: -uv, fr. 13. 4 

πιαίνω: -erat, 111. 68 

Πιερίδες, XVIII. 35, Ρ. 437 (I- 3 Blass): 
των, XVIII. 3 

πινυτός. -Gs, XIV. 55 


- 


VOCABULARY. 


πίνω: -ovros, fr. 16. 12 

πίπτω: ἔπεσον, X. 20: πεσεῖν, 72: πε- 
σόντα, 23. Cp. πίτνω 

Πίσα: -αν, v. 182 

πίσυνος: V. 21, XII. 221 

Πιτθεύς: -€os, XVI. 34 

πίτνω: -vov (impf.), XVI. 6 

πιφαύσκω, V. 42: τοι, VIII. 81 

πίων: tmordtw, Epigr. 2. 2 (fr. 34) 

πλαγκτός: -@, VIII. 20 (?) 

πλάξιππος, V. 97 

πλάσσω: πλᾶξεν, X. 86 

πλατύς: -εἴα, fr, 29 

Πλεισθενίδας, XIV. 48 

*mdelorapxos: -ov, III. 12 

πλείων : -ova, III. 65: πλεῦνας, VII. 46 

ἸΠλευρών: -Gva, V. 151, XIX. Io 

πλήμμυρις : -w, fr. 30 

πλημύρω: -wY, V. 107 

πλόκος: -ov, XVI. 114 

πλοῦτος, I. 50: -ov, III. 13, XIV. 59, fr. 
3. 2, 16. 12: -ov, IX. 49: τῳ, X. 51 

πνέω: -ων, V. 153, IX. 22: -ovoa, XVI. QI 

πνοιά: πνοιαῖσιν, V. 28 

ποδάνεμος: -ov, VI. 13 

ποδάρκης: -€a, XVIII. 30 

πόθεν, XVII. 31 

ποικίλος : -ov, VII. 43: -αις, X. 33 

ποιμήν : -ένων, XVII. 9 

ποῖος: -α, V. 88 

*mrodéuaryts: -δος, XVI. 7 

πολέμαρχος: -ε, XVI. 39 

πολεμήϊος: -αν, XVII. 4: τοις, 33 

πόλεμος: -Οιο, XII. 121: -ov, XVII. 58: 
τῷ, ν. 131 

πολιοκρόταφος: -ον, fr. 21. 2 

πολιός : -dv, III. 88 . 

mods: -, I. 13, 29, IV. 2, V. 12, 150, 
VIII. 54, 66, 98, X. 114, 122, XI. 7, 
XII. 71, 163, 185, XIV. 41, pp. 437-9 
(1. 2 52 Blass): -e, X. 78: -lwy, 
ἣν 7 


πολυάμπελος : πολυαμπελ-, p. 475 (fr. of 
VII) 

πολυδάκρυος : -ov, III. 30 

πολύδακρυς: οὖν, XV. 24 

πολύζηλος: -ῳ, X. 63 

πολυζήλωτος, VII. 10: -€, VIII. 45: -ov, 
I. 74, IX. 48 

πολυήσατος: -ows, XVIII. 9 

πολυκρατής: -és (voc.), VIII. 15 

πολύκρημνος: -ov, I. Τὶ 

πολύκβριθος : -ov, X. 70 

πολυλάϊον, IX. 34 

πολύλλιστος : -ov, X. 41 

Πολυνείκης: -εἴ, VIII. 20 

Πολυπήμων: -ονος, XVII. 27 

πολύπλαγκτος: -ov, XII. 181: τοι, X. 35 

πολύς: -ύὔ, X. 50: πολλάν, XVII. 34: 
πολέες, Χ. 17: πολλαΐ, VIII. 80: -έας, 
Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33): -έων, V. τοο: 


; ae 


513 


πολλῶν, IX. 48: -οῖς, I. 
Cp. πλείων 

πολύστονος: -ov, XVI. 40 

 πολύφαντος: -ov, XII. 61 

πολύχρυσος: -ῳ, X. 4 

πολυώνυμος: -ε, Epigr. 1. x (fr. 33) 

πόνος: -ov, XII. 54, fr. 7. 5: -ous, fr. 9 

πόντιος: -ov, XVI. 84: τῳ, 35 

πόντος, XVI. 128: -ov, XII. 129: -ovde, 
XVI. 94: -ou, III. 86, fr. 30: -w, XII. 125 

πορ-: ἔπορεν, V. 51: πεπρωμέναν, 111. 25, 
XVI. 26 

Πορθανίδας: -da, V. 70 

πόρος: -@, VIII. 42 

πόρπαξ: -ἕξιν, fr. 3. 6 

πορσύνω: ἐπόρσυνε, XVI. 89 

πορτιτρόφος : -ov, X. 30 

πορφύρεος: -εον, XVII. 52: -€av, XVI. 112: 
-eot, fr. 20. 2 

*ropgupodlvas: -av, VIII. 39 

πορφυρόζωνος : -οιο, X. 49 

Ποσειδάν, XVI. 79, XIX. 8: -Gvos, IX. 19, 
XIII. 20: -ἂνι, XVI. 36, 59 

Ποσειδάνιος : -ov, fr. 6. x 

moraivios : -av, XVI. 51 

ποταμός: -οὔ, VIII. 65, XII. 77: 
VIII. 45 

ποτέ, 111. 23, 72, V. 56, VI. 6, X. 40, XI- 
4, XII. 54, XVI. 115, XIX. 1 

πότερα, XVII. 33 

mori, with acc., X. 96, XV. 29: cp. πρός 

πότμος: -ov, V. 158 

πότνια, XI. 5, Ep. 1. x (fr. 33) 

που, V. QI: ποῦ, III. 38, 39 

πούς: ποδῶν, VII. 6, IX. 20: -εσσι, VI. 2, 
XII. 86: ποσσί(ν), 1. 35, V. 183: ποσίν, 
XVI. 108, XVII. 17 

πρᾶξις, V. 163 

πράσσω: -οι, V. 190: -ovras, fr. 21. 2: 
πράξαντι, 111. 94 ; 

πρέπω: -et, XVIII. 12 

πρεσβύτατος: -ov, VII. 8 

Πρίαμος: -o1o, X. 120: τῷ, XIV. 38 

πρίν; X. 72, XII. 114, XV. 13, XVIII. 38, 
fr. 21. 3 

πρόγονος : -o1, X. 110 

πρόδομος : -οις, VI. 14 

προΐημι: -le, V. 81 

Προῖτος : -ov, X. 45, 83: τῳ, 66 

πρόκειμαι : -Tat, XIII. 9 

Προκόπτας, XVII. 28 

προλείπω: -ων, V. 154 

πρόξενος : -ον, VIII. 20 

προπάροιθε(ν), III. 32, V- 148 

προπέμπω: -e (imperat.), XVI. 55: -πέμ- 
πων, VIII. 34 Ξ 

πρόπολος, V. 192 

πρός, with dat., X. 23: with acc., V. 45, 
149, X- 100 

προσεῖδον: προσιδεῖν, V. 161 

προσεῖπον: -ev, V. 78 


42, V. 127. 


Δ 
τῶν, 


34 


514 


προσεννέπω: προσήνεπεν, XIV. 9 

πρόσθε(ν), 111. 47, XVI. 45 

πρόσπολος, XIV. 2 

προστίθημι: προσθέντα, VIII. 72 (?) 

πρόσφαμι: προσέφα, V. 93, 171 

προσφωνέω: -ει (impf.), or -εἶ, p. 439 
(I. 76 Blass) 

πρότερος : -ov, XII. 164: -ρων, V. 43 

προφαίνω : προφάνη, V-. 77 

προφανής, 111. 51 

προφάτας, VIII. 3: -ἅται, IX. 28 

προφέρω: -ειν, X. 51 

πρόφρων, Ep. 1. 2 (fr. 33) 

προχοά: -ais, VI. 3 

πρύμνα: -ᾳ, XII. τοῦ 

πρύτανις: -ἰν, I. 18, XVIII. 43 

Ἀπρώθηβος : -ov, XVII. 57 

πρών: -vas, ν. 6 

πρώτιστος: -ov (adv.), VIII. It 

πρῶτος, XIV- 47: τον, VIII. 9: τοῖς, I. 58 

πτάσσω: τ-οντι, V. 22: πτᾶσσον, impf., 
XII. 117 

πτέρυξ: -ύγεσσι, V. 18 

Πυθέας: -éa (gen.), XII. 191 

Πυθιόνικος, IV. 5: -ov, X. 13 

Πύθιος : -e, XV. το: -ίου (neut.), xv. 1 (?) 

πυθμήν: -éves, V. 198 

Πυθώ (acc.), 111. 62 

Πυθών: -Gva, VII. 39: -ὥνι, V. 41 

πυκινός: -dy, fr. 1. x 

πύλα: -at, p. 437 (I. 14 Blass): -as (acc.), 
ΓΙ, 4, 2 

πύματος: -ον, V. 153 

πυνθάνομαι: πύθετο, XV. 26 

πύξ, VI. 7 

πῦρ: -6s, III. 53, XVI. 105: -l, XII. 107, 
XV. 14 

πυρά: πυράν, 111. 31 

Ἀπυργοκέρας: -ατα, fr. 81 

πύργος: -ων, V. 148 

πυργόω: -ωθέντα, 111. 13 

Ἐπυριέθειρα: -αν, XVI. 56 

πυροφόρος: -ot, fr. 10, τὸ 

Πύρριχος : -ov, ΧΙ1Π1. 22 

πυρσός: -dv, XII. 82 

Ἀπυρσόχαιτος : -Tov, XVII. 51 

TW, V. 1223 cp. οὕπω 

πῶλος: -ov, V. 39 

πῶμα, V. 76 


P 


pa, XVIII. 33 (ἤ pa) 

ῥᾷδιος: -ov, XVII. 43: ῥᾷστον, fr. 4. 2 
ῥέεθρον: -o1s, 111. 20, V. 64 

ῥέπω: -€, XVI. 25 

purd: -d, V. 46 

ῥίπτω: -ων, VIII. 32 

pod: -ats, XII. 193 

ῥοδοδάκτυλος, XVIII. 18 

ῥοδόεις : -εντι, XV. 34 


VOCABULARY. 


ῥόδον : -ous, XVI. 116 
poddraxus: -vv, XII. 96 


= 


calvw: -εἰ, I. 55: -vovca, p. 439 (I. 77 
Blass) 

σακεσφόρος: -ov, XII. 104 

σάλπιγξ, XVII. 4: -ἔγγων, fr. 3. 9 

σᾶμα, VIII. 14, XVI. 57 

σαμαίνω: σάμαινεν, XIV. 38 

σαόφρων, XII. 186 

oamw: -εται, III. 87 

Σάρδιες, 111. 27 

σαφής: -ἢ (acc. pl.), XVI. 75 

σβέννυμι: σβέννυεν, 111. 56 

σεισίχθων : -ονος, XVII. 22: -ovt, XVI. 58 

σείω: -ων, XII. 120 

σελάνα, VIII. 29 

σέλας, XVI. 104 

Σεμέλα: -av, XVIII. 48 

*ceuvoddrerpa, II. I 

σεμνός: -G, XII. 195: -άν, XVI. 110: -οὔ, 
X. 52: -Gs, ν. 99 

σεύω: σεύοντι (3rd plur.), XVII. Io: 
ἔσσευε, V. 104: σευομενᾶν, fr. 16. 3 

σθένος, VII. 7, XVII. 40: -€t, V. 107, VIII. 37 

σιδαρόδετος: -oxs, fr. 3. 6 

Σικελία: -as, III. 1 

Σικυών, IX. 32 

Σίνις : -w, XVII. 20 

σιωπά, 111. 95 

Σκάμανδρος: -ον, XII. 165 

σκᾶπτρον, 111. 70 

Σκίρων: -ωνα, XVII. 25 

σκοπέω: -εἷῖς, 111. 74 

σκότος: -@, III. 14 

σκύφος: τ-οισιν, fr. 17. 5 

σμερδαλέος: -ἔαν, X. 56 

σοέω: σόει (impf.), XVI. 90 

σός: σόν, XII. 83, XV. 12: σᾶς, VIII. 49: 
σῶν, 45: cp. Teds 

σοφία, XIV. 31, fr. 10. 2 

σοφός, IX. 39, XI. 1, fr. 4.1: τόν, XII. 201 

Σπάρτα: -g, XIX. I 

στάδιον, VI. 7, 15: τίου, IX. 21 

στάσις, fr. 20. 2 

στείχω: -εἰ, VIII. 47: -€W, 17, XVII. 36 

στέρνον : -οισ(ι), X. 88, XVII. 53 

στέφανος: -@, VIII. 23: τοι, X. 19: -ous, 
Ep. 1. 4 (fr. 33): -wy, 1. 48, ΠΙ. 8: 
-οισ(ιν), 11. 10, IV. 16, VI. 8, VII. II, 
XII. 55, 69 

στεφανόω: ἐστεφάνωσεν, XII. 197: στεφα- 
νωσάμενον, X. 209: -μενᾶι, XII. ΟἹ 

στεφαναφόρος : -ων, XVIII. 51 (Ὁ) 

στῆθος: -έων, V. 15: -εσσι, Χ. 54 

στίλβω : -ειν, XVII. 55 

στολά: -dv, XVII. 32 : 

στορέννυμι: στόρεσεν, XII. 129 

στραταἀγέτας, XVII. 7: -av, XVI. 121 


΄ 


᾿ 


VOCABULARY. 


orpararyés: -yé, V. 2 

στρατιά: -dy, XVII. 34 

στρατός: -@, III. 27 

στρωφάω: -Grat, XII. 180 

στυγερός: -dv, V. 11: -ῶν, X. 76 

σύ, III. 92, VII. 8, XII. 67, XVI. 28 (?), 44, 
76, fr. 15. x: σέο, 11. 65: σέθεν, X. 9: 
σοί (orthot.), v. 168, X. 2, XVI. 54: 
τίν (orthot.), XVII. 14: Toe (enclit.), x. 
104, 118, XII. 79, XVI. 78, XVII. II: 
σέ (orthot.), VI. 10, VII. 2, XVI. 58: 
σε (enclit.), XVI. 29, 39, XVIII. 12, fr. 
12 


συλάω: -ὥται, fr. 3. 10 

συμπόσιον: -lwv, fr. 3. 12 

συμφορά, XIII. 3 

σύν, I. 5, Il. 10, III. 5, 6, 33, 34; 60, 96, 
Iv. 6, V. 9, 28, 52, 127, VII. 42, VIII. 
51, 85, 103, X- 23, 63, 115, 125, XII. 
66, 89, 128, 183, 202, XIV. 13, XVI. 
125, XVII. 33, 35 

συνετός: -ἅ, III. 85 

σύνευνος: -ων, p. 439 (I. 58 f. Blass) ? 

συνεχέως, V. 113 

σύνοικος: -ov, XIV. 56 

Συρακόσιος: -lavy, IV. 1: -κοσίων, V. 1 

Συράκοσσαι: -dccas, V. 184 

σῦς, V. 116: σῦν, XVII. 23 

σφάζω: σφάζε (impf.), v. 1 

σφέτερος: -ov, X. 50: -as (plur.), 111. 36 

σφῦρα: -av, XVII. 28 

σχάζω: trxacev, XVI. 121 

σχέτλιος : -ov, XVI. 19 

σῶμα, XVI. 63: -Tos, XII. 52: -7t, III. QI: 
-Ta, VIII. 38, fr. 17. x 


T 


ταινία: -ᾳ, XVI. 107 

Tadatovidas: -αν, VIII. 19 

τάλαντον, IV. 12(?), XVI. 25 

ταλαπενθής: -éa (sing.), XV. 26: -€os, V. 
157 

τάλας: -awa, XV. 30 

τάμνω: -νων, V. 17: τάμνε (impf.), XVI. 4 

Taviogupos: -ov, V. 59: τοις, III. 60 

τανίφυλλος : -ov, X. 55 ~ 

πτανύθριξ:. τανυτρίχων; fr. 3. 4 

τάπης: -nres, fr. 17. 2 

ταρφέως, XII. 86 

ταῦρος: -ovs, XV. 18 

ταὔσιος: -ov, V. 81 

ταφ-: τάφεν, XVI. 86: -ov, XVI. 48 

Taxa, V. 89 

ταχύς: -ὖν, XII. 201: -εἶαν, IX. 20: -είαις, 
v. 18: τάχιστα, Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 

ταχύτας: -Gra, VII. 

τε (θ᾽. passim (occurring about 157 times ; 
cp. δέ and xal): fivefold, XVII. 19-27: 
τε... καί, 111. 79 ff., X. gof., fr. 22. τ f.: 
τε..τε Kal, VII. 39 f.: δέ τε, XII. 129, 


515 


fr. 3. 1: placed after art. and noun, τὸν 
ὑπέρβιόν τ᾽, XVII. 19; or after prep. 
and noun, Ill. 5, σὺν ὑπερόχῳ τε, cp. 
1b. 6, 34 

τέγγω: τέγξαι, V. 157 

τέθμιος : -lov, 111. 70 (?) 

τεῖχος, X. 77: -εα, XII. 142 

τέκνον : -a, X. 102 

τέκος, VI. 13, XVIII. 22, fr. 2, x 

Τελαμών: -μῶνα, XII. 98 

τελειόω: τελειοῦσαι, 111. 26 (?) 

τέλεος: -€ous, X. 91 

τελευτά: -ds, IX. 46 

τελευταῖος : -as (gen.), VIII. 36 

τελευτάω: τελευταθεῖσα, I. 72 

Tehéw: -εῖς (fut.), 111. 82: -εἴ (fut.), xvi. 
78: -εῦν (probably fut.), v. 164: τέλεσας, 
VII. 49: τελεῖται, XVII. 30 (fut.), 45 
(pres.) 

τέλος, V. 45, X. 6 

τέμενος, X. 48, 110, XIII. 21 

reds: τεάν, IX. 13: τεᾶν, XVI. 21: cp. 
σός 

τέρας, XV. 35, XVI. 72 

τέρπω: -πον (3rd plur.), XVI. 107: -πό- 
μενος, XV. ἢ 

*repyrerns: -€is, XII. 230 

TeppiuBporos: -ων, XII. 72 

τέρψις, I. 59 

τετραέλικτος: -ov, IX. 25 (?) 

τεῦχος: -εσι, V- 72 

τεύχω: -εἰ, III, 58: τεῦχον (3rd plur.), 
X. 110 

τέχνα: -ats, X. 33, XII. 49 

τηλαυγής: -ét, XVI. 5 

τίθημι: τίθησι, IX. 50: θῆκας, 18: θῆκεν, 
1. 47: ἔθηκαν, Il. 7: θέωσιν, XVI. 118: 
θέμεν, XVI. 70: θείμαν, ν. 169 

τίκτω: -ει, IX. 46, fr. 3. τ: ἔτικτε, ΧΙΙ. 
97: τίκτε (impf.), XVIII. 50: τέκε(ν), I. 
τό, V. 119, VIII. 56, XVI. 30, 35,54 

τιμά: -G, τ. 40: -dv, I. 70 ἔ,, IX. 39, XII. 
80, XIII. 6, XVI. 69, XVIII. 7 

τιμάω: -G, XII. 183: -ῶν, X. 74: -acev, 
XII. 194 

Τιμόξενος : -ov, VIII. 102 

TiptvOios : -ov, X. 57 

Τίρυνς : -Oa, X. 71 ae 

ris (interrog.), ν. 86, 89, VIII. 53, XIV. 
47: τίνα, XVII. 31, 32: τί, IV. 18, IX. 
51, XVII. 3, 11, 15, fr. 8 

τις (enclit.), III. 21, 97, V- 5, 54, 162, 
165, 190, X. 27, XII. 84, XVII. 5, fr. 7. 
2: τινί, XVII. 2: τινά, IX. 41, 56, XII. 
46, 199, 223, XVI. 43: τί, VIII. 101, 
XVIII. 9, fr. 11. 4 

τιταίνω: -εἰ, IX. 43 

τιτύσκω: -ων, V. 49 

τλάμων, V. 153: -oves, XII. 157 (?) 

τόθεν, V. 197 

τόθι, 111. ἡ (Ὁ), 19, XVI. IOI 


[V 160 


516 


rot (particle), 1. 58, VIII. 3 (?), 22: ἢ τοι; 
XII. 79. Cp. odrou.—For ro 262, see 
under σύ 

bere ay 30: τον, p- 439 (1. 35 Blass)? 

“τοιόσδε: -ὄνδε, XIX. 3: τοιῷδε, VIII. 37 

"τοιοῦτος: -ov, V. 87 

"τοξόκλυτος, Χ. 39 

"τόξον, IX. 43 

“πόσος: -d, 111. 48: as relative, I. 37, XV. 
II 

τότε, 111. 58, V. 143, 156, VIII. 19, XV. 
23, XVIII. 31 : 

τραχύς: -ὕν, V. 82: -etay, XII. IIT 

τρέφω: -€l, 111. 92, XII. 62: Opéper, ν. 
88, VIII. 7 

Tpéw: τρέσσαν, XVI. 92 

τριέτης : -εἰ, VIII. 23 

τριόδους : -δοντα, fr. 6 2 

τρίπους : -ὁδων, 111. 18 

τρισευδαίμων, III. 10 

τρισκαίδεκα (acc.), X. 92 

Tplraros: -ᾳ, 1. 2 

τρίτος : -ov, IV. 4 

Τροιζήνιος : -la,, XVI. 58 

Τροία: -as, VIII. 46 

τροχοειδής : -éa (sing.), VIII. 32 

Tpws: -@es, XII. 133, XIV. 50: τῶν; XIV. 
42 

τυγχάνω: τεύξεται, IX. 38: τύχον (Ist 
pers.), ν. 144: τυχών, XII. 67, XVII. 
29: τυχόν, VIII. 83: -όντες, XIV. 12 

τυφλός: -ἅ, ν. 132 

τύχα, IX. 47: -av, XVI. 132: -α, Υ. 52, Χ. 
115: ταῖς, VIII. 51 

τῶ (‘therefore’), XVI. 39 

TWS, V- 31 


ks 


ὕβρις: -os, XII. 44: τιν, XVI. 41 

Ὕβρις, XIV. 59 

ὑγίεια: -elas, 1. 55 

ὑγρός: -otow, XVI. 108 

ὕδωρ, 111. 36 

υἱός, X. 15, XII. 123, XV. 28, XVI. 86, 
XVIII. 26: -é, V- 79, XII. 68, XVI. 20, 
XVII. 15: -év, II. 14, IV. 13, V- 62, 
XIX. 11 (?): υἷι, 1π|. 77 (?): vias, XII. 
100 

tha: -av, X. 93 

ὑμέτερος: -av, V. 11, 32 

buvéw: -εῦσι, X. 13: -εῖν, V. 33: -έων, 
vil. 40: ὕμνει (imper.), 111. 3: ὑμνή- 
σει, 111. 97: ὕμνησον, V. 179 

*Suvowvacoa, XI. I 

ὕμνος, VI. 11: -ov, V. 10, VIII. 78, p- 475 
(fr. of vII)?: τοι, fr. 3. 12: τοὺς, IV. 10: 
των, VIII. 83, XII. 223, XV. 4: τοισιν, 
XVIII. 8 

tat, with gen., XII. 139 

ὑπέρ: see ἢ. On XVII. 51 


VOCABULARY. 


ὑπεράφανος: -ov, XVI. 49 
ὑπέρβιος: -ov, XII. 75, XVII. 19: -€, III. 


37 
Ὑπερβόρεοι: -ἔους, III. 59 
ὑπέρθυμος : -ον, XII. 103: τῷ, VIII. 37 
ὑπέροπλος, VIII. 13 
ὑπέροχος : -ov, XVI. 68: -w, III. 5, XVIII. 


44 

ὑπέρτατος: -ov, 111. 84, Χ. 36, XVI. 79 

ὑπερφίαλος: -ov, XII. 158: τοι, X. 78: 
-ous, XIV. 62 

ὕπνος, fr. 3. 10, p. 439 (I. 50 Blass) 

ὑπό, with gen., V. 43, IX. 48, XII. 154, 
XVI. 17: with dat., 111. 17, XII. 125, 
166: with acc., XVI. 30. Cp. drat 

ὑπόκλοπος: -ov, XIV. 30 

ὑσμίνα : -av, XII. 144 

ὕστερον (adv.), IX. 53, XV- 33 

ὑφαίνω: ὕφαινε (impf.), XVI. 51: ὕφαινε 


(imper.), XVIII. 8: pave, XV. 24: 
ὑφάνας, V. 9 

ὑφαιρέω: -εἴται (midd.), VIII. 18 

*tWauxns, XII. 85 

*bYudyuia: -av, XII. 71 

*ivdaldadros: -wy, 111. 18 

*iwlderpos: -ov, IV. 4 

ὑψίζυγος, 1. 46, Χ. 3 

ὑψικέρα (fem.), -αν, XV. 22. Cp. καλ- 


λικέρα 
ὑψιμέδων, XIV. 51 
ὑψίνοος : -όου, XII. 44 
ὑψίπυλος: -ov, VIII. 46 
ὑψιφανής : -ἢ, XIII. 5 
ὑψοῦ, Vv. 18, VIII. 84: ὑψοτάτω, fr. 16. 6 


Φ 


φαεσίμβροτος : -w, XII. 128 

φαίδιμος : -ἰμοισι, XVII. 47 

φαίνω, XII. 224: φαῖνε (impf.), VIII. 31: 
φάνη, XVI. 119: ἐφάνη, fr. 2. 2 

Φάϊσκος : -ov, X. 14 

φάλαγξ: -yyas, XIV. 42 

φαμί, I. 49, ΧΙ]. 54: φασίν, V. 155: 
φάμεν (inf.), 111. 65: φάσω, I. 49, X. 
24: ἔφα, fr. 18. 2: φάτο, Vv. 84: πέ- 
para, IX. 52 

φάος, 111. 80, V. 67, XVI. 43: φάη, VIII. 
28 

φαρέτρα: -as, V. 76 

φᾶρος: -el, XVI. 5: -€a, IX. 24 

φάσγανον, X. 87, XII. 54 

φάσκειν: φάσκον (3rd plur.), X. 50 

parts, VIII. 48 

φέγγος, 111. OI, . 162 

φεν-: πέφνεν, VIII. 13: ἔπεφνεν, XVII. 17 

*pepexvdjs: -éa (sing.), XII. 182: -έϊ, 
I. 17 

Pepévixos, V. 184: τον, 37 

φερεστέφανος : -o1, XVIII. 6 

Φέρης : -nTOos, 111. 77 


VOCABULARY. 


φέριστος : «ον (neut.), V. 160 


Φερσεφόνα: -as, V. 59 

φέρτατος, XVII. 20: -ov (masc.), v. 118, 
XVI. 33: (neut.), VI. 2: -ov, XVI. 20, 
XVIII. 17 

φέρτερος: -ov (neut.), Iv. 18 


φέρω : -εἰ, 111. 95, . 134: -εἰν, fr. 32. 3: 
τῶν, III. 59, V. 185: -ovea, II. 3, XVIII. 
41: -ovTes, XII. 144: φέρον (impf.), 
XVI. 97: ἔνεγκε (imper.), XVI. 62 

φεῦ, XVI. 119 

φεύγω: -es, fr. 15, 2: φεύγετε, p. 439 
(1. 81 Blass): φεύγοντα (neut.), 1. 
φεῦγε (impf.), XVIII. 16: φεῦγον Oa 


plur.), v. 150, X. 55, 84, 94: φυγών, 
REX, 9. iS 

pha: -av, Vv. a 

Φήμα, Il. 1, IX. I 

φθέγγομαι: -ev, XVII. 12: φθέγξατο, XIV. 


4 
φθίνω: φθιμένων, ν. 83 
φθόνος, XII. 200, XV. 31: -ov, V. 188: 
τῷ, III. 68 
φθόρος: -ov, XIV. 61 
φιλάγλαος: -ov, XII. 224: τους, XVII. 60 
φιλαλάκατος ὃ p. 439 (I. 74 Blass) 
φιλάνωρ: -opt, 1. 40 
φιλέω: -εἴ, IV. 1, XII. 204 
φίλιππος : -ov, III. 69 
φιλόξεινος: -elvov, XIII. 23: 
ptrofevia: -as, 11. 16 
φίλος : -ov (masc.), 11. 14, IV. 19, V- 131: 
ταν, XVI. 109: -ν, fr. 15. 2: -ῳ, XVI. 
6g: -d, III. 47: -as (acc.), 111. 50 
φιλοστέφανος : -w, XII. 184 
φιτρός : -dv, V. 142 
φλέγω: -ovrat, fr. 3. τὸ 
Φλειοῦς : -vTa, VIII. 4 
nt ~yl, fr. 3. 4: φλόγα, III. 


re ; 
φόβος: 


τῷ, V- 49 


56, XVII. 


ἐφόβησε, X. 43 

τον, XII. 145: τῷ, V. 23 

φοιβός: -dv, XII. 139 

Φοῖβος: -ov, 111. 20 

*powlxaomis: -ἰδες, VIII. 10 

*powrxbOpé: -ότριχας, X. 105 

* powrkoxpddeuvos : -o10, X. 97: 
222 

*powikdvwros: -ων, V. 102 

φοῖνιξ : φοίνισσαν, XVII. 56 

Φοῖνιξ : -ἰκος, XVI. 31 

Φοίνισσα, XVI. 54 

φοινίσσω: φοινίξειν, XII. 165 


-olol, XII. 


φοιτάω: -ᾷ, V. 133 
φόνος : -ov, VIII. 14: τῶν, III. 52 
popéw: -εἴ, XIV. 30: -εῦντες, fr. 6. 3 


φόρμιγξ: -vyyos, XIII. 13 

φραδά: -aiot, XVIII. 17 

* ppevodpas: -ais, XVI. 118 

φρήν: φρενί, fr. 7. 3: φρένα, V. 6, XV. 7, 
XVI. 131, fr. 1. τ: φρενῶν, XVI. 22: 


517 


φρένεσσιν, XIII. 11: φρασίν, vie s29(?): 
φρένας, I. 52, X. 45, XI. 3, fr. 1 

φρονέω : -οντι, 111. 85 

φροντίς : -ἰσι, XVI. 120 

Φρύγιος: -ἰου, VII. 43 


gud: -dv, ν. 168 

φυλάσσω: -et, XII. 189: -ev (inf.), XVIII. 
25: τῶν, V. 47: -ge, III. 29 

φύλλον: -a, V. 

φυτεύω: -evoe(v), XVI. 59, 68: -σαν, 
XVIII. 35 

φύω: ἔφυ, V. 55: φῦναι, V. 160 

φωνά: -dv, X. 56 

φωνάεις: -devTa, XIV. 31 


φωνέω: φώνησεν, V. 101 

φώς: φωτός, V. 158, XVII. 19, 30: φῶτα, 
XV. 15: φῶτε, XVII. 46: φῶτες, fr. 18. 
5: φώτων, XII, 152 


x 


Χαιρόλας: -av, p. 475 (fr. of vir) 
xalra: -av, X. 28, XII. 70: -ais, XVI. 105 
χαλεπός: -dy (neut.), V. 95 
χάλκασπις: -ἰδες, X. 62 
*yadkebkpavos: -ov, V. 74 
*yadxedxTuTos: -ov, XVII. 59 
χαλκεομίτραν, XII. 109 (?) 
χάλκεος: -εᾶν, fr. 3. 9 
χαλκεόστερνος: -ov, V. 34 
xarxodaldaros: -οισιν, fr. 6. 2 
χαλκοθώραξ: -aka, XVI. 14: 
123 
χαλκόκτυπος, XIII. 16 (?) 
*xadkoxwdwv, XVII. 3 
χαλκός, XII, 51 
Ἐχαλκοτειχής: -ἔος, III. 32 
χάος: -εἰ, V. 27 
χάρις, 111. 38: χάριν, III. 07. V. 187, VIL. 
97, XIII. 19, fr. 7. 4 
Χάριτες, VIII. 1, XVIII. 6: -ίτων, I. 41, 
IX. 39: τίτεσσι, V. 9: Χάρισσιν, XIV. 


-dkwv, X. 


ae 
* yapiravupos : 
χάρμα, IX. 13 
χειμών : -ὥνος, XII. 140 
χείρ: χειρός, VIII. 35, XII. 154, XIII. 1Ο, 


τον, 11. 2 


XVI. 61: χέρα, VII. 41: χεῖρα, XII. 49, 
XVI. 11: χειρῶν, V. 82, 132, X. 36, QI, 


XVI. 45: χέρεσσι, XVII. 49: χερσίν, V 
189: χέρας, 111. 35, XII. 138, XIV. 45: 
χεῖρας, 111. 50, X. 100, XVI. 72 

χέρσος: -ov, XII. 132 

xéw: χέων, V. 15: χέον {impf.), XVI. 96 

χθών: χθονός, IV. 4, XVII. 5: χθονί, ν. 
88, X. 32: χθόνα, I. 11, VIII. 40, XVI. 
80 

τῶνα, XVII. 52: τ-ῶνι, fr. 15. 1 

χλαμύς: -ύδα, XVII. 54 

χλωραύχην: -eva, V. 172 

χόλος: -ov, V. 99, 104, 123 


χιτών: 


34—3 


518 


χολόω: χολώσατο, XVI. 50(?): -ωσαμένα, 
X. 53 

χορός: -ᾧ, XVI. 107: -όν, Epigr. 1. 2 (fr. 33): 
-ol, XIII. 14, XV. 11: -@v, XVIII. 51: 
τοῖσι, XVI. 130: -ovs, X. 112 

xpalvw: χραῖνον (3rd plur.), X. ΤΙ 

χρεῖος (‘need’), 1. 34 (ἢ) 

χρέος, VII. 43 

χρή, 111. 78, Vv. 164, 187, IX. 56, XIII. 20, 
fr, 1155 

χρηστός: -dv (masc.), IX. 51 

χρόνος, XII. 206: -ῳ, VII. 45, X. 120, 125, 
XVII. 45: -ov, I. 70, VIII. 80, fr. 21. τ, 
28 

Χρόνος: -ov, VII. 1 

χρύσαιγις: -ἰδος, fr. 11. 2 

χρυσαλάκατος, X. 38: τοι, VIII. 1 

χρυσάμπυξ: -vKos, V. 13 

χρυσάορος, 111. 28 (?) 

χρυσάρματος, XII. 194 

χρύσασπις: -ἰδος, XIX. II 

Ἐχρυσεόπλοκος, XVI. 106 

χρύσεος: -éa (nom.), XVIII. 16; (voc.), 
X. 117: -éas (gen.), V. 174; (acc.), XIV. 
4: -éa, IX. 40: -eov (masc.), XVI. 60; 
(neut.), 36: -éav, VIII. 72, XII. 61 (ἢ), 
XV. 2 (with 0): -έοις, IX. 6 (with v) 

*xpucebokamrpos: -ov, VIII. 100 

Xpucodivas, 111. 44 

χρυσόθρονος ὃ v. 1 of a small fr. numbered 
by Kenyon (p. 206) as 22, and referred 
by Blass (p. 126) to XIV. 

χρυσοκόμας, IV. 2 


VOCABULARY. 


*xypuobmraxus, V. 40 

χρυσόπεπλος, XVIII. 22 

χρυσός, 111. 17, 87, fr. 17. 1: τῷ, fr. 16.9 
τόν, 111. 65, fr. 10. 2, 27 

χρώς: χρόα, Χ, 97 

χώρα: -ᾳ, V. 80 


Ψ 


ψυχά, ν. 77, 151, 171: τᾷ, X. 48: -αἴσ(ιν), 
V. 83, 133: -ds, V. 64 


2 


ὦ, 111. 64, VI. 13, VII. 1, 48, VIII. I, 15, 
45, 102, X. 116, XII. 77. 94, 190, XIV- 
50, XVI. 15, p- 437 (I. 13 Blass) 

ὧδε, XVII. 39, fr. 18. 2 

ὠκύμορος : -ov, V. 141 

ὠκύπομπος : -ον, XVI. 

ὠκύπους: ὠκυπόδων, IV. 6 

ὠμηστάς: -ᾧ, XII. 40 

ὦμος: ὥὦμοις, XVII. 47 

ὡς, (1) ‘as,’ VIII. 27, ΧΙ]. 82 (πυρσὸν ws): 
(2) ‘when,’ v. 713; (3) ‘how,’ fr. 6. x 
(unless there the sense was ‘when’): 
(4) with inf., fr. 1. x (ὡς . . εἰπεῖν) 

ὥς, ‘thus,’ v. 84, XII. 133, XVI. 81, fr. 
16. 12 

ὡσεί, XI. I 

ὥστε, ‘as’ (ΞΞ ὧς), XII. 124 

@re, ‘as,’ XVI. 105 


519 


INDEX. 


A 


Abas, king of Argos, x. 40 

accents, use of, in the Bacchylides papy- 
rus, p. 135: noteworthy, in particular 
instances, p. 137 

accusative, cognate (ἀναδεθεῖσιν ἄνθεα), 
XII. 59f.: in apposition with sentence, 
XII. 93, XIII. 19: double (τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν 
ἄχος κραδίαν), Χ. 85 

Achaean settlements in Italy, p. 209, 
X. 113: ancestry claimed by lonians, 
p- 483 

Acusilaus, the logographer, x. 50 ff. 

adjectives, compound, peculiar to B., 
pp- 68 ff.: verbal in -ros, of 3 termina- 
tions, XII. 181: denoting the parent 
(Αλκμήνιος), V. 71: compounded with 
a noun akin in sense to the subst. 
(ἀρισταλκὲς σθένος), VII. 7 

Adrastus, VIII. 19 

Aeacidae, Pindar’s tributes to, p. 217 

Aegeus and Aethra, legend of, p. 230 

Aegina, boxers and wrestlers of, p. 212: 
festivals at, Ix. 3: the nymph, daughter 
of Asopus, VIII. 55, XII. 77: repute of 
the island for just dealing, 2d., and 
182 ff. 

aegis of Athena, XVI. 7 

Aeolian lyric poetry, p. 29 

Aeolic forms, p. 81 

Aeschylus, in Sicily, p. 9; his Actnaeae, 
i6.: lyrics of, p. 45: traces of, in the 
work of B., p. 67: treatment of Io’s 

. story, p- 235 : 

‘ Aetolian’ as=‘Elean,’ VII. 51 

Agelaus, brother of Meleager, v. 117 

Agenor, father of Cadmus, p. 235, XVIII. 


4 

Aglaia, personified, 111. 6 

Ajax, p. 206, n. 2: and Hector, XII. 105 ff. 

Alcaeus, p. 29: on Apollo’s visit to the 
Hyperboreans, p. 222, XV. 5 

Alcman, his partheneia, p. 31 


Alexandrian scholia, citations of Bacchy- 
lides in, pp. 74f.: sense of ‘dithyramb’ 

_ in Alexandrian age, p. 39 

Althaea’s brand, v. 142 ff., pp. 470f. 

Alyattes, father of Croesus, III. 40 

Amazons, the, VIII. 43 

Amphiaraus, VIII. 16 

Amphitrite, her place in the Theseus- 
myth, p. 222: XVI. III 

Amphitryon, ¢ or Zin, v. 156 

Anacreon, p. 29 

Ancaeus, of Tegea, Vv. 117 

antecedent, to be supplied in dat. (πάρεστι 
[τούτῳ], ὃς κιτ.λ.), XVIII. τ ff. 

Antenor, the Trojan, and his sons, 
pp- 219f. 

aorist partic. after εἶδε, X. 23: infin., as 
dist. from pres. infin., v. 30, 161, XVI. 
43 

Aphares, a son of Thestius, v. 129 

Apharetidae, the (Idas and Lynceus), 
Messenian heroes, p. 239 

apocope of prep., p. 84 

Apollo, bestows the gift of φιλοξενία, 1. 
40: shepherd to Admetus, III. 77: 
‘king of the Lycians,’ ΧΙ. 147 f.: 
styled Loxias, though he is acting as 
a war-god, 26.: the hunter, xv. 6 

apposition, partitive, Χ. 70 ff. 

Archemorus, VIII. 12 

Archilochus, his καλλίνικος, p. 36 

Arete, personified, x11. 176 

Argos; ἱππόβοτον, XVIII. 15 

Argus, son of Earth, XVIII. 19g, 31 

Aristaeus, cult of, p. 428 

Aroanian hills in Arcadia, Χ. 94 

Artemis, as a goddess of vegetation, v. 
98f.; of agriculture and cattle-breeding, 
X. 115 f.: dyporépa, V. 123, p. 211 
n. 1: ἡμέρα (‘the soothing’), xX. 39, 


p. 210 

Asopus, the Phliasian river, p. 205: his 
daughters and descendants, p. 206, 
Vill. 45 ff. 


520 


Atalanta, not mentioned in v. 56-175, 
P- 472 

Athena, protects Heracles, v. 92; watches 
his struggle with the Nemean lion, x11. 
44: present when Amphitrite receives 
Theseus, p. 225 : meaning of her epithet 
ὀβριμοδερκής, XV. 20: Athena Itonia, 
PETE, P45 

Athenaeus, familiar with the poems of 
Bacchylides, p. 75 

Athenians, ἁβρόβιοι, XVII. 2: 
‘Tonians,’ 16. XVI. 3 

augment, temporal, the Doric (a), XIv. 
37, XIX. 4: the Ionic (7) probably to 
be retained in x. 93, p. 80 

Azenia, a district of Arcadia, x. 55 


called 


Boeotian cups, fr. 17, p- 419 
Bologna, vase at, showing Theseus, Am- 
phitrite, and Poseidon, p. 226 
breathings, signs for in the papyrus, 
- 137 
μεδαρο: used to adorn the walls of rooms, 
III. 32 


c 


Cadmus, XVIII. 48 

Caicus, river, fr. 57, Ρ. 433 

Calliope, v. 176 

Calydon, v. 106 f. 

Carthaea, a town in Ceos, p. 5, 424 

Casas, river, X. 119 

Castalia, stream of, ITI. 20 

Cenaeum, prom. in Euboea, Xv. 14 

Ceos, position and associations of the 
island, pp. 4ff.: hills of, 1. 11: agonistic 
inscription of, p. 186: athletic victories 
won by natives of, p. 451 

Cerberus, V. 60 ff. 

Cercyon, the wrestler slain by Theseus, 
XVII. 26 

Ceyx and Heracles, fr. 18, p. 419 

Charites, the, I. 41: IV. 91: IX. 39: XVIII. 
6 


Cirrha, harbour-town of Crisa, X. 20 

Clement of Alexandria, quotes Bacchy- 
lides, p 

Clitias and Ergotimus, the vase-painters, 
Pp» 224 

Clymenus, one of the Curetes, Vv. 145 

Cnossus, more correctly spelt Cnosus, 1. 
᾿ : 

it a members of, addressed by the 
poet, XII. 190 

contraction in verbal forms, practice of 
the MS. as to, p. 84 

Coressus or Coresia, a town of Ceos, I. 
28, Ρ. 446 

coronis, use of in the MS., p. 140 


INDEX. 


cottabos, game of, fr. 13, p. 417 

crasis of καί with ε, XVI. 33 (κἀμέ), XVII. 
50 (κηὔτυκτον); with o, 111. 81 (xwrt): 
not marked by an apostrophe in the 
MS., p. 138 

Cretan sea, the, XVI. 4 

Creusa, mother of Aegeus, XVII. 15, 
p- 232 

Crisa, IV. 14 

Croesus, the story of, as told by Bacchy- 
lides, p. 195 

Crommyon, XVII. 24 

Curetes, the, v. 126 

cycle of the four ἱεροὶ ἀγῶνες, p. 184 

Cyclopes, the, X. 77 

Cypria, the epic, used by Bacchylides, 
p- 219, XIV. 46 


dactylo-epitritic metre, p. 92 

Damon, chief of the Telchines, p. 443, 
446 

Danaus, X. 74: a descendant of Io, p. 235 

dative, epic -yow in plur., XII. 135: of 
interest, a peculiar use of the, III. 94 

Day, personified as daughter of Time and 
Night, vil. 1 

Deinomenes and his family, p. 189 

Delos, and the Hyperborean legend, 
p- 196: poems of Pindar and Bacchy- 
lides for, p. 223 

Delphi, omphalos at, Iv. 4: Gelon’s and 
Hieron’s tripods at, 111. 18f., pp. 452- 
457: winter cult of Dionysus at, p. 221, 
Xv. rff.: the epithet μηλοθύτας with 
reference to, VII. 39 

Demeter and Persephone, cult of in 
Sicily, 111. 1 ff.: Demeter and Diony- 
sus, cult of at Phlius, Ὑ111. 97 ff. 

Dexithea and Minos, legend of, pp. 443 ff. 

dialect of Bacchylides, p. 79 

digamma, p. 82 

Dike and Themis, xiv. 54 f. 

Dionysus, cult of at Phlius, vi1I. 98: at 
Delphi, p. 221, Xv. 1ff. 

Dioscuri, the, fr. 17, p. 419 

dirge (θρῆνος), as treated by Simonides, 


Ρ. 40 

dithyramb, of Lasus, p. 46: of Simonides, 
pp. 39, 46: ode xvii of Bacchylides, a 
dithyramb in the form of a dialogue, 
p- 233: dithyrambs at Delphi, p. 221, 
n. 2: the new school of dithyramb, 
beginning with Melanippides, pp. 46ff.: 
a dithyramb of Philoxenus parodied by 
Aristophanes, p. 234: sense given to 
the term ‘dithyramb’ in the Alexan- 
drian age, p. 39: reference of Servius 
to the ‘dithyrambs’ of Bacchylides, 
p- 223 


INDEX. 


dithyrambic choruses at Athens, p. 234 

division of verses in the MS., p. 95 

dolphins carry Theseus to Poseidon’s 
abode, XVI. 97ff.; cp. pp. 225 and 


22 

doors of the victor’s house, songs sung at 
the, VI. 14 

Dorian choral poetry, pp. 30ff. 

Doricisms of Bacchylides, pp. 79 ff. 

drama, rise of Attic, p. 43 

dual subst. with plural adj., xvi. 46 


eagle, as an image for the poet, v. 16 ff. 

Earth, called to witness, v. 40 

Echidna, mother of Cerberus, v. 62 

Eirene, gifts of the goddess, fr. 3, p. 411 

elder-tree, the (ἀκτέα), VIII. 34 

Eleans, as judges in the Olympian games, 
X. 31 ff. 

elision of « in the dative, and in the 3rd 
plur. ending -οντι, p. 83 

Endeis, wife of Aeacus, X11. 96 

enkomion, the, created by Simonides, 
P- 33 

Eos, χρυσόπαχυς, V. 40 

Epaphus, XVIII. 42 

epic manner of Bacchylides in narrative, 
p- 58; in speeches, p. 61; in apostro- 
phizing the Muse, XIV. 47: epic and 
Ionic forms used by him, p. 81 

Epicharmus and Hieron, p. 11 

epinikion, the, developed by Simonides, 


P: 34 

epithets, use of by Bacchylides, p. 62; 
compared with Pindar’s, pp. 70 ff. 

Eriboea, one of the Athenian maidens 
with Theseus, XVI. 14, p. 224: wife of 
Telamon, XII. 102 

Eros, how conceived in the older Greek 
poetry, VIII. 73 

Erotes, the, offspring of Aphrodite, 74. 

erotica as a lyric class, p. 42 

Euboea, festivals at, Ix. 34 

Eucleia, the goddess, associated with 
Arete and Eunomia, XII. 183f. 

Eunomia, σαόφρων, X11. 186; as one of 
the three Horae, ἢ. on 182 ff.; asso- 
ciated with Dike and Themis, xIv. 
54 f. 

Euphronius, the vase-painter; his cup 
showing Theseus welcomed by Am- 
phitrite, p. 225 

Europa, XVI. 3rf. 

Eurytion, the centaur, pp. 48, 430 

Eusebius, on the date of Bacchylides, p. 2 

Euxantius, son of Minos and Dexithea, 
I. 15, Ps 44 

Evenus, king of Pleuron, p. 237, XIX. 
7, 11 


521 


festivals, cycle of the four great, p. 184: 
local, Ix. 30ff. 

foot-race, the, called ἵππιος δρόμος, ΙΧ. 
25 ἢ. 

Francois amphora, the, p. 224 

future tense, as used in κομπάσομαι, φάσω, 
etc., VII. 42: after ὄφρα, XVII. 42 


Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, pp. 8, 190; his 
tripod at Delphi, p. 452 

genitive and dative, both used with βρύειν, 
Iu. 15f.: gen. plur. corrupted into 
nomin. plur., VIII. 46, X. 120 

Georgius Syncellus, on the date of Bac- 
chylides, p. 4 : 

Giants, the, χιν. 63 

gnomic style of Bacchylides, p. 59 

gods, the, declared blameless for human 
woes, XIV. 52 


hands, the several in the papyrus, pp. 
127 ff. 

Hebe, cult of at Phlius, vil. 717. 

Hebrus, river, Xv. 5 

Hecate δᾳδοφόρος, fr. 23, p- 421 

Hemera (‘day’), personified, VII. 1 

Hemera (‘soothing’), title of Artemis, 
Ρ- 210, X. 39 

Hera, the Argive, cult of, x. 47 ff. 

Heracles, ἐρειψιπύλας, V. 56: twelve 
labours of, vill. 8: his career pro- 
phesied, during his struggle with the 
Nemean lion, X11. 44ff.: at the mar- 
riage-feast given by Ceyx, fr. 18, p. 
41 : 

Hates. various legends as to the manner 
in which he slew Argus, XVIII. 29-36 

heroes, festivals of the, in Magna Graecia, 
Pp- 32, 210 

Hesiod, v. 191 

hiatus, p. 83 

Hieron, tyrant of Syracuse, his family, 
p- 189; annals of his reign, pp. 190 ff. ; 
his priesthood, III. 1-4; styled orpara- 
γός, V. 2, p- 465; as a patron of letters, 
pp. 8ff.; his taste in poetry, v. 3-6, 
cp. p. 21; his illness, V. 53-55, Π|. 72- 
743 attitude of Pindar and of Bacchy- 
lides towards him, pp. 200 ff. 

Himera, battle of, p. 10; allusion to, 


Υ. 34 
riérice and Bacchylides, pp. 77f. 
Horae, the, XII. 182 ff. 
Hyginus, C. Julius, reputed author of 
the Poetica Astronomica; the story of 


522 


Theseus and Minos as told by him, 
p- 228 

hymeneal song in Ar. Aves, 731ff., p. 
238 


hymns, ἀποπεμπτικοί and κλητικοί, Xv. 


1-4 
Hyperboreans, the, III. 59, p. 460 
hyphen, use of in the papyrus, p. 139 
hyporchemes, p. 28: of Simonides, p. 40: 
of Bacchylides, 2ὁ., pp. 415f. 


I 


Ibycus, p. 29: XIV. 58 

Ida, Mount, v. 66, p. 433 

Idas and Marpessa, the legend of, pp. 
237 ff.. XIX. 1 ff. 

Jliad, the, points in which Bacchylides 
varies from, ν. 75f.; XII. 146: story 
of Meleager in, p. 468 

imagery of Bacchylides, p. 62 

Inachus, XVIII. 18, p. 235 

infinitive, for imperative, in prayer, X. 
103: of purpose, XV. g: after the im- 
personal éyévero, XVIII. 29: Doric form 
of, p. 81 

inscription, an agonistic, of Ceos, p. 186 

interrogative, double (ris..év ποίᾳ χθονί;), 
v. 86 ff. 

Io, the story of, as told by Aeschylus, 
p- 235: modes of conceiving the form 
into which she was changed, p. 493: 
associated with Isis, XVIII. 40, p. 494 

Ios, island of, fr. 58, Ρ. 433 

Iphiclus, a son of Thestius, Vv. 127 

Isthmian festival, the, pp. 35, 184 

Isthmus of Corinth, 11. 7 

Italy, Greek settlements in, p. 209: deri- 
vation ‘of from Αταλός may have sug- 
gested the epithet πορτιτρόφον in X. 30 

Itonia, a cult-name of Athena, p. 416 

Iulis, the chief town of Ceos, fr. 59, 


P- 433 
J 


Julian, a reader of Bacchylides, p. 73 


L 


Laocoon, fr. 51, p. 431 

Laomedon, king of Troy, XII. 142 

Lemnian fire, XVII. 55 

lightning from a clear sky, as a sign, 
XVI. 72f. 

lion, the Nemean, VIII. 6 ff. 

logaoedic metre, p. 97 

Longinus, the pseudo-, on Bacchylides, 

. 7 

Lusi, a town in Arcadia, and the spring 
(Aodcos) near it, X. 96 

Lycormas, river, XV. 34 


INDEX. 


Lycurgus, king of Nemea, Vil. 12 
Lydian cavalry, 111. 23 f. 

‘Lydian stone,’ the, fr. 10, p. 415 
Lynceus, king of Argos, x. 75 


Macelo, sister of Dexithea, p. 443 

Maia, mother of Hermes, XVIII. 25 

Malea, Cape, III. 72, p. 463 

mares as racers, III. 3 

Marpessa, p. 237, XIX. 6 

masculine adj. in a general statement, 
though referring to a woman, XVI. 44 f. 
(ἀέκοντα): masc. partic. construed κατὰ 
σύνεσιν with a fem. subst., v. 77f. 
(ψυχὰ...εἰδώς) 

Medea, XVII. 48 η. 

Melampus, not mentioned by Bacchylides 
in the story of the Proetides, p, 211 

Melanippides, dithyrambic poet, p. 46 

Meleager, legend of, pp. 4688. : his 
brothers, v. 118 

Memphis, fr. 22, p. 421: said to have 
been founded by Epaphus, XVIII. 43 n. 

Menander, trainer of athletes, p. 215, 
XII. 192 

Messenian legend of Idas, appropriated 
by Sparta, p. 240 

Metapontion, p. 209, X. 10, 116 

Micon, painting by, on a wall of the 
Theseion, p. 226 

middle forms of verbs, rare examples of, 
Ρ- 87 

Minos and the Athenian ἠΐθεοι, p. 223 


name, omen conveyed by, VI. τ (Adxwv) 

Nemea, value of, vit. 4f.: lion of, 6ff., 
X11. 46 ff. 

Nemean festival, the, pp. 35, 184 

Nike, her parentage and office, x. 1 ff. ; 
cp. Epigr. 1 (fr. 33), Ρ- 424 

Niobe, the children of, fr. 52, p. 431 


ae ο 


Oechalia in Euboea, xv. 14: the epic 
Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις, 7. 15 f., p. 223 

Oeneidae, members of the Athenian tribe 
Οἰνηΐς, ΙΧ. 18 

Oeneus, king of Calydon, v. 97 

Olympia, VI. 3 

Olympian festival, the, pp. 36, 184, cp. 
Vil. 1 ff.; instances of exception being 
taken to awards by the judges, x. 
31-36 | 

Olympus, the epithet πολύχρυσος as ap- 
plied to, X. 4 

Olympus the flute-player, p. 27 


INDEX. 


optative with εἰ, after a present indicative, 
V. 190; in a relative clause, after optat. 
with ἄν, XVI; 44 

orichalc, fr. 43, p- 427 


Pactolus, river, III. 45 

paean, p. 28: the paean of Bacchylides 
(xv1) for Delos, p. 223 

Pallas, the father of Νίκη, Epigr. I. 1 
(fr. 33), P- 424 

Pandion, son of Cecrops, XVI. 15 

papyrus of Bacchylides, the, pp. 121 ff. : 
Ptolemaic traits of, p. 125: approximate 
date of, p. 126: the scribe and the 
correctors of, pp. 127-135; the signs 
used in, pp. 135-141 

paragraphus, use of in the Ms., p. 140 

Pasiphae, wife of Minos, XVI. 50 

patronymic, forms of, in -ἰδης and -ἰάδης, 
I. 14 

Pausanias, on the story of Theseus and 
Minos as painted by Micon, p. 227: 
on the legend of the Apharetidae, 


Ρ- 240 

Peace, the gifts of, fr. 3, p. 411 

Peirithous, associated with Theseus, XVII. 
46, Ρ. 232 

Pellene in Achaia, festival at, 1x. 33 

Peloponnesus, traces of, in the poems of 
Bacchylides, p. 25 

Pelops, cult of at Olympia, v. 181, 
vil. 4f. 

pentathlon, order of contests in the, 
VIII. 32 

Periphetes, not mentioned by Bacchylides 
among the victims of Theseus, p. 232 

Persae, of Aeschylus, performed in Sicily, 
p. 10: of Timotheus, p. 48 

Persephone, the rape of, placed by 
Bacchylides in Crete, fr. 53, p. 431 

Perseus, ancestor of Heracles, x11. 48 

person, transition of second to third, 1x. 
13, 19-26; XV. 6-10 

Pheme, the goddess of rumour, 11. 1, 
Ix. 1 ff. 

Pherecrates, comic poet, his Χείρων, 


Ρ. 50 

Pherecydes, the mythographer, Χ. 50 
Pherenicus, Hieron’s race-horse, p. 198 
_Philoxenus, dithyrambic poet, pp. 47, 


234 

Phlius, p. 205: deities worshipped at, 
VUl. 69 ff., 97 ff. 

Phoenice as= Caria, fr. 60, p. 434 

Phoenix, father of Europa, XVI. 31 

Phorbas, associated with Theseus, XVII. 
46, p- 232 

Phrynichus, the lyrics of, p. 44; his 
Πλευρώνιαι, p. 470 


523 


Pieria, XV. 3 

Pindar, his supposed allusions to Bac- 
chylides, pp. 13 ff.; his temperament, 
p- 15; stamp of his genius, p. 41; 
traces of in the work of Bacchylides, 
pp. 65 ff. : his attitude towards Hieron, 
compared with that of Bacchylides, 
Ρ- 200: his verses on the power of 
wine (fr. 218), compared with the 
similar verses of Bacchylides (fr. 16), 
p- 418 

Pisa, quantity of the z in, v. 182: the 
name used as a synonym for Olympia, 74. 

Plato on the decline of lyric poetry, p. 50 

Pleisthenes, in post-Homeric genealogy 
the father of Agamemnon and Mene- 
laus, XIV. 48 

Pleuron, in Aetolia, v. 151 

plural adj. with dual subst., xvii. 46 

Plutarch, on the exile of Bacchylides, 
p- 24: his other references to the poet, 
P- 75 

Polyneices, VIII. 20 

Polypemon, XVII. 27 

Porthaon, father of Oeneus, v. 70 

Poseidon Ἵππιος, XVI. 99: Avraios, XVII. 
21: Ilerpatos, XIII. 20f., p. 217 

prayer at the end of an ode, v. 200: 
XVI. 132 

prepositions, use of by Bacchylides, pp. 
80 fi. 

Procoptes (Procrustes), XVII. 28, p. 490 

Proetides, the, and the Argive Hera, 
xX. 47 ff. 

Proetus, king of Argos, X. 40: his strife 
with his brother Acrisius, 25. 59 ff. 

pronouns, personal and possessive, forms 
of used by Bacchylides, p. 86 

Psalychidae, the Aeginetan clan of, p. 213 

punctuation in the Bacchylides papyrus, 


Ρ. 140 
Pythian festival, the, pp. 35, 184 


2 


quantity, marks of (— and ~), in the 
Bacchylides papyrus, p. 138 


refrains, in singing, p. 417 

relative clause in definitions, where ὅς τε 
el τις, or ὅτε τις, XIII. 10f. 

repetition of a word, v. 12 (κλεεννάν), 
13f. (kNewds): XVI. 59 (φύτευσεν), 68 
(φύτευσε): XVIII. 12 (φερτάταν), 17 
(Geprérou) 

Rhea, fr. 54, p. 432 

Rhyndacus, river, fr. 61, p. 434 


524 


Sappho, p. 29 

Sciron, XVII. 25 

sculptors, the earliest who made statues 
of athletes, p. 37: Pindar’s sense of the 
analogy between their tributes and his 
own, p. 38 

sea, sympathy of with its king Poseidon, 
XVI. 128 

Semele, XVIII. 48 © 

Servius, cites the ‘dithyrambs’ of Bac- 
chylides, p. 223 

shields, red, VIII. ro 

Sicily, fruitfulness of, 111. 1 

Sicyon, festival at, rx. 32 

Simonides, early life of, 5; fame of, in 
the period of the Persian wars, p. 8; 
with Hieron, p. 11: as a creator of new 
forms of lyric poetry, pp. 33f., 4of.: 
his epinikia, pp. 34-37: influence of on 
the work of Bacchylides, pp. 64f.: his 
inscription for Gelon’s tripod, pp. 454 ff. 

Sinis, XVII. 20 ' 

skolia of Pindar, p. 42 

Solon, a paraphrase of, IX. 39-45, Ρ. 479 

Sophocles, his Antenoridae, p. 220n.: 
his Zrachiniae (750ff.), xv. 15 f. 

Sparta, poetry and music at, in the 
seventh century B.C., pp. 28, 30ff.: 
protests against the corruption of lyric 
poetry, p. 52: poem of Bacchylides for 
(XIX), p. 237 

Stesichorus, epic hymns of, pp. 32, 210: 
his probable influence on Bacchylides, 
p- 33: the relation of the two poets 
respectively to the mythography of the 
vase-painters, p. 73 

Stobaeus, his quotations from Bacchy- 
lides, p. 76 

Styx, X. 9 

subjunctive after ὅς, VIII. 24 - 

swan, the, sacred to Apollo, xv. 6 

synizesis, use of by Bacchylides, p. 83 

synonym used, instead of repeating a 
word, XII. 155f. (ἡμιθέοις . . ἰσοθέων) 

Syracuse, distinction of in chariot-racing, 
v. 2 (cp. Iv. 1f.): dialectic forms of the 
name, 70. 184 


Telchines, the, pp. 188, 446 
Terpander of Lesbos, p. 27 


INDEX. 


Thaletas, p. 28 

Thargelia, the, at Athens, p. 234 

Theano, wife of Antenor, XIV. 2 

Thebes, festivals at, Ix. 30 

Themis and Dike, xIv. 54 f. 

Theognis, traces of in the work of Bac- 
chylides, v. 160ff. n., 191 ff. n., p. 64 

Thermodon, river, VIII. 43 

Theseion, painting by Micon in the, 
p- 226: sculptures of, representing feats 
of Theseus, XVII. 46 

Theseus, the ambiguous paternity of, 
p- 229: prominence of his cult at 
Athens in the poet’s day, 24.: legends 
of his earliest deeds, pp. 231f. 

Thessalian chlamys, XVII. 54 

thrones of Nereids, Muses, etc., XVI. 
124f. 

Timotheus, names of, p. 4: his Persae, 
z6.: on Achaean ancestry of Ionians, 


p. 483 

Tiryns, walls of, x. 77f. 

tmesis, p. ΟἹ 

trainers of athletes, x11. rgrf. 

transposition of verses, XVI. 62f., 1oof., 
109 f.: cp. p. 117 

tripods of Gelon and Hieron at Delphi, 
Ill. 18 f., pp. 452-457 

Troezen, p. 230, XVI. 34: spelling of the 
name, 70. 58 

Troy, walls of Laomedon’s, ΧΙ". 142: the 
war of, VIII. 45f., p. 219 


Vv 


vase-painters, relation of Bacchylides to 
the, p. 72 

verses, division of in the MS., p. 95 

vowels, long or short, before mute and 
liquid, p. 84 


= 
Xenophanes, p. 11 


zeugma, a species of, VIII. 36 (a word 
such as φαίνων to be supplied from 
προπέμπων in V. 34) 

Zeus, Εὔκλειος, 1. 6: quenches the pyre 
of Croesus, III. 55: guardian of law, 
76. 70: the Nemean, vill. 4f. 


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